第一篇：英語(yǔ)ted蓋茨老婆演講——可口可樂(lè)

One of my favorite parts of my job at the Gates Foundation is that I get to travel to the developing world, and I do that quite regularly.And when I meet the mothers in so many of these remote places, I'm really struck by the things that we have in common.They want what we want for our children, and that is for their children to grow up successful, to be healthy, and to have a successful life.But I also see lots of poverty, and it's quite jarring, both in the scale and the scope of it.My first trip in India, I was in a person's home where they had dirt floors, no running water, no electricity, and that's really what I see all over the world.So in short, I'm startled by all the things that they don't have.But I am surprised by one thing that they do have: Coca-Cola.Coke is everywhere.In fact, when I travel to the developing world, Coke feels ubiquitous.And so when I come back from these trips, and I'm thinking about development, and I'm flying home, and I'm thinking, “We're trying to deliver condoms to people or vaccinations,” you know, Coke's success kind of stops and makes you wonder: how is it that they can get Coke to these far-flung places? If they can do that, why can't governments and NGOs do the same thing? And I'm not the first person to ask this question.But I think, as a community, we still have a lot to learn.It's staggering, if you think about Coca-Cola.They sell 1.5 billion servings every single day.That's like every man, woman and child on the planet having a serving of Coke every week.So

why does this matter? Well, if we're going to speed up the progress and go even faster on the set of Millennium Development Goals that we're set as a world, we need to learn from the innovators, and those innovators come from every single sector.I feel that, if we can understand what makes something like Coca-Cola ubiquitous, we can apply those lessons then for the public good.Coke's success is relevant, because if we can analyze it, learn from it, then we can save lives.So that's why I took a bit of time to study Coke.And I think there are really three things we can take away from Coca-Cola.They take real-time data and immediately feed it back into the product.They tap into local entrepreneurial talent, and they do incredible marketing.So let's start with the data.Coke has a very clear bottom line.They report to a set of shareholders.They have to turn a profit.So they take the data, and they use it to measure progress.They have this very continuous feedback loop.They learn something, they put it back into the product, they put it back into the market.They have a whole team called “Knowledge and Insight.” It's a lot like other consumer companies.So if you're running Namibia for Coca-Cola, and you have a 107 constituencies, you know where every can versus bottle of Sprite, Fanta or Coke was sold, whether it was a corner store, a supermarket or a pushcart.So if sales start to drop, then the person can identify the problem and address the issue.Well let's contrast that for a minute to development.In development, the evaluation comes at the very end of the project.I've sat in a lot of those meetings.And by then, it is way too late to use the data.I had somebody from an NGO once describe it to me as bowling in the dark.They said, “You roll the ball, you hear some pins go down.It's dark, you can't see which one goes down until the lights come on, and then you an see your impact.” Real-time data turns on the lights.So what's the second thing that Coke's good at? They're good at tapping into that local entrepreneurial talent.Coke's been in Africa since 1928, but most of the time they couldn't reach the distant markets, because they had a system that was a lot like in the developed world, which was a large truck rolling down the street.And in Africa, the remote places, it's hard to find a good road.But Coke noticed something.They noticed that local people were taking the product, buying it in bulk and then reselling it in these hard-to-reach places.And so they took a bit of time to learn about that.And they decided in 1990 that they wanted to start training they local entrepreneurs, giving them small loans.They set them up as what they called micro-distribution centers.And those local entrepreneurs then hire sales people, who go out with bicycles and pushcarts and wheelbarrows to sell the product.There are now some 3,000 of these centers employing about 15,000 people in Africa.In Tanzania and

Uganda, they represent 90 percent of Coke's sales.Let's look at the development side.What is it that governments and NGOs can learn from Coke? Governments and NGOs need to tap into that local entrepreneurial talent as well, because the locals know how to reach the very hard-to-serve places, their neighbors, and they know what motivates them to make change.I think a great example of this is Ethiopia's new health extension program.The government noticed in Ethiopia that many of the people were so far away from a health clinic, they were over a day's travel away from a health clinic.So if you're in an emergency situation, or if you're a mom about it deliver a baby, forget it, to get to the health care center.They decided that wasn't good enough, so they went to India and studied the Indian state of Kerala that also had a system like this, and they adapted it for Ethiopia.And in 2003, the government of Ethiopia started this new system in their own country.They trained 35,000 health extension workers to deliver care directly to the people.In just five years, their ratio went from one worker for every 30,000 people to one worker for every 2,500 people.Now, think about how this can change people's lives.Health extension workers can help with so many things, whether it's family planning, prenatal care, immunizations for the children, or advising the woman to get to the facility on

time for an on-time delivery.That is having real impact in a country like Ethiopia, and it's why you see their child mortality numbers coming down 25 percent from 2000 to 2008.In Ethiopia, there are hundreds of thousands of children living because of this health extension worker program.So what's the next step for Ethiopia? Well, they're already starting talk about this.They're starting to talk about, “How do you have the health community workers generate their own ideas? How do you incent them based on the impact that they're getting out in those remote villages?” That's how you tap into local entrepreneurial talent and you unlock people's potential.The third component of Coke's success is marketing.Ultimately, Coke's success depends on one crucial fact, and that is that people want a Coca-Cola.Now the reason these micro-entrepreneurs can sell or make a profit is they have to sell every single bottle in their pushcart or their wheelbarrow.So, they rely on Coca-Cola in terms of its marketing.And what's the secret to their marketing? Well, it's aspirational.It is associates that product with a kind of life that people want to live.So even though it's a global company, they take a very local approach.Coke's global campaign slogan is “Open Happiness.” But they localize it.And they don't just guess what makes people happy, they go to places like Latin America, and they realize that happiness there is associated with family life.And in South Africa, they associate happiness with [unclear] or community respect.Now, that played itself out in the World Cup campaign.Let's listen to this song that Coke created for it, “Wavin' Flag” by a Somali hip hop artist.(Video)K'Naan: ? Oh oh oh oh oh o-oh ? ? Oh oh oh oh oh oh oh oh oh oh ? ? Oh oh oh oh oh o-oh ? ? Oh oh oh oh oh oh oh oh o-oh ? ?Give you freedom, give you fire? ? Give you reason, take you higher ? ? See the champions take the field now ? ? You define us, make us feel proud ? ? In the streets our heads are lifted ? ? As we lose our inhibition ? ? Celebration, it's around us ? ? Every nation, all around us ?

Melinda French Gates: It feels pretty good, right? Well, they didn't stop there.They localized it into 18 different languages.And it went number one on the pop chart in 17 countries.It reminds me of a song that I remember from my childhood, “I'd Like to Teach the World to Sing,” that also went number one on the pop charts.Both songs have something in common: that same appeal of celebration and unity.So how does health and development market? Well, it's based on avoidance, not aspirations.I'm sure you've heard some of these messages.“Use a condom, don't get AIDS.” “Wash you hands, you might not get diarrhea.” It doesn't sound anything like “Wavin' Flag” to me.And I think we make a fundamental mistake, we make an assumption, that we think that, if people need something, we don't have to make them want that.And I think that's a mistake.And there's some indications around the world that this is starting to change.One example is sanitation.We know that a million and a half children die a year from diarrhea, and a lot of it is because of open defecation.But there's a solution: you build a toilet.But what we're finding around the world, over and over again, is, if you build a toilet and you leave it there, it doesn't get used.People reuse it for a slab for their home.They sometimes store grain in it.I've even seen it used for a chicken coop.(Laughter)But what does marketing really entail that would make a sanitation solution get a result in diarrhea? Well, you work with the community.You start to talk to them about why open defecation is something that shouldn't be done in the village, and they agree to that.But then you take the toilet and you position it as a modern, trendy convenience.One state in Northern India has gone so far as to link toilets to courtship.And it works.Look at these headlines.(Laughter)I'm not kidding.Women are refusing to marry men without toilets.No loo, no “I do.”(Laughter)

Now, it's not just a funny headline.It's innovative.It's an innovative marketing campaign.But more importantly, it saves lives.Take a look at this.This is a room full of young men and my husband, Bill.And can you guess what the young men are waiting for? They're waiting to be circumcised.Can you you

believe that? We know that circumcision reduces HIV infection by 60 percent in men.And when we first heard this result inside the Foundation, I have to admit, Bill and I were scratching our heads a little bit, and we were saying, “But who's going to volunteer for this procedure?” But it turns out the men do, because they're hearing from their girlfriends that they prefer it, and the men also believe it improves their sex life.So if we can start to understand what people really want in health and development, we can change communities and we can change whole nations.So why is all of this so important? So let's talk about what happens when this all comes together, when you tie the three things together.And polio, I think, is one of the most powerful examples.We've seen a 99 percent reduction in polio in 20 years.So if you look back to 1988, there are about 350,000 cases of polio on the planet that year.In 2009, we're down to 1,600 cases.Well how did that happen? Let's look at a country like India.They have over a billion people in this country, but they have 35,000 local doctors who report paralysis, and clinicians, a huge reporting system in chemists.They have two and a half million vaccinators.But let me make the story a little bit more concrete for you.Let me tell you the story of Shriram, an 18 month boy in Bihar, a northern state in India.This year on August 8th, he felt paralysis, and on the 13th, his parents took him to the doctor.On August 14th and 15th, they took a stool sample, and

by the 25th of August, it was confirmed he had Type 1 polio.By August 30th, a genetic test was done, and we knew what strain of polio Shriram had.Now it could have come from one of two places.It could have come from Nepal, just to the north, across the border, or from Jharkhand, a state just to the south.Luckily, the genetic testing proved that, in fact, this strand came north, because, had it come from the south, it would have had a much wider impact in terms of transmission.So many more people would have been affected.So what's the endgame? Well on September 4th, there was a huge mop-up campaign, which is what you do in polio.They went out and, where Shriram lives, they vaccinated two million people.So in less than a month, we went from one case of paralysis to a targeted vaccination program.And I'm happy to say only one other person in that area got polio.That's how you keep a huge outbreak from spreading, and it shows what can happen when local people have the data in their hands;they can save lives.Now one of the challenges in polio, still, is marketing, but it might not be what you think.It's not the marketing on the ground.It's not telling the parents, “If you see paralysis, take your child to the doctor or get your child vaccinated.” We have a problem with marketing in the donor community.The G8 nations have been incredibly generous on polio over the last 20 years, but we're

starting to have something called polio fatigue, and that is that the donor nations aren't willing to fund polio any longer.So by next summer, we're sighted to run out of money on polio.So we are 99 percent of the way there on this goal, and we're about to run short of money.And I think that if the marketing were more aspirational, if we could focus as a community on how far we've come and how amazing it would be to eradicate this disease, we could put polio fatigue and polio behind us.And if we could do that, we could stop vaccinating everybody, worldwide, in all of our countries for polio.And it would only be the second disease ever wiped off the face of the planet.And we are so close.And this victory is so possible.So if Coke's marketers came to me and asked me to define happiness, I'd say my vision of happiness is a mother holding healthy baby in her arms.To me, that is deep happiness.And so if we can learn lessons from the innovators in every sector, then in the future we make together, that happiness can be just as ubiquitous as Coca-Cola.Thank you.(Applause)

第二篇：TED演講_從可口可樂(lè)中學(xué)生意經(jīng) 中英對(duì)照翻譯

從可口可樂(lè)學(xué)生意經(jīng)

One of my favorite parts of my job at the Gates Foundation is that I get to travel to the developing world, and I do that quite regularly.And when I meet the mothers in so many of these remote places, I'm really struck by the things that we have in common.They want what we want for our children and that is for their children to grow up successful, to be healthy, and to have a successful life.But I also see lots of poverty, and it's quite jarring, both in the scale and the scope of it.My first trip in India, I was in a person's home where they had dirt floors, no running water, no electricity, and that's really what I see all over the world.So in short, I'm startled by all the things that they don't have.But I am surprised by one thing that they do have: Coca-Cola.Coke is everywhere.In fact, when I travel to the developing world, Coke feels ubiquitous.And so when I come back from these trips, and I'm thinking about development, and I'm flying home and I'm thinking, “We're trying to deliver condoms to people or vaccinations,” you know, Coke's success kind of stops and makes you wonder: how is it that they can get Coke to these far-flung places? If they can do that, why can't governments and NGOs do the same thing? And I'm not the first person to ask this question.But I think, as a community, we still have a lot to learn.It's staggering, if you think about Coca-Cola.They sell 1.5 billion servings every single day.That's like every man, woman and child on the planet having a serving of Coke every week.So why does this matter? Well, if we're going to speed up the progress and go even faster on the set of Millennium Development Goals that we're set as a world, we need to learn from the innovators, and those innovators come from every single sector.I feel that, if we can understand what makes something like Coca-Cola ubiquitous, we can apply those lessons then for the public good.Coke's success is relevant, because if we can analyze it, learn from it, then we can save lives.So that's why I took a bit of time to study Coke.And I think there are really three things we can take away from Coca-Cola.They take real-time data and immediately feed it back into the product.They tap into local entrepreneurial talent, and they do incredible marketing.So let's start with the data.Now Coke has a very clear bottom line--they report to a set of shareholders, they have to turn a profit.So they take the data, and they use it to measure progress.They have this very continuous feedback loop.They learn something, they put it back into the product, they put it back into the market.They have a whole team called “Knowledge and Insight.” It's a lot like other consumer companies.So if you're running Namibia for Coca-Cola, and you have a 107 constituencies, you know where every can versus bottle of Sprite, Fanta or Coke was sold, whether it was a corner store, a supermarket or a pushcart.So if sales start to drop, then the person can identify the problem and address the issue.Let's contrast that for a minute to development.In development, the evaluation comes at the very end of the project.I've sat in a lot of those meetings, and by then, it is way too late to use the data.I had somebody from an NGO once describe it to me as bowling in the dark.They said, “You roll the ball, you hear some pins go down.It's dark, you can't see which one goes down until the lights come on, and then you an see your impact.” Real-time data turns on the lights.So what's the second thing that Coke's good at? They're good at tapping into that local entrepreneurial talent.Coke's been in Africa since 1928, but most of the time they couldn't reach the distant markets, because they had a system that was a lot like in the developed world, which was a large truck rolling down the street.And in Africa, the remote places, it's hard to find a good road.But Coke noticed something--they noticed that local people were taking the product, buying it in bulk and then reselling it in these hard-to-reach places.And so they took a bit of time to learn about that.And they decided in 1990 that they wanted to start training the local entrepreneurs, giving them small loans.They set them up as what they called micro-distribution centers, and those local entrepreneurs then hire sales people, who go out with bicycles and pushcarts and wheelbarrows to sell the product.There are now some 3,000 of these centers employing about 15,000 people in Africa.In Tanzania and Uganda, they represent 90 percent of Coke's sales.Let's look at the development side.What is it that governments and NGOs can learn from Coke? Governments and NGOs need to tap into that local entrepreneurial talent as well, because the locals know how to reach the very hard-to-serve places, their neighbors, and they know what motivates them to make change.I think a great example of this is Ethiopia's new health extension program.The government noticed in Ethiopia that many of the people were so far away from a health clinic, they were over a day's travel away from a health clinic.So if you're in an emergency situation--or if you're a mom about to deliver a baby--forget it, to get to the health care center.They decided that wasn't good enough, so they went to India and studied the Indian state of Kerala that also had a system like this, and they adapted it for Ethiopia.And in 2003, the government of Ethiopia started this new system in their own country.They trained 35,000 health extension workers to deliver care directly to the people.In just five years, their ratio went from one worker for every 30,000 people to one worker for every 2,500 people.Now, think about how this can change people's lives.Health extension workers can help with so many things, whether it's family planning, prenatal care, immunizations for the children, or advising the woman to get to the facility on time for an on-time delivery.That is having real impact in a country like Ethiopia, and it's why you see their child mortality numbers coming down 25 percent from 2000 to 2008.In Ethiopia, there are hundreds of thousands of children living because of this health extension worker program.So what's the next step for Ethiopia? Well, they're already starting talk about this.They're starting to talk about, “How do you have the health community workers generate their own ideas? How do you incent them based on the impact that they're getting out in those remote villages?” That's how you tap into local entrepreneurial talent and you unlock people's potential.The third component of Coke's success is marketing.Ultimately, Coke's success depends on one crucial fact and that is that people want a Coca-Cola.Now the reason these micro-entrepreneurs can sell or make a profit is they have to sell every single bottle in their pushcart or their wheelbarrow.So, they rely on Coca-Cola in terms of its marketing, and what's the secret to their marketing? Well, it's aspirational.It is associated that product with a kind of life that people want to live.So even though it's a global company, they take a very local approach.Coke's global campaign slogan is “Open Happiness.” But they localize it.And they don't just guess what makes people happy;they go to places like Latin America and they realize that happiness there is associated with family life.And in South Africa, they associate happiness with seriti or community respect.Now, that played itself out in the World Cup campaign.Let's listen to this song that Coke created for it, “Wavin' Flag” by a Somali hip hop artist.(Video)K'Naan: Oh oh oh oh oh o-oh Oh oh oh oh oh oh oh oh oh oh Oh oh oh oh oh o-oh Oh oh oh oh oh oh oh oh o-oh Give you freedom, give you fire Give you reason, take you higher See the champions take the field now You define us, make us feel proud In the streets our heads are lifted As we lose our inhibition Celebration, it's around us Every nation, all around us

Melinda French Gates: It feels pretty good, right? Well, they didn't stop there--they localized it into 18 different languages.And it went number one on the pop chart in 17 countries.It reminds me of a song that I remember from my childhood, “I'd Like to Teach the World to Sing,” that also went number one on the pop charts.Both songs have something in common: that same appeal of celebration and unity.So how does health and development market? Well, it's based on avoidance, not aspirations.I'm sure you've heard some of these messages.“Use a condom, don't get AIDS.” “Wash you hands, you might not get diarrhea.” It doesn't sound anything like “Waving' Flag” to me.And I think we make a fundamental mistake--we make an assumption, that we think that, if people need something, we don't have to make them want that.And I think that's a mistake.And there's some indications around the world that this is starting to change.One example is sanitation.We know that a million and a half children die a year from diarrhea and a lot of it is because of open defecation.But there's a solution: you build a toilet.But what we're finding around the world, over and over again, is, if you build a toilet and you leave it there, it doesn't get used.People reuse it for a slab for their home.They sometimes store grain in it.I've even seen it used for a chicken coop.(Laughter)But what does marketing really entail that would make a sanitation solution get a result in diarrhea? Well, you work with the community.You start to talk to them about why open defecation is something that shouldn't be done in the village, and they agree to that.But then you take the toilet and you position it as a modern, trendy convenience.One state in Northern India has gone so far as to link toilets to courtship.And it works--look at these headlines.(Laughter)I'm not kidding.Women are refusing to marry men without toilets.No loo, no “I do.”

(Laughter)

Now, it's not just a funny headline--it's innovative.It's an innovative marketing campaign.But more importantly, it saves lives.Take a look at this--this is a room full of young men and my husband, Bill.And can you guess what the young men are waiting for? They're waiting to be circumcised.Can you you believe that? We know that circumcision reduces HIV infection by 60 percent in men.And when we first heard this result inside the Foundation, I have to admit, Bill and I were scratching our heads a little bit and we were saying, “But who's going to volunteer for this procedure?” But it turns out the men do, because they're hearing from their girlfriends that they prefer it, and the men also believe it improves their sex life.So if we can start to understand what people really want in health and development, we can change communities and we can change whole nations.Well, why is all of this so important? So let's talk about what happens when this all comes together, when you tie the three things together.And polio, I think, is one of the most powerful examples.We've seen a 99 percent reduction in polio in 20 years.So if you look back to 1988, there are about 350,000 cases of polio on the planet that year.In 2009, we're down to 1,600 cases.Well how did that happen? Let's look at a country like India.They have over a billion people in this country, but they have 35,000 local doctors who report paralysis, and clinicians, a huge reporting system in chemists.They have two and a half million vaccinators.But let me make the story a little bit more concrete for you.Let me tell you the story of Shriram, an 18 month boy in Bihar, a northern state in India.This year on August 8th, he felt paralysis and on the 13th, his parents took him to the doctor.On August 14th and 15th, they took a stool sample, and by the 25th of August, it was confirmed he had Type 1 polio.By August 30th, a genetic test was done, and we knew what strain of polio Shriram had.Now it could have come from one of two places.It could have come from Nepal, just to the north, across the border, or from Jharkhand, a state just to the south.Luckily, the genetic testing proved that, in fact, this strand came north, because, had it come from the south, it would have had a much wider impact in terms of transmission.So many more people would have been affected.So what's the endgame? Well on September 4th, there was a huge mop-up campaign, which is what you do in polio.They went out and where Shriram lives, they vaccinated two million people.So in less than a month, we went from one case of paralysis to a targeted vaccination program.And I'm happy to say only one other person in that area got polio.That's how you keep a huge outbreak from spreading, and it shows what can happen when local people have the data in their hands;they can save lives.Now one of the challenges in polio, still, is marketing, but it might not be what you think.It's not the marketing on the ground.It's not telling the parents, “If you see paralysis, take your child to the doctor or get your child vaccinated.” We have a problem with marketing in the donor community.The G8 nations have been incredibly generous on polio over the last 20 years, but we're starting to have something called polio fatigue and that is that the donor nations aren't willing to fund polio any longer.So by next summer, we're sighted to run out of money on polio.So we are 99 percent of the way there on this goal and we're about to run short of money.And I think that if the marketing were more aspirational, if we could focus as a community on how far we've come and how amazing it would be to eradicate this disease, we could put polio fatigue and polio behind us.And if we could do that, we could stop vaccinating everybody, worldwide, in all of our countries for polio.And it would only be the second disease ever wiped off the face of the planet.And we are so close.And this victory is so possible.So if Coke's marketers came to me and asked me to define happiness, I'd say my vision of happiness is a mother holding healthy baby in her arms.To me, that is deep happiness.And so if we can learn lessons from the innovators in every sector, then in the future we make together, that happiness can be just as ubiquitous as Coca-Cola.Thank you.譯文

我最喜歡的一個(gè)部分在蓋茨基金會(huì)是我的工作,我前往發(fā)展中國(guó)家,經(jīng)常和我這樣做。當(dāng)我滿足這些遠(yuǎn)程的母親在很多地方,我真的很震驚的事情我們有共同之處。他們想要什么是我們想要我們的孩子,為孩子成長(zhǎng)成功,健康,成功的人生。但我也看到很多貧困,很刺耳,在它的規(guī)模和范圍。我第一次在印度,我在一個(gè)人的家,他們有泥土地板,沒(méi)有自來(lái)水,沒(méi)有電,這真的是我所看到的世界各地。所以簡(jiǎn)而言之,我嚇的他們沒(méi)有的東西。但我感到驚訝,他們做的一件事:可口可樂(lè)。

可口可樂(lè)無(wú)處不在。事實(shí)上,當(dāng)我前往發(fā)展中國(guó)家,可口可樂(lè)的感覺(jué)無(wú)處不在。從這些旅行,所以當(dāng)我回來(lái),我想發(fā)展,和我飛回家,我在想,“我們?cè)噲D給人們提供避孕套或接種疫苗,”你知道,可口可樂(lè)成功的停止,讓你疑惑:為什么他們可以讓可口可樂(lè)這遙遠(yuǎn)的地方?如果他們能做到這一點(diǎn),政府和非政府組織為什么不能做同樣的事情嗎?我不是第一個(gè)問(wèn)這個(gè)問(wèn)題的人。但我認(rèn)為,作為一個(gè)社區(qū),我們還有很多東西要學(xué)。這是驚人的,如果你覺(jué)得可口可樂(lè)。他們每一天賣出15億份。這就像每一個(gè)男人、女人和兒童在這個(gè)星球上每星期吃一份可口可樂(lè)的。那么為什么這件事呢?好吧,如果我們要加快進(jìn)度,更快的千禧年發(fā)展目標(biāo),我們?cè)O(shè)置為一個(gè)世界,我們需要學(xué)習(xí)的創(chuàng)新者,這些創(chuàng)新者來(lái)自每一個(gè)部門。我覺(jué)得,如果我們能理解是什么讓類似可口可樂(lè)無(wú)處不在,我們可以運(yùn)用這些經(jīng)驗(yàn)教訓(xùn)然后為公益。

可口可樂(lè)的成功是相關(guān)的,因?yàn)槿绻覀兛梢苑治鏊?學(xué)習(xí)它,然后我們可以拯救生命。所以這就是為什么我花了一些時(shí)間來(lái)研究可口可樂(lè)。我認(rèn)為有三件事我們可以從可口可樂(lè)帶走。他們立即采取實(shí)時(shí)數(shù)據(jù)和充入的產(chǎn)品。他們利用當(dāng)?shù)氐膭?chuàng)業(yè)人才,做難以置信的營(yíng)銷。所以讓我們從數(shù)據(jù)開(kāi)始?，F(xiàn)在可口可樂(lè)公司有一個(gè)很清晰的底線——他們報(bào)告一組股東,他們必須盈利。所以他們的數(shù)據(jù),他們用它來(lái)衡量進(jìn)展。這一持續(xù)的反饋回路。他們學(xué)習(xí)一些東西,他們把它回產(chǎn)品,他們把它回市場(chǎng)。他們有整個(gè)團(tuán)隊(duì)稱為“知識(shí)和洞察力?！斑@是一個(gè)很多像其他消費(fèi)品公司。所以如果你運(yùn)行納米比亞可口可樂(lè),你有107個(gè)選區(qū),你知道每一個(gè)可以與一瓶雪碧,芬達(dá),可口可樂(lè)被出售,是否一個(gè)角落商店,超市或手推車。所以如果銷售開(kāi)始下降,那么人可以識(shí)別問(wèn)題和解決這個(gè)問(wèn)題。

讓我們對(duì)比一下發(fā)展。在發(fā)展中,評(píng)價(jià)是在項(xiàng)目的最后階段。我坐在了很多的會(huì)議,到那時(shí),來(lái)不及使用數(shù)據(jù)的方式。我已經(jīng)有人從一個(gè)非政府組織曾經(jīng)對(duì)我描述它在黑暗中打保齡球。他們說(shuō),“你滾球,你聽(tīng)到一些針下去。黑暗,你看不見(jiàn)哪一個(gè)下降直到燈都亮了,然后你看你的影響。“實(shí)時(shí)數(shù)據(jù)打開(kāi)燈。

所以可口可樂(lè)的擅長(zhǎng)的第二件事是什么嗎?他們擅長(zhǎng)利用當(dāng)?shù)氐膭?chuàng)業(yè)人才?？煽诳蓸?lè)1928年在非洲,但大多數(shù)時(shí)候他們不能到達(dá)遙遠(yuǎn)的市場(chǎng),因?yàn)樗麄冇幸粋€(gè)系統(tǒng),很像在發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家,這是一輛大卡車奔馳在大街上。在非洲,遙遠(yuǎn)的地方,很難找到一個(gè)好的道路。但是可口可樂(lè)發(fā)現(xiàn)了一些——他們發(fā)現(xiàn)當(dāng)?shù)厝藗儾扇‘a(chǎn)品,批量購(gòu)買它,然后轉(zhuǎn)售它在這些更難以達(dá)到的地區(qū)。于是他們花了一些時(shí)間去了解。在1990年,他們決定,他們想要開(kāi)始訓(xùn)練當(dāng)?shù)氐钠髽I(yè)家,提供小額貸款。他們?cè)O(shè)立所謂micro-distribution中心,和那些當(dāng)?shù)氐钠髽I(yè)家雇傭銷售人員,和自行車、手推車和手推車賣出去的產(chǎn)品。現(xiàn)在有大約3000名在非洲這些中心雇傭大約15000人。在坦桑尼亞和烏干達(dá),他們代表可口可樂(lè)的銷量的90%。讓我們看看發(fā)展的一面。

這是什么,政府和非政府組織可以從可口可樂(lè)嗎?政府和非政府組織需要利用當(dāng)?shù)貏?chuàng)業(yè)人才,因?yàn)楫?dāng)?shù)厝酥廊绾芜_(dá)到hard-to-serve的地方,他們的鄰居,他們知道是什么激勵(lì)著他們改變。我認(rèn)為一個(gè)偉大的例子是埃塞俄比亞的新健康擴(kuò)展計(jì)劃。在埃塞俄比亞政府注意到,許多人因此遠(yuǎn)離健康診所,他們?cè)谝惶斓穆眯袕囊粋€(gè)健康診所。所以如果你在緊急情況下,或者如果你是一個(gè)媽媽接生,忘記它,去醫(yī)療中心。他們認(rèn)為不夠好,所以他們?nèi)チ擞《?研究了印度喀拉拉邦的,也有一個(gè)這樣的系統(tǒng),他們搬到埃塞俄比亞。2003年,埃塞俄比亞政府在自己的國(guó)家開(kāi)始這個(gè)新的系統(tǒng)。他們培訓(xùn)了35000名健康推廣人員提供直接護(hù)理的人。在短短五年內(nèi),他們的比例從每30000人一名工人為每2500人一名工人。

現(xiàn)在,思考如何改變?nèi)藗兊纳?。健康推廣人員可以幫助解決很多事情,無(wú)論是計(jì)劃生育、產(chǎn)前保健、兒童免疫接種,或建議女人去工廠準(zhǔn)時(shí)準(zhǔn)時(shí)交貨。在埃塞俄比亞這樣的國(guó)家產(chǎn)生真正的影響,這就是為什么你看到他們的兒童死亡率從2000年到2000年數(shù)字下降25%。在埃塞俄比亞,有成千上萬(wàn)的兒童健康生活因?yàn)檫@個(gè)擴(kuò)展工計(jì)劃。那么埃塞俄比亞的下一步是什么呢?嗯,他們已經(jīng)開(kāi)始談?wù)撨@個(gè)。他們開(kāi)始談?wù)?“你有健康社區(qū)工作者產(chǎn)生自己的想法?你如何激勵(lì)他們基于影響在那些偏遠(yuǎn)村莊里走出來(lái)?“這是你如何利用當(dāng)?shù)貏?chuàng)業(yè)人才和你解開(kāi)人們的潛力?？煽诳蓸?lè)的成功營(yíng)銷的第三個(gè)組成部分。最終,可口可樂(lè)的成功取決于一個(gè)關(guān)鍵事實(shí),那就是,人們想要一個(gè)可口可樂(lè)?，F(xiàn)在,這些企業(yè)家們可以出售或盈利的原因是他們必須在他們的手推車和手推車銷售每一個(gè)瓶子。所以,他們依靠可口可樂(lè)的營(yíng)銷,和他們的營(yíng)銷的秘訣是什么?嗯,這是夢(mèng)寐以求的。是相關(guān)聯(lián)的產(chǎn)品,人們想要一種生活。所以即使它是一家全球性公司,他們非常局部的方法?？煽诳蓸?lè)的全球運(yùn)動(dòng)的口號(hào)是“開(kāi)放的幸福。“但他們本地化。,他們不只是想讓人們高興,他們?nèi)ダ∶乐薜鹊?他們意識(shí)到,幸福與家庭生活。在南非,他們將幸福與seriti或社區(qū)的尊重。現(xiàn)在,在世界杯。讓我們聽(tīng)這首歌,可口可樂(lè),創(chuàng)建“Wavin國(guó)旗”索馬里嘻哈歌手。

梅林達(dá)法國(guó)蓋茨:感覺(jué)很好,對(duì)嗎?嗯,他們沒(méi)有停止,他們本地化成18種不同的語(yǔ)言。它就在17個(gè)國(guó)家流行的圖表。這讓我想起一首歌,我記得從我的童年,“我想世界教唱歌,”,也在流行音樂(lè)排行榜第一。這兩首歌有一些共同點(diǎn):同樣的慶?；顒?dòng)的吸引力和團(tuán)結(jié)。所以健康和發(fā)展市場(chǎng)如何?嗯,這是基于避免,不是愿望。我相信你聽(tīng)說(shuō)過(guò)其中的一些消息?！笆褂冒踩?不要得了艾滋病?！薄跋茨愕氖?你可能不會(huì)腹瀉?！斑@聽(tīng)起來(lái)不像向我揮舞的旗幟”。

我認(rèn)為我們一個(gè)基本的錯(cuò)誤,我們做一個(gè)假設(shè),我們認(rèn)為,如果人們需要什么,我們不需要讓他們希望這樣。我認(rèn)為這是一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤。和世界各地的有一些跡象表明,這是開(kāi)始改變。一個(gè)例子是衛(wèi)生設(shè)施。我們知道每年一百萬(wàn)零一兒童死于腹瀉和很多因?yàn)榕疟?。但是有一個(gè)解決方案:構(gòu)建一個(gè)廁所。但是我們發(fā)現(xiàn)在世界各地,一遍又一遍，如果你建立一個(gè)廁所,你離開(kāi)那里,它不習(xí)慣。人們重用為一塊他們的家。他們有時(shí)存儲(chǔ)糧食。我甚至看到它用于一個(gè)雞籠。(笑聲)但是營(yíng)銷的真正需要,使衛(wèi)生解決方案會(huì)導(dǎo)致腹瀉嗎?嗯,你工作與社區(qū)。你開(kāi)始跟他們說(shuō)為什么排便村里是不應(yīng)該做的,他們同意。然后你把廁所和你位置它作為一個(gè)現(xiàn)代的、時(shí)尚的方便。在印度北部一個(gè)州已經(jīng)就將廁所求愛(ài)。和它的工作原理,看看這些標(biāo)題。(笑聲)我不是在開(kāi)玩笑。女人拒絕結(jié)婚的男人沒(méi)有廁所。沒(méi)有廁所,沒(méi)有“我”。

(笑聲)

現(xiàn)在,它不僅是一個(gè)有趣的標(biāo)題——它的創(chuàng)新。這是一個(gè)創(chuàng)新的營(yíng)銷活動(dòng)。但更重要的是,它可以拯救生命?？纯催@個(gè),這是一屋子的年輕男人和我的丈夫,比爾。你能猜猜年輕人正在等待什么?他們等著受割禮。你能相信嗎?我們知道,包皮環(huán)切可以降低男性感染艾滋病毒的60%。里,當(dāng)我們第一次聽(tīng)到這個(gè)結(jié)果基礎(chǔ)上,我不得不承認(rèn),比爾和我是抓我們的頭一點(diǎn),我們說(shuō),“但志愿參加這個(gè)過(guò)程是誰(shuí)?“但事實(shí)證明男人,因?yàn)樗麄兟?tīng)到他們的女朋友,他們喜歡它,和男人還認(rèn)為它能改善性生活。所以如果我們可以開(kāi)始了解人們真正想要的健康和發(fā)展,我們可以改變社區(qū),我們可以改變整個(gè)國(guó)家。

所有這一切為何如此重要?讓我們談?wù)摦?dāng)這一切在一起時(shí),會(huì)發(fā)生什么當(dāng)你三件事聯(lián)系起來(lái)。和小兒麻痹癥,我認(rèn)為,是最強(qiáng)大的一個(gè)例子。我們看到脊髓灰質(zhì)炎在20年內(nèi)減少了99%。所以如果你回顧1988年,地球上大約有350000例脊髓灰質(zhì)炎。2009年,我們到1600例。這是怎么發(fā)生的?讓我們看看一個(gè)像印度這樣的國(guó)家。他們有超過(guò)十億人在這個(gè)國(guó)家,但他們有35000當(dāng)?shù)蒯t(yī)生報(bào)告癱瘓,化學(xué)家和臨床醫(yī)生,一個(gè)龐大的報(bào)告系統(tǒng)。他們有兩個(gè)半萬(wàn)員。但讓我使這個(gè)故事更具體一點(diǎn)。讓我告訴你的故事Shriram,比哈爾邦的18個(gè)月的男孩,在印度北部的國(guó)家。今年8月8日,他感到麻痹和13日,他的父母帶他去看醫(yī)生。8月14日和15日,他們把糞便樣本,8月25日,這是他確認(rèn)1型脊髓灰質(zhì)炎。在8月30日,一個(gè)基因測(cè)試完成,我們知道的脊髓灰質(zhì)炎Shriram。

現(xiàn)在,它可能來(lái)自兩個(gè)地方之一。它可能來(lái)自尼泊爾,北方邊境,或者從恰爾肯德邦,韓國(guó)。幸運(yùn)的是,基因檢測(cè)證明,事實(shí)上,這一股北方,因?yàn)?如果它來(lái)自南方,這將影響更廣泛的傳播。所以更多的人會(huì)受到影響。所以結(jié)局是什么?9月4日,有一個(gè)大掃蕩行動(dòng),這正是你在小兒麻痹癥。他們出去,Shriram住在哪里,他們二百萬(wàn)人接種疫苗。所以在不到一個(gè)月的時(shí)間,我們就從一個(gè)癱瘓的情況下有針對(duì)性的疫苗接種計(jì)劃。和我很高興地說(shuō)只有一個(gè)人在那個(gè)地區(qū)有小兒麻痹癥。這是你如何保持巨大的疫情的蔓延,會(huì)發(fā)生什么,它顯示了當(dāng)?shù)厝嗣竦臄?shù)據(jù)在他們手中;他們可以拯救生命。

現(xiàn)在在小兒麻痹癥的一個(gè)挑戰(zhàn),不過(guò),是營(yíng)銷,但它可能不是你的想法。這不是營(yíng)銷在地上。不告訴父母,“如果你看到癱瘓,帶你的孩子去看醫(yī)生或者你的孩子接種疫苗。“我們有一個(gè)問(wèn)題在捐助社會(huì)營(yíng)銷。八國(guó)集團(tuán)國(guó)家非常慷慨的脊髓灰質(zhì)炎在過(guò)去的20年,但我們開(kāi)始有所謂的疲勞,是脊髓灰質(zhì)炎捐助國(guó)再也不愿意資助脊髓灰質(zhì)炎。明年夏天,我們看到錢用光了小兒麻痹癥。所以我們99%的方式在這一目標(biāo),我們?nèi)卞X。而且我認(rèn)為,如果營(yíng)銷更有抱負(fù)的,如果我們能作為一個(gè)社區(qū),關(guān)注我們已經(jīng)走了多遠(yuǎn),這是多么驚人的根除這一疾病,我們可以使脊髓灰質(zhì)炎疲勞和小兒麻痹癥。如果我們能做到這一點(diǎn),我們可以停止給每個(gè)人接種疫苗,在世界范圍內(nèi),在我們所有的脊髓灰質(zhì)炎的國(guó)家。也只會(huì)是第二個(gè)疾病的擦過(guò)地球。我們?nèi)绱私咏?。這很可能勝利。

所以如果可口可樂(lè)的營(yíng)銷人員來(lái)找我,讓我來(lái)定義幸福,我想說(shuō)我的幸福就是一位母親抱著健康的孩子在懷里。對(duì)我來(lái)說(shuō),這是幸福深。所以如果我們能從中吸取教訓(xùn)創(chuàng)新者在每一個(gè)部門,那么將來(lái)我們?cè)谝黄?幸?？梢院涂煽诳蓸?lè)一樣無(wú)處不在。

第三篇：ted演講

Ali Carr-Chellman 談?dòng)糜螒蜃屇猩厥皩W(xué)習(xí)興趣 關(guān)于這場(chǎng)演講

在這場(chǎng) TEDxPSU 演講中，Ali Carr-Chellman 精準(zhǔn)地指出三條理由，說(shuō)明為何男生會(huì)成群陸續(xù)地和學(xué)校漸行漸遠(yuǎn)，定出讓他們“重新回頭”的大膽計(jì)劃，即將他們的文化“接到”教室來(lái)，新規(guī)則包括讓他們盡顯男孩特性，并設(shè)置寓教于樂(lè)的電玩。

關(guān)于 Ali Carr-Chellman

Ali Carr-Chellman 是位教學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)師與作者，她研究最有效的教育方法并期在學(xué)校帶出改變。

為何要聽(tīng)她演講：

曾是位三年級(jí)教師，Ali Carr-Chellman 了解到傳統(tǒng)的小學(xué)教室不理想，部分原因是她不滿傳統(tǒng)學(xué)校缺乏創(chuàng)意、靈活性且不愿改變。她現(xiàn)在是位教學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)師、作者及教育者，致力于研究如何在校園中制造改變與創(chuàng)意，讓教育更有效的推行到更多孩子身上。她在美國(guó)賓夕法尼亞州立大學(xué)教育學(xué)院中任教，主要指導(dǎo)博士生研究幫忙催生下一代教員，讓后者都能身懷具創(chuàng)意的研究點(diǎn)子與教法的絕技。Carr-Chellman 也負(fù)責(zé)教授在線課程，重點(diǎn)放在幫助實(shí)習(xí)教師學(xué)習(xí)如何改善自己的教學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)實(shí)作及教室環(huán)境。

她最近的研究項(xiàng)目包括“找回男孩”，研究利用電玩讓男生重回小學(xué)課程的方法。其它項(xiàng)目包括邀囚犯及游民思考如何改革校園，并將這些“新”聲音帶到?jīng)Q策者的耳邊。

“哇噢！這真了不起，我在學(xué)校學(xué)3D動(dòng)畫／打電玩，這是我人生中唯一感到自在且在行的事，我甚至感到自己很聰明！我們學(xué)校有多棒是永遠(yuǎn)講不完的，發(fā)現(xiàn)自己對(duì)某事在行的感覺(jué)真美好”。

傻瓜 23 在 YouTube 上的留言

Ali Carr-Chellman 的英語(yǔ)網(wǎng)上資料

首頁(yè)： ed.psu.edu

[TED科技?娛樂(lè)?設(shè)計(jì)]

已有中譯字幕的TED影片目錄（繁體）（簡(jiǎn)體）。請(qǐng)注意繁簡(jiǎn)目錄是不一樣的。

「翻譯編輯：myoops.org」

我在此告訴各位，我們接觸男生的方式不正確，而這對(duì)男生們是個(gè)嚴(yán)重的問(wèn)題，他們的文化未融入校園，我要與各位分享我們可以思考的克服之道，首先，我要以此為起頭，這是男生，這是女生，這可能就是刻板印象中的男生與女生，但如果我今天是要講明性別的本質(zhì)，各位大可不用鳥(niǎo)我要講的內(nèi)容，所以，我不打算么做，壓根沒(méi)興趣，這是不同的男生與女生形象，重點(diǎn)是，并非所有的男生都能以死板的定義來(lái)界定，那些我們所認(rèn)為的男女生形象，女生也并非全都能死板地定義在我們所認(rèn)為的女生形象中，但實(shí)際上，大部分的男生確實(shí)傾向以某種方式表達(dá)，大部分的女生確實(shí)傾向以某種方式表達(dá)，但問(wèn)題是，對(duì)于男生而言，他們生存的方式與擁抱的文化和現(xiàn)今的校園不太搭調(diào)，我們從何得知？ “100 女孩專案”給出一些很棒的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)，舉例而言，若有 100 名女生休學(xué)，就會(huì)有 250 名男生休學(xué)，若有 100 名女生被退學(xué)，就會(huì)有 335 名男生被退學(xué)，若有 100 名女生需要特殊教育，男生的人數(shù)便是 217 名，每 100 名有學(xué)習(xí)障礙的女生，對(duì)應(yīng)的是 276 名男生，當(dāng)有 100 名女生被診斷出具有情緒焦躁的問(wèn)題，男生的人數(shù)便是 324 名，順道一提，這些數(shù)據(jù)會(huì)更驚人，如果學(xué)生對(duì)象是黑人或是窮人，或是就讀于人數(shù)過(guò)多的學(xué)校，而且，男生相較于女生被診斷出患有 ADHD 的可能性高出四倍，ADHD 意指專注力失調(diào)及過(guò)動(dòng)癥，但還有另一個(gè)面向，很重要的是，我們要認(rèn)識(shí)到女人在校園中仍需要幫忙，她們的薪水仍明顯地偏低，就算是工作類型受到管控，女生仍持續(xù)栽在與數(shù)學(xué)和科學(xué)的長(zhǎng)年奮戰(zhàn)中，這全是事實(shí)，但這不能阻止我們關(guān)注男生對(duì)讀寫能力的需要，特別是年齡介于 3 到 13 歲之間，所以，我們應(yīng)要更加注意，事實(shí)上，我們只需以他們的立場(chǎng)來(lái)想，因?yàn)獒槍?duì)女性的倡議與項(xiàng)目，以目前現(xiàn)有的看來(lái)，無(wú)論是在科學(xué)、工程或數(shù)學(xué)的領(lǐng)域，成果都很令人滿意，這些改善了很多女孩所遇到的困境，所以，我們必須要開(kāi)始思考如何幫幫男生，特別是在幼年時(shí)，甚至當(dāng)他們較年長(zhǎng)時(shí)，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)問(wèn)題依舊存在。

當(dāng)我們觀察大學(xué)生的組合，現(xiàn)時(shí)，獲大學(xué)學(xué)歷者有60％ 是女性，這個(gè)轉(zhuǎn)變很巨大，事實(shí)上，有些大學(xué)管理者對(duì)此稍微感到不安，因?yàn)樗麄冋?70％ 的大關(guān)邁進(jìn)，大學(xué)女生人數(shù)不斷上揚(yáng)，這讓大學(xué)管理者十分緊張，因?yàn)?，女生不愿上沒(méi)有男生的學(xué)校，因此，我們才開(kāi)始看到男性中心及男性研究的設(shè)立，思考如何重新接觸男性，以了解他們?cè)诖髮W(xué)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，如果和校方談這個(gè)問(wèn)題，他們的可能回答是，“喔，他們愛(ài)打電玩，整晚都在線狂賭，當(dāng)然還要力戰(zhàn)《魔獸世界》，而這些都影響到他們的課業(yè)表現(xiàn)”，但各位知道嗎？電玩并非主因，而是癥狀，他們長(zhǎng)期被排斥，才走到今天這步田地，我們來(lái)談為何他們一直遭到排斥，介于 3 到 13 歲的年紀(jì)，我相信，有三條理由是男生無(wú)法與今日校園文化取得協(xié)調(diào)的主因，第一，零容忍，我認(rèn)識(shí)一名幼兒園教師，她兒子將全部玩具都“捐”給她，但當(dāng)他這么做時(shí)，她必須一件件地挑出所有的小塑料玩具槍，理由是塑料刀、劍和斧頭這類的玩具不能出現(xiàn)在幼兒園教室中，我們到底在怕這位小紳士會(huì)拿著他的槍干出啥事來(lái)？我是說(shuō)真的，但他是個(gè)活例，事實(shí)是，今日的操場(chǎng)不準(zhǔn)打鬧，我并非在鼓吹暴力，也并非在建議我們要讓槍枝與刀械進(jìn)入校園，但當(dāng)我們認(rèn)為一位高中教室中的鷹級(jí)童軍，因?yàn)樗谕＼噲?chǎng)車內(nèi)鎖著的是一把小刀，因而要他休學(xué)，我認(rèn)為我們的零容忍態(tài)度已走過(guò)頭，另一項(xiàng)過(guò)頭的零容忍事實(shí)是男生的寫作，今日多數(shù)的教室中，不允許書(shū)寫任何關(guān)于暴力的內(nèi)容，也不能寫任何有關(guān)電玩的內(nèi)容，這些都是禁忌主題，男生回家后總抱怨說(shuō)：“我痛恨寫作”，“為何痛恨寫作？寫作不好嗎”？“我必須寫她指示的東西”，“Okay，她要你寫些什么”？“詩(shī)，我必須寫詩(shī)及我生活的點(diǎn)滴，我才不寫那些東西”，“好，那你想寫些什么？關(guān)于什么”？“我想寫電玩、升級(jí)，我想寫這個(gè)真正有趣的世界，我想寫颶風(fēng)吹進(jìn)屋，吹走所有窗戶，摧毀所有家具且殺死所有人”，“好，Okay”，如果跟一位教師說(shuō)這則故事，他們會(huì)非常嚴(yán)肅地回答：“我們是否應(yīng)將這個(gè)小孩送去見(jiàn)心理醫(yī)師”？答案是，不，他只是名小男生，小男孩，寫這樣的內(nèi)容不 Okay，在今日的教室中。

所以，第一個(gè)理由是零容忍政策讓男生感到被排斥，接著是男生的文化與校園文化不協(xié)調(diào)，男教師人數(shù)較少，沒(méi)有一位 15 歲以上成人知道此為何故，因?yàn)檫^(guò)去 10 年間，小學(xué)教師人數(shù)減了一半，比率從 14 ％ 降到 7％，這意味著 93％ 的教師，這些年輕的小學(xué)教師，全是女性，這有什么問(wèn)題？女性教師不錯(cuò)呀！是的，完全正確，但男生的男性榜樣，那些告訴他們聰明也不錯(cuò)的模范角色，沒(méi)錯(cuò)，他們有老爸、牧師、幼童軍狼頭，但終究，每天六小時(shí)，一周五天，他們要待在教室中，而大部分的教室中，男人并不存在，所以，他們會(huì)認(rèn)為這里根本就不是男生該來(lái)的地方，這是女生的地盤，我干不來(lái)，所以，我最好狂打電玩或做運(yùn)動(dòng)之類的，因?yàn)?，我顯然不屬于這里，男人不屬于這里，這十分明顯，這也許是非常直接的因果關(guān)系，這一切就順勢(shì)而生，但間接地，缺少男性代表的文化，在教師休息室便會(huì)聽(tīng)到這樣的對(duì)話，關(guān)于 Joey 和 Johnny 在操場(chǎng)干架，“我們要怎么處置這兩名男生”？這個(gè)問(wèn)題的答案會(huì)因?qū)υ捳叩牟煌兴兓?，?duì)話者有男性教師嗎？有養(yǎng)育過(guò)男孩的母親嗎？明顯地，這場(chǎng)對(duì)話會(huì)因?qū)υ捳叩慕巧胁煌拇鸢浮?/p>

第三個(gè)男生與今日校園不協(xié)調(diào)的理由是，同胞們，幼兒園是老式的二年級(jí)，我們存在著嚴(yán)重的課程壓縮問(wèn)題，三歲時(shí)，學(xué)生就必須能清楚地拼出自己的名字，否則就會(huì)被認(rèn)為是發(fā)展遲緩，上一年級(jí)時(shí)，就應(yīng)該能閱讀幾段文章，也許帶有圖片，但不一定，書(shū)的厚度約是 25 到 30 頁(yè)，如果學(xué)生無(wú)法辦到，我們就會(huì)考慮將該員編入初階閱讀加強(qiáng)班，如果去詢問(wèn)加強(qiáng)班教師，他們會(huì)說(shuō)班上的男女生比率是四到五比一，對(duì)象是小學(xué)年級(jí)，這個(gè)問(wèn)題的原由是因?yàn)槟猩邮盏降男畔⑹?，“我必須永遠(yuǎn)照老師的指示做”，教師的薪水是依“有教無(wú)類”和“追求卓越”法案，還有負(fù)責(zé)性與測(cè)驗(yàn)之類的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)而定，所以，她必須要設(shè)法將所有的課程都教給男生，還有女生，而這套壓縮版課程對(duì)所有好動(dòng)的孩子都是項(xiàng)折磨，結(jié)果是，她說(shuō)：“拜托，坐下，安靜、遵照指示與規(guī)則，善用時(shí)間、專注，學(xué)學(xué)女生！”這是她會(huì)宣布的話，間接地，最后一句便是她所傳達(dá)的信息，這成了一個(gè)嚴(yán)重的問(wèn)題，原因何來(lái)？來(lái)自我們（笑聲），我們要我們寶貝六個(gè)月時(shí)就能閱讀，各位看過(guò)這則廣告嗎？我們想要住在 Lake Wobegon（美國(guó)明尼蘇達(dá)州一處虛幻小鎮(zhèn)），當(dāng)?shù)孛總€(gè)小孩的水平都高于水平，但這對(duì)我們的孩子是極不健康的做法，發(fā)展的不健全，對(duì)男孩更是件惡耗，我們?cè)撛趺锤纳?？我們必須設(shè)身處地地了解男生的文化，改變心態(tài)，對(duì)于在小學(xué)中接受男生的心態(tài)，確切來(lái)說(shuō)，我們可從細(xì)項(xiàng)著手，我們可以設(shè)計(jì)較優(yōu)的游戲，今日所見(jiàn)的大部分教育游戲充其量只有抽認(rèn)卡，而那美其名是只能加強(qiáng)記憶練習(xí)，沒(méi)有深度及豐富的故事情節(jié)，相較于電玩之下，后者才是男生真正感興趣的游戲，我們必須設(shè)計(jì)較優(yōu)的游戲，而且讓教師、父母、學(xué)校董事會(huì)及政治家們了解這點(diǎn)，要確認(rèn)人們明了我們的教室需要更多男人，再仔細(xì)評(píng)估我們的零容忍政策，那有道理嗎？還必須思考如何解壓縮這套課程，如果我們辦得到的話，試圖讓男生回到他們覺(jué)得自在的場(chǎng)域來(lái)，這些對(duì)話都應(yīng)立即展開(kāi)。

目前就有些很棒的范例，關(guān)于學(xué)校，《紐約時(shí)報(bào)》最近才報(bào)導(dǎo)了一間學(xué)校，一名來(lái)自新校的游戲設(shè)計(jì)師，讓該?；沓珊芸岬碾娡嫘@，但僅有幾名孩子受惠，范圍不夠大，我們必須改變文化與感受，針對(duì)政治家、學(xué)校董事成員及父母所認(rèn)知的接受方式，及我們今日校園能接受的方式，必須投資更多游戲設(shè)計(jì)，因?yàn)楹玫挠螒颍嬲玫挠螒蛐枰顿Y，《魔獸世界》的預(yù)算龐大，大部分的教育游戲卻無(wú)預(yù)算，我們的研究起點(diǎn)是，我的同事 Mike Petner、Shawn Vashaw 和我自己，我們開(kāi)始試圖觀察教師的態(tài)度，找出他們對(duì)游戲的真正感受，他們的看法為何？我們發(fā)現(xiàn)，他們談?wù)撟约簩W(xué)校中的孩子，談到學(xué)生討論電玩時(shí)使用相當(dāng)貶抑且盤詰的語(yǔ)氣，他們會(huì)說(shuō)：“噢，對(duì)，他們整天談?dòng)螒?，小?zhàn)斗角色、小戰(zhàn)績(jī)或是寶物徽章，或任何獲得的戰(zhàn)功，整天談這些東西”，他們這么講，好像那沒(méi)啥緊要，但如果那是你的文化，想看看，你可能有何感受？作為聽(tīng)話端的角色總是非常不自在，當(dāng)聽(tīng)到這類話時(shí)，他們對(duì)任何事都會(huì)感到緊張，尤其是跟暴力扯上關(guān)系，因?yàn)榱闳萑陶?，他們確信父母及管理者不會(huì)接受這類事件的發(fā)生，所以，我們真的必須思考教師的態(tài)度，找出改變態(tài)度的方法，讓教師更開(kāi)放、更能接受教室中的男生文化，因?yàn)?，如果我們最終不這么做的話，我們會(huì)再聽(tīng)到男生離開(kāi)小學(xué)時(shí)說(shuō)出以下的話語(yǔ)，“我猜，那是女生地盤，我干不來(lái)，所以，我最好狂打電玩或做運(yùn)動(dòng)”，但如果我們改變并關(guān)注這一切，使男生重拾對(duì)學(xué)習(xí)的興趣，他們將會(huì)在離開(kāi)小學(xué)時(shí)說(shuō)：“我還蠻聰明的”！感謝聆聽(tīng)。

第四篇：Ted演講

私有制：中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡的真正源泉

甚至連許多西方經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家都認(rèn)為,中國(guó)已經(jīng)找到了主要依靠國(guó)家財(cái)政與控制的繁榮之路。但是，他們大錯(cuò)特錯(cuò)了。

2009年3月 ? 黃亞生

美國(guó)式資本主義的可信性是全球金融危機(jī)中最早的犧牲品之一。隨著雷曼兄弟銀行的破產(chǎn)倒閉，全世界的權(quán)威評(píng)論家一窩蜂地唱衰美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)理念——有限政府、最小限度的監(jiān)管和對(duì)信貸的自由市場(chǎng)分配等。在考慮以何種模式取代沒(méi)落的美國(guó)模式時(shí)，有些人把目光轉(zhuǎn)向了中國(guó)。在中國(guó)，市場(chǎng)受到嚴(yán)格的監(jiān)管，而金融機(jī)構(gòu)則由國(guó)家控制。在經(jīng)歷了華爾街的潰敗后，焦躁不安的弗朗西斯?福山在《新聞周刊》（Newsweek）上撰文指出，中國(guó)式的國(guó)家資本主義“看起來(lái)越來(lái)越有吸引力了?！薄度A盛頓郵報(bào)》（Washington Post）的專欄作家大衛(wèi)?伊格內(nèi)修斯為基于孔子思想的“新干預(yù)主義”在全球的出現(xiàn)而高聲歡呼；伊格內(nèi)修斯引用理查德?尼克松間接稱頌經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家凱恩斯（John Maynard Keynes）的話說(shuō)：“現(xiàn)在我們都中國(guó)化了?！?/p>

但是，在宣布新的中國(guó)世紀(jì)的曙光到來(lái)之前，全球的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和高管們需要好好再想一想，中國(guó)活力的源泉到底是什么。說(shuō)到中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡產(chǎn)生的原因，獲得廣泛認(rèn)可的看法——那是專家治國(guó)論的勝利，共產(chǎn)黨依靠國(guó)家控制的企業(yè)實(shí)現(xiàn)了向市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的逐步轉(zhuǎn)型——從各個(gè)重要方面來(lái)講都錯(cuò)了。這種標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的看法認(rèn)為，企業(yè)家精神、私有財(cái)產(chǎn)權(quán)、金融自由化和政治改革對(duì)中國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡只發(fā)揮了很小的作用。但是，基于對(duì)中國(guó)政府的調(diào)查數(shù)據(jù)和中央及地方政府文件的詳細(xì)分析，我的研究結(jié)論是，財(cái)產(chǎn)權(quán)和私營(yíng)企業(yè)是高速增長(zhǎng)和貧困水平降低最主要的激勵(lì)因素。

我們經(jīng)常讀到這樣的文章，認(rèn)為漸進(jìn)主義是中國(guó)成功地從馬克思主義轉(zhuǎn)型到市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的關(guān)鍵因素；許多文章稱贊北京摒棄了俄羅斯式的休克療法，采用更加務(wù)實(shí)的方法，創(chuàng)建了良好的商業(yè)環(huán)境，讓私營(yíng)企業(yè)有機(jī)地發(fā)展。這種觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，通過(guò)在上世紀(jì)80年代首先進(jìn)行小范圍改革，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的自由度和市場(chǎng)導(dǎo)向水平逐漸提高，并在90年代后期積蓄了發(fā)展動(dòng)力。但事實(shí)并非如此。實(shí)際發(fā)生的情況是，上世紀(jì)80年代進(jìn)行的金融自由化和私營(yíng)企業(yè)的早期地方性試驗(yàn)，催生了鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)最初的蓬勃發(fā)展。正是這些早期的收獲——而并非國(guó)家主導(dǎo)的大規(guī)模基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施投資和90年代的城市化——為中國(guó)奇跡奠定了真正的基礎(chǔ)。盡管有許多專家將中國(guó)宏大的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施項(xiàng)目和利用外國(guó)資金建設(shè)的嶄新工廠與印度破敗不堪的公路和微不足道的外國(guó)直接投資流進(jìn)行比較，但這種觀點(diǎn)夸大了公共開(kāi)支和外國(guó)投資對(duì)中國(guó)發(fā)展的貢獻(xiàn)。直到上世紀(jì)90年代后期以前，這兩種因素在中國(guó)的影響力所占比重都不大——它們的出現(xiàn)比80年代寬松的金融控制和最初的鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)發(fā)展大潮要晚得多。在上世紀(jì)80年代，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展要比90年代快得多，并且產(chǎn)生了更好的社會(huì)效益：貧困人口下降，貧富差距縮小，而且勞動(dòng)力在GDP中所占份額——衡量從經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展中人均獲益的指標(biāo)——顯著上升。從1978年到1988年，生活水平低于中國(guó)貧困線的農(nóng)村人口減少了1.5億以上。而在90年代，盡管GDP幾乎都達(dá)到了兩位數(shù)增長(zhǎng)，并且實(shí)施了大規(guī)模的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)，但貧困人口數(shù)量卻只下降了6,000萬(wàn)。此外，在80年代，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)主要靠投資而不是消費(fèi)驅(qū)動(dòng)的程度遠(yuǎn)不像今天這樣嚴(yán)重。

換句話說(shuō)，企業(yè)資本主義與國(guó)家資本主義不同，它不僅帶來(lái)了增長(zhǎng)，而且還對(duì)增長(zhǎng)所帶來(lái)的利益進(jìn)行了廣泛的分配。企業(yè)主義（Entrepreneurialism）既充滿活力，又符合社會(huì)道德。

西方媒體總愛(ài)把像北京、上海和深圳這樣的大城市稱頌為生機(jī)勃勃的發(fā)展中心（見(jiàn)圖表）。而中國(guó)的農(nóng)村地區(qū)，即使被提到，也通常被形容為貧困的窮鄉(xiāng)僻壤。但是，只要對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)數(shù)據(jù)進(jìn)行仔細(xì)分析，就會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)，對(duì)中國(guó)現(xiàn)代化城市高樓大廈的這些令人震撼的描述完全是一種誤導(dǎo)：事實(shí)上，中國(guó)的農(nóng)村才具有最大的經(jīng)濟(jì)活力，而政府的強(qiáng)勢(shì)干預(yù)已經(jīng)窒息了中心城市的企業(yè)家精神和所有權(quán)。

后一種觀點(diǎn)的重要性無(wú)論怎樣強(qiáng)調(diào)都不過(guò)分。中國(guó)資本主義的發(fā)展歷史事實(shí)上大部分都可以被描述為兩個(gè)中國(guó)的斗爭(zhēng)：由市場(chǎng)推動(dòng)的、富有企業(yè)家精神的農(nóng)村與由國(guó)家主導(dǎo)的城市之間的斗爭(zhēng)。無(wú)論何時(shí)何地，只要中國(guó)農(nóng)村占據(jù)優(yōu)勢(shì)地位，中國(guó)的資本主義就是企業(yè)式的、獨(dú)立于政治的，并且是充滿競(jìng)爭(zhēng)活力的。無(wú)論何時(shí)何地，只要中國(guó)城市占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位，中國(guó)的資本主義就會(huì)朝著依賴于政治和國(guó)家集權(quán)的方向發(fā)展。

上海是中國(guó)城市發(fā)展最顯著的象征，其現(xiàn)代化的摩天大樓、外國(guó)奢侈品商店和全國(guó)最高的人均GDP使其成為中國(guó)的模范城市——一個(gè)國(guó)家資本主義獲得成功的最好例證。事實(shí)果真如此嗎？采用更具有實(shí)際意義的經(jīng)濟(jì)成就指標(biāo)來(lái)衡量，上海的發(fā)展遠(yuǎn)不及溫州。溫州是位于上海南邊數(shù)百英里以外一個(gè)浙江省的城市，這里是企業(yè)資本主義的一片樂(lè)土。上世紀(jì)80年代初期，使溫州聞名于世的僅僅是它那勤勞的農(nóng)民。當(dāng)時(shí)，在溫州的500萬(wàn)居民中，城市人口還不到10%。如今，溫州是中國(guó)最具活力的城市，其數(shù)量眾多的企業(yè)主宰著歐洲的服裝市場(chǎng)。而相比之下，曾經(jīng)是中國(guó)最早的實(shí)業(yè)家樂(lè)園的上海，如今卻很少涌現(xiàn)出本土企業(yè)家。

溫州的轉(zhuǎn)型幾乎完全是靠自由市場(chǎng)政策來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)的。早在1982年，當(dāng)?shù)毓賳T就開(kāi)始試行民間借貸、自由利率、存貸款機(jī)構(gòu)的跨地區(qū)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，以及向私營(yíng)企業(yè)提供貸款等。溫州市政府還大力保護(hù)私營(yíng)企業(yè)家的財(cái)產(chǎn)權(quán)，并從其他諸多方面使城市更有利于企業(yè)的發(fā)展。

本土企業(yè)為民生福祉帶來(lái)了什么變化嗎？非常多。按人均GDP計(jì)，上海幾乎是溫州所在的浙江省的兩倍（難以獲得溫州人均GDP的詳細(xì)數(shù)據(jù)）。但是，如果衡量家庭收入——一般居民的實(shí)際的支出能力——這兩個(gè)地區(qū)的繁榮程度就旗鼓相當(dāng)了。2006年，一個(gè)典型上海居民的家庭收入比一個(gè)典型浙江居民的家庭收入高13%，但上海居民的非工薪收入水平（如政府福利）卻幾乎是浙江居民的兩倍。兩地居民的平均勞動(dòng)收入大體相當(dāng)。平均來(lái)看，上海居民從經(jīng)營(yíng)企業(yè)中獲得的收入比浙江居民低44%，而從所擁有的資產(chǎn)中獲得的收入則要低34%。這就意味著：國(guó)家資本主義可以提高城市高樓大廈的樓高和GDP的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)，但并未提升居民的實(shí)際生活水平。

如果研究一下浙江省與其北部近鄰江蘇省的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況，這種對(duì)比就會(huì)更加清晰。這兩個(gè)省份可以進(jìn)行近乎完美的比較。它們的地理?xiàng)l件差不多相同：都是沿海省份，江蘇位于上海北面，而浙江位于上海南面。它們還擁有相似的企業(yè)發(fā)展歷史：都對(duì)解放前上海的實(shí)業(yè)家

和企業(yè)家階層做出過(guò)重大貢獻(xiàn)。然而，在改革以后的若干年里，江蘇省吸引了外國(guó)投資并從公共建設(shè)工程開(kāi)支中受益頗多，而浙江省卻不然。這種差異產(chǎn)生了令人吃驚的結(jié)果。

20年前，江蘇省比浙江省更為富庶，但如今卻比浙江窮，在每一項(xiàng)重要的經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)福利指標(biāo)上都落后于浙江。平均來(lái)看，浙江居民的資產(chǎn)性收入要大大高于其北方鄰省的居民，他們居住的房子更大，擁有電話、計(jì)算機(jī)、彩電、相機(jī)或汽車的比例更高。浙江的嬰兒死亡率更低，浙江人的平均預(yù)期壽命更長(zhǎng)，識(shí)字率也更高。值得注意的是，浙江的收入不平等程度也遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于江蘇。應(yīng)該如何解釋浙江更勝一籌的繁榮呢？最令人信服的解釋是，在江蘇，政府對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)干預(yù)過(guò)多，歧視本地企業(yè)而青睞外國(guó)資本；而浙江的官員則讓本土企業(yè)家擁有自由支配權(quán)，允許他們構(gòu)建更大、更富有活力的本地供應(yīng)鏈。

中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡的真正難解之處并不是其經(jīng)濟(jì)如何發(fā)展，而是西方專家為何對(duì)其發(fā)展歷程的理解錯(cuò)誤百出。一個(gè)原因是，這些外來(lái)旁觀者誤解了構(gòu)成中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)體系最基本的元素之一——鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)——的性質(zhì)。一些西方最知名的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家將鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)稱為具有中國(guó)特色——具有創(chuàng)新意義的混合體，在政府的控制下實(shí)現(xiàn)了高速增長(zhǎng)——的資本主義象征。例如，諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)得主約瑟夫?斯蒂格里茲就稱贊鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)為從社會(huì)主義到資本主義轉(zhuǎn)型時(shí)最常見(jiàn)的問(wèn)題——私人投資者的資產(chǎn)剝離——提供了具有獨(dú)創(chuàng)性的解決方案1他認(rèn)為，這些企業(yè)既具有公有制的形式，可以避免被掠奪，同時(shí)又能實(shí)現(xiàn)私營(yíng)企業(yè)的高效率。

簡(jiǎn)而言之，西方經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家常常認(rèn)為鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)歸鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)政府所有。就在2005年，另一位諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)得主道格拉斯?羅斯在《華爾街日?qǐng)?bào)》上撰文指出，鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)“與經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)企業(yè)很少有相似之處” 2。但有證據(jù)表明，情況并非如此。在中國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院1984年3月1日發(fā)布的一份政策性文件中，第一次正式提到了鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)的名稱。該文件將它們定義為“由鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)主辦的企業(yè)、由農(nóng)民組成的聯(lián)合企業(yè)、其他聯(lián)合企業(yè)和個(gè)體企業(yè)?！薄坝舌l(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)主辦的企業(yè)”一詞指的是歸鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)所有并管理的集體企業(yè)。該政策文件中提到的所有其他企業(yè)均為私營(yíng)企業(yè)：個(gè)人所有的企業(yè)或有多個(gè)股東的較大型企業(yè)——都是嚴(yán)格意義上的“經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)企業(yè)”。官方對(duì)“鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)”一詞的使用具有非常顯著的一致性：它一直是既包括私營(yíng)企業(yè)，也包括政府主辦的企業(yè)。

西方經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家之所以會(huì)犯錯(cuò)誤，是因?yàn)樗麄冋J(rèn)定該名稱涉及到所有制。但中國(guó)官方卻從地理含義上去理解它——位于鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)的企業(yè)。中國(guó)農(nóng)業(yè)部的記錄證明，私人擁有并管理的企業(yè)實(shí)體在鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)中占絕大部分。在1985年到2002年期間，集體所有制企業(yè)的數(shù)量于1986年達(dá)到頂峰，為173萬(wàn)家，而私營(yíng)企業(yè)的數(shù)量卻迅猛增長(zhǎng)，從大約1050萬(wàn)家增加到超過(guò)2,000萬(wàn)家。換句話說(shuō)，在改革時(shí)期，鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)數(shù)量的增長(zhǎng)完全歸功于私營(yíng)企業(yè)。到1990年，在改革的頭10年中，此類私營(yíng)企業(yè)雇用的勞動(dòng)力數(shù)量占到了鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)雇用勞動(dòng)力總數(shù)的50%，而稅后利潤(rùn)則占到了58%。

對(duì)中國(guó)發(fā)展的真正源泉的思想混亂也攪亂了外國(guó)人對(duì)中國(guó)企業(yè)出現(xiàn)在國(guó)際市場(chǎng)上的理解認(rèn)知。人們常說(shuō)，中國(guó)為全球競(jìng)爭(zhēng)帶來(lái)了新的企業(yè)模式，國(guó)家所有制與明智的運(yùn)用政府對(duì)金融的控制相結(jié)合，創(chuàng)造了獨(dú)一無(wú)二的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力源泉。計(jì)算機(jī)制造商聯(lián)想公司就經(jīng)常被贊頌為中國(guó)非傳統(tǒng)商業(yè)環(huán)境中的一個(gè)杰作。

但是，聯(lián)想的成功大部分要?dú)w功于其早期便在香港注冊(cè)并在香港募集資本的能力，而香港被認(rèn)為是世界上最自由的市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)。1984年，聯(lián)想公司從中國(guó)科學(xué)院獲得了第一筆啟

動(dòng)資金，但其后所有重大投資的資金均來(lái)自于香港3。1988年，該公司從總部位于香港的中國(guó)技術(shù)公司獲得了90萬(wàn)港幣（11.6萬(wàn)美元）的投資，成立了合資公司，使聯(lián)想能夠?qū)⑾愀圩鳛槠浞ǘǖ墓舅诘亍?993年，香港聯(lián)想公司在香港證券交易所首次公開(kāi)上市，集資1,200萬(wàn)美元。聯(lián)想公司是香港基于市場(chǎng)的金融與法律體系的成功故事，而并非中國(guó)由國(guó)家控制的金融體系的成功案例。

當(dāng)中國(guó)在汲取華爾街崩潰的教訓(xùn)，并準(zhǔn)備應(yīng)對(duì)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)低迷之時(shí)，它可能做的最糟糕的事情莫過(guò)于去接受它已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)了比自由市場(chǎng)更高效的發(fā)展模式的說(shuō)法。中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡的真正經(jīng)驗(yàn)其實(shí)非常傳統(tǒng)——基于私有制和自由市場(chǎng)金融。中國(guó)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)為全世界提供了非常及時(shí)的提示：旨在鼓勵(lì)這些力量發(fā)展的改革的確奏效。

作者簡(jiǎn)介：

黃亞生，麻省理工學(xué)院Sloan管理學(xué)院副教授，從事政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的教學(xué)工作，創(chuàng)建并管理麻省理工學(xué)院的中國(guó)和印度實(shí)驗(yàn)室，該實(shí)驗(yàn)室旨在幫助本土企業(yè)家提高管理技能。本文摘自其《具有中國(guó)特色的資本主義：企業(yè)精神與國(guó)家》（Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics: Entrepreneurship and the State）一書(shū)。

第五篇：Ted演講

Tony Porter 談對(duì)男性的呼吁

關(guān)于這場(chǎng)演講

在TEDWomen，Tony Porter對(duì)全世界男性發(fā)出呼吁，別太“大男子主義”。他講述了自己切身經(jīng)歷，闡述了為何這種在多數(shù)男性身上根深蒂固的觀念，會(huì)致使男性對(duì)女性，以及對(duì)彼此發(fā)生不尊重、虐待和傷害。他提出解決辦法：打破陳規(guī)，從“男子漢標(biāo)準(zhǔn)”中解放。

關(guān)于Tony Porter

Tony Porter是教育家和活動(dòng)者，他為消除對(duì)女性暴力侵害所作的努力受到國(guó)際認(rèn)可。

為何要聽(tīng)他演講：

Tony Porter是非盈利組織“對(duì)男性的呼吁：終止對(duì)女性暴力侵害組織”的策劃者和共同創(chuàng)始人。Porter的參與和自我檢查的要點(diǎn)，與許多家庭暴力和性暴力項(xiàng)目緊密相聯(lián)，施行于一些知名組織，如全國(guó)橄欖球聯(lián)盟和全國(guó)職業(yè)籃球聯(lián)賽，以及全國(guó)各地高校，包括美國(guó)西點(diǎn)軍校和安納波利斯美國(guó)海軍學(xué)院。Porter還是美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院國(guó)際講師，在剛果民主共和國(guó)做過(guò)大量工作。

他是酒精與藥物成癮研究機(jī)構(gòu)紐約辦公室的教員，在此，他參與編著了針對(duì)美國(guó)黑人化學(xué)品依賴的臨床課程。他還為社會(huì)服務(wù)組織開(kāi)發(fā)社會(huì)公正模型。

“Ted Bunch和Tony Porter就男性有責(zé)任終止對(duì)女性的暴力侵害，以精彩的親身經(jīng)歷分享他們的觀點(diǎn)，他們提出更正人們心中的男子漢標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，就是解決辦法之

一。兩人通過(guò)自己的人生經(jīng)歷，來(lái)說(shuō)明家庭暴力問(wèn)題，其實(shí)是公民權(quán)利問(wèn)題?！?—摘自My Sister's Place網(wǎng)站

Tony Porter的英語(yǔ)網(wǎng)上資料

首頁(yè)：acalltomen.com

[TED科技?娛樂(lè)?設(shè)計(jì)]

已有中譯字幕的TED影片目錄（繁體）（簡(jiǎn)體）。請(qǐng)注意繁簡(jiǎn)目錄是不一樣的。

Tony Porter 談對(duì)男性的呼吁

我在紐約長(zhǎng)大，位于哈萊姆區(qū)跟布朗克斯區(qū)之間。作為男孩子，大人教給我們，男人必須要堅(jiān)決，要強(qiáng)壯，要勇敢，要強(qiáng)硬；不許痛苦，不許表露情感，憤怒除外。當(dāng)然，也不能畏縮。男性負(fù)責(zé)，也就是說(shuō)女性不用。男性引路，你們只要跟著照做就好。男性高一等，女性低一等。男性強(qiáng)大，女性弱小。女性價(jià)值不大，是男性的所有物，是物品。更確切說(shuō)，是性對(duì)象。后來(lái)我知道，那是男性的社會(huì)形象標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，或稱其為“男子漢的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)”?？纯催@里面都有什么，所有關(guān)于如何做

才夠男人的定義。我還想說(shuō)，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，作為男人，有很多美好的事情，非常美好。但與此同時(shí)，有些東西實(shí)在非常糾結(jié)。我們確實(shí)需要開(kāi)始質(zhì)疑它，審視它，并對(duì)我們所熟知的男子漢標(biāo)準(zhǔn)進(jìn)行拆析和重定義。

這是我的兩個(gè)孩子，Kendall和Jay，一個(gè)11歲，一個(gè)12歲。Kendall比Jay大15個(gè)月。有段時(shí)間我的妻子，她叫Tammie，還有我，我們非常忙，叮，咚，當(dāng)，Kendall和Jay誕生了。（笑聲）當(dāng)他們長(zhǎng)到五六歲，四五歲時(shí)，Jay可以過(guò)來(lái)，哭著跑過(guò)來(lái)。至于她為什么哭沒(méi)有關(guān)系，她可以趴在我的膝蓋上，拿我的袖子擦鼻涕?？薨?，大聲哭，爸爸在呢，就是這樣。

另一方面，如果Kendall，如我所說(shuō)，他只比妹妹大15個(gè)月，他哭著跑過(guò)來(lái)，或是只要我聽(tīng)到他的哭聲，就要拉警報(bào)了。我會(huì)給他大約30秒的時(shí)間，也就是說(shuō)，等他到我跟前，我就會(huì)說(shuō)，“你哭什么哭？抬起頭來(lái)，看著我，告訴我怎么了？告訴我怎么了？我不能理解，你為什么哭？”由于自己的失職，我有責(zé)任和義務(wù)把他教育成一個(gè)男人，讓他符合這些男子漢標(biāo)準(zhǔn)中的條條框框。我發(fā)現(xiàn)我會(huì)這么說(shuō)，“回你的房間去?；厝ィ啬愕姆块g。坐下，振作一下，再回來(lái)跟我說(shuō)話，當(dāng)你可以像...” 像什么？（觀眾：男人）“像男人一樣。”他才五歲。當(dāng)我這么做的時(shí)候，我會(huì)對(duì)自己說(shuō)，“天呢，我是怎么了？我在做什么？我為什么要這樣？”回想一下，我想到了我父親。

有一段時(shí)間，我們家發(fā)生了一次很痛苦的經(jīng)歷。我哥哥，Henry，當(dāng)我們十幾歲的時(shí)候，他死于不幸。如我所說(shuō)，我們住在紐約，當(dāng)時(shí)我們住在布朗克斯區(qū)。葬禮在一個(gè)叫長(zhǎng)島的地方舉行，距市區(qū)有兩小時(shí)車程。當(dāng)我們準(zhǔn)備從墓地返回時(shí)，車子停在洗手間旁，讓大家在長(zhǎng)途返回之前下車方便一下。隨后人們都下車了，我母親，我姐姐，我姑姑，她們都出去了，只有我爸爸和我留在車?yán)?。女人們離

開(kāi)不久，他便放聲大哭。他不想在我面前哭，但他知道，回去的路上他會(huì)忍不住的。在我面前哭，要比在有女性的場(chǎng)合下哭的好。這個(gè)男人，在10分鐘之前，剛剛把他年幼的兒子親手埋葬。這種痛苦是我無(wú)法想象的。我印象最深的是，他為在我面前哭而向我道歉。同時(shí)，他還給我鼓勵(lì)，把我舉起來(lái)，因?yàn)槲覜](méi)哭。

我重新審視這件事。作為男人，我們會(huì)害怕，這種害怕讓我們癱瘓，讓我們成為男子漢的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的奴隸。我還記得跟一個(gè)12歲男孩的對(duì)話，他是足球選手。我問(wèn)他，我說(shuō)，“如果當(dāng)著所有隊(duì)員的面，教練說(shuō)你踢球像個(gè)女孩，你會(huì)怎么樣？”我本以為他會(huì)說(shuō)，我會(huì)很傷心，很憤怒，很生氣之類的。但不，男孩這么跟我說(shuō)，男孩說(shuō)，“這會(huì)把我毀掉?！庇谑俏易詥?wèn)，“天呢，如果被稱作女孩就會(huì)把他毀掉，那么關(guān)于女孩，我們都教給他些什么？”

（掌聲）

這把我?guī)Щ亓宋业?2歲那年。我在市區(qū)的廉租公寓長(zhǎng)大，那時(shí)我們住在布朗克斯區(qū)。一個(gè)叫Johnny的家伙住在我家附近，他當(dāng)時(shí)16歲左右，我們都12歲左右，比較小。他總是跟我們這些小孩呆在一起。這個(gè)家伙，他經(jīng)常不干好事。他讓很多家長(zhǎng)感到奇怪，“這個(gè)16歲孩子，在一群12歲孩子中做什么？”他也確實(shí)不做好事。他是個(gè)問(wèn)題少年，母親因海洛因攝入過(guò)量而死，奶奶把他養(yǎng)大，父親不管他。他奶奶有兩份工作，他經(jīng)常獨(dú)自在家。我說(shuō)過(guò)，我們都是小孩，得仰望這個(gè)大哥哥。他很酷，他很好。這是那些小妹妹說(shuō)的，“他很好?！彼鲞^(guò)愛(ài)，我們都仰望他。

一天，我出門玩，就在周圍玩，我記不得在玩什么。他在窗口，叫我上去。他說(shuō)，“嘿，Anthony。”小時(shí)候他叫我Anthony?！昂?，Anthony，快上來(lái)。”Johnny

叫我，我就去。我跑上樓。他打開(kāi)門后，對(duì)我說(shuō)，“你想要嗎？”我立刻明白了他的意思。因?yàn)樵谖覀冮L(zhǎng)大的那個(gè)年代，根據(jù)當(dāng)時(shí)的男子漢標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，“你想要嗎”只有兩層意思，不是性就是毒品。而我們不吸毒。我的準(zhǔn)則，我的男子漢準(zhǔn)則，立刻受到威脅。有兩點(diǎn)：一，我沒(méi)做過(guò)愛(ài)。男人之間不討論這個(gè)。你只會(huì)告訴最親密的朋友，讓他發(fā)誓保密，跟他講你的第一次。而對(duì)其他人，則會(huì)說(shuō)我兩歲就開(kāi)始做愛(ài)了，沒(méi)什么第一次可言。（笑聲）另一點(diǎn)我不能說(shuō)的是，我不想要。這樣更糟。我們應(yīng)該時(shí)刻窺伺，女性只是物品，確切說(shuō)，是性對(duì)象?？傊?，這些我都不能說(shuō)。所以，就如我母親所言，長(zhǎng)話短說(shuō)，我只是對(duì)Johnny說(shuō)，“好?！彼屛业剿块g里。我進(jìn)去了，躺在床上的是個(gè)叫Sheila的鄰居女孩，她16歲，全身赤裸?，F(xiàn)在來(lái)看，她有心理疾病，有時(shí)會(huì)比其他人更自閉。我們給她取了很多不好的綽號(hào)?？傊琂ohnny剛跟她做完愛(ài)。其實(shí)，他強(qiáng)奸了她，但他會(huì)說(shuō)是做愛(ài)。因?yàn)?，?dāng)時(shí)Sheila沒(méi)有說(shuō)“不”，她也沒(méi)說(shuō)“是”。

因此他給我機(jī)會(huì)也這樣做。于是我走進(jìn)去，關(guān)上門。各位，我呆住了。我依門而立，這樣Johnny不能破門而入，發(fā)現(xiàn)我什么都沒(méi)干。我站了好長(zhǎng)一會(huì)，長(zhǎng)到足夠我干點(diǎn)什么了。現(xiàn)在，我想的不是要做什么，而是要怎么出去。我只有12歲，但很聰明。我把褲拉鏈拉下來(lái)，走進(jìn)客廳。我看到的是，當(dāng)我和Sheila在房間里時(shí)，Johnny到窗邊招呼別人上來(lái)，所以現(xiàn)在滿屋子都是人，就像醫(yī)生的候診室。他們問(wèn)我感覺(jué)如何，我對(duì)他們說(shuō)，“感覺(jué)不錯(cuò)?！比缓笤谒麄兠媲袄涎澙?，走出門去。

我是帶著愧疚說(shuō)出這段的。當(dāng)時(shí)我也帶著極大的愧疚感，但我很矛盾。因?yàn)槲腋械嚼⒕蔚耐瑫r(shí)，又感到興奮，我沒(méi)被抓住。而對(duì)發(fā)生的一切，我覺(jué)得糟糕。這種害怕脫離了男子漢的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，完全包住了我。對(duì)我來(lái)說(shuō)，我和我的男子漢標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，曾經(jīng)比Sheila和她的遭遇更重要?？偟膩?lái)說(shuō)，我們作為男人，被教育說(shuō)女性價(jià)值

不大，把她們看做所有物，看做男人的性對(duì)象，這就形成一個(gè)等式，等號(hào)右邊是對(duì)女性的暴力侵害。我們作為男人，作為好男人，就如大多數(shù)的男人，我們所做的事，都是在這個(gè)社會(huì)形象標(biāo)準(zhǔn)下進(jìn)行。我們以為自己不在此列，但其實(shí)我們正是其中之一?？吹搅藛?，我們必須明白，這類價(jià)值不大，所有物，性對(duì)象的觀念，致使暴力現(xiàn)象頻頻發(fā)生。因此解決辦法就在我們身上，同時(shí)問(wèn)題也在我們身上。疾病控制中心說(shuō)過(guò)，男性對(duì)女性的暴力現(xiàn)象，已達(dá)到流行病的普遍程度，是女性的最大健康隱憂。國(guó)內(nèi)如此，國(guó)外亦如此。

所以我再簡(jiǎn)單說(shuō)幾句。這是我生命中的摯愛(ài)，我女兒Jay，我希望她的世界里，我會(huì)希望男性如何對(duì)待女性？我需要你們與我一道，共同努力。你我共同合作，致力于如何培養(yǎng)我們的兒子，教導(dǎo)他們成為男人?？梢圆粡?qiáng)硬，也可以表露情感，可以促進(jìn)平等，可以擁有女性朋友，就是這樣，可以做一個(gè)完整的人。我們男性的解放，與你們女性的解放相依存。我問(wèn)過(guò)一個(gè)九歲男孩，我問(wèn)他說(shuō)，“如果你不用再遵循這些男子漢標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，你會(huì)怎樣？”他告訴我，“我就自由了?！?/p>