第一篇：奧巴馬第二任就職演講譯文

奧巴馬連任就職演講譯文【原創(chuàng)】

Vice President Biden, Mr.Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:

拜登副總統(tǒng)，首席大法官先生，美國國會的議員們，尊貴的嘉賓們，公民們：

Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution.We affirm the promise of our democracy.We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names.What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:

每一次我們聚聚在這里目睹一個總統(tǒng)就職，我們都見證了我們的憲法的持久強(qiáng)大。我們恪守了民主的承諾。我們回顧了統(tǒng)一我們這個國家的紐帶不是我們的膚色或我們信仰的教義或我們名字的起源。使我們獨一無二的—使我們成為美國人的—是我們對兩百多年前的獨立宣言中闡述的一個理想的忠誠：

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”

“我們堅信這些真理是不言而喻的，即人人平等，他們被造物主賦予了特有的不可剝奪的權(quán)利，其中包括生活、自由和追求幸福的權(quán)利?！?/p>

Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time.For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing;that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth.The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob.They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed.今天我們繼續(xù)一個永無止境的旅途，在這些箴言的內(nèi)涵和我們時代的現(xiàn)實之間架起一座橋梁。因為歷史告訴我們盡管這些真理是不言而喻的，但是他們也從來不是自動執(zhí)行；盡管自由是上帝的恩賜，它只能由他的世俗子民來捍衛(wèi)。1776年的愛國者們不是為了取代一個少數(shù)人擁有特權(quán)或?qū)Ρ┟窆苤频膶Ｖ凭醵鴳?zhàn)斗。他們給予我們一個共和國，一個民有、民治、民享的政府，這個政府代代依靠人民維護(hù)我們的立國之本。

For more than two hundred years, we have.在我們過去的兩百多年里。

Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free.We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.通過皮鞭棍棒的傷痕和刀光劍影的血泊，我們得知我們建立在自由和平等的基礎(chǔ)上的聯(lián)邦不能在一半是奴隸制一半是自由社會的狀態(tài)下生存。我們自我更新，共同前進(jìn)。

Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce;schools and colleges to train our workers.我們共同確立了一個信念，現(xiàn)代經(jīng)濟(jì)需要鐵路和高速公路來為旅行和商業(yè)提速；需要學(xué)校和大學(xué)培養(yǎng)我們的勞動者。

Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.我們共同發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個真理，市場經(jīng)濟(jì)只能在保護(hù)競爭和公平競賽的一系列規(guī)則下繁榮。

Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.我們共同許下一個諾言，偉大的國家必須關(guān)愛弱勢群體，保護(hù)她的人民度過生活中最惡劣的災(zāi)難和厄運(yùn)。

Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone.Our celebration of initiative and enterprise;our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.經(jīng)歷了所有這些，我們出來沒有放棄對中央集權(quán)的質(zhì)疑，也沒有屈從于所有社會頑疾都可以有政府自己解決的幻想。我們對主動性和進(jìn)取心的推崇；我們對勤奮工作和匹夫有責(zé)的堅持是我們不變的秉性。

But we have always understood that when times change, so must we;that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges;that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action.For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias.No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores.Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.但是我們永遠(yuǎn)牢記時代變遷，我們也要改變；對我們立國之本的忠誠要求我們面對新挑戰(zhàn)采取新對策；維護(hù)我們個人的自由最終要求我們共同行動。因為美國人民如同美國軍人能夠戰(zhàn)勝武裝起來的法西斯主義或共產(chǎn)主義勢力已及各種武裝分子一樣能夠滿足當(dāng)今世界的要求。沒有哪一個人能培養(yǎng)出我們需要的所有數(shù)學(xué)和科學(xué)老師來教育我們服務(wù)未來的孩子們，或建設(shè)道路和網(wǎng)絡(luò)和實驗室，把新的就業(yè)崗位和新企業(yè)帶回我國?，F(xiàn)在，我們比以往任何時候都需要作為一個國家，一個民族，共同合作來完成這些。

This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience.A decade of war is now ending.An economic recovery has begun.America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive;diversity and openness;an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention.My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it – so long as we seize it together.我們這一代美國人已經(jīng)經(jīng)受了一系列危機(jī)的考驗，這些危機(jī)錘煉了我們的決心，證明了我們的堅韌。耗時十年的戰(zhàn)爭即將結(jié)束。經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興已經(jīng)開始。美國的可能是無限的，因為我們擁有這個世界需要的放之四海而皆準(zhǔn)的所有素質(zhì)：年輕自強(qiáng)；多元開放；無限的應(yīng)對危機(jī)的能力和自我更新的天賦。同胞們，我們?yōu)榱诉@個機(jī)會而生，我們要抓住它—只要我們共同抓住它。

For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it.We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class.We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work;when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship.We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.因為我們—人民，我們深知我們的國家不可能在日益減少的少數(shù)人富得流油而日益增長的多數(shù)人僅僅維持生計的前提下成功。我們相信美國的繁榮必須建立在日益增長的中產(chǎn)階級的寬闊肩膀上。我們知道美國因每個人都能在他們的工作中找到獨立和驕傲而興旺；因誠實的勞動者的工資能使他們的家庭擺脫艱難困苦而興旺。我們忠于我們的信條，這個信條讓一個出生在赤貧家庭的女孩相信她有與其他人相同的成功機(jī)會，因為她是美國人，她自由，她平等，不僅是在上帝的眼里，而是在我們自己的眼里。

We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time.We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, reach higher.But while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American.That is what this moment requires.That is what will give real meaning to our creed.我們深知過時的項目不能滿足我們時代的需要。我們必須吸納新思想和新技術(shù)來重建我們的政府，完善我們的稅法，改革我們的學(xué)校，給我們的公民們更加努力工作，學(xué)習(xí)和達(dá)到更高境界所需要的技能。盡管方法日新月異，但是我們的目的始終如一：一個鼓勵每個美國人的決心和努力的國家。這是這個時刻要求的。這賦予我們的信條實際意義。

We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity.We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit.But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future.For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn.We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few.We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm.The commitments we make to each other – through Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security – these things do not sap our initiative;they strengthen us.They do not make us a nation of takers;they free us to take the risks that make this country great.我們—人民，仍然相信每個公民應(yīng)該得到基本的安全和尊嚴(yán)。我們必須做出減少醫(yī)保成本和赤字規(guī)模的艱難決定。但是我們絕不相信美國必須在關(guān)愛建設(shè)這個國家的一代與投資于建設(shè)這個國家的未來的一代之間取舍。因為我們牢記過去的教訓(xùn)，多少黑暗的年景在貧困中度過，多少帶著一個孩子的殘疾父母不知道明天如何過。我們不相信在這個國家，自由只屬于幸運(yùn)兒，或幸福只屬于少數(shù)人。我們認(rèn)識到不管我們?nèi)绾呜?fù)責(zé)任地生活，我們中的每個人，在任何時候，都可能面對失業(yè)，或突然生病，或一場風(fēng)暴之后家產(chǎn)灰飛煙滅。我們給每個人的承諾是—通過醫(yī)保，醫(yī)療救助，已經(jīng)社?！@些東西不會蠶食我們的主動性；它們使我們更強(qiáng)。它們沒有把我們變成一個索取的國家；它們讓我們自由地應(yīng)對危機(jī)使這個國家更偉大。

We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity.We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations.Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms.The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult.But America cannot resist this transition;we must lead it.We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries – we must claim its promise.That’s how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure – our forests and waterways;our croplands and snowcapped peaks.That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God.That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.我們—人民，仍然相信我們作為美國人不僅僅對自己有責(zé)任，而是對所有子孫有責(zé)任。我們將應(yīng)對氣候變化的危險，因為我們深知不這樣我們就辜負(fù)了我們的子孫后代。有些人可能仍然不相信這個壓倒性科學(xué)判斷，但是誰也不能對暴虐的大火，惱人的干旱和越來越兇猛的風(fēng)暴。通往能源可持續(xù)的道路必將漫長崎嶇。但是美國不能阻撓這個轉(zhuǎn)變；我們必須引領(lǐng)這個轉(zhuǎn)變。我們不能把助推新工作和新行業(yè)的技術(shù)領(lǐng)域拱手讓給其它國家—我們必須搶占希望的高地。我們將這樣維系我們經(jīng)濟(jì)的活力和我們國家的財富—我們的深林和航路；我們的耕地和雪山。我們將這樣保護(hù)我們的地球，得到上帝的厚愛。這將是我們賦予我們父輩宣稱的信條的意義。

We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war.Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage.Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty.The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm.But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.我們—人民，仍然相信持久的太平盛世不需要連年征戰(zhàn)。我們勇敢的男女軍人們經(jīng)歷了戰(zhàn)火的礪煉，其戰(zhàn)技和勇氣雄冠全球。我們的公民，經(jīng)歷了失去親人的記憶的煎熬，太理解我們?yōu)榱俗杂筛冻龅拇鷥r了。對他們的犧牲的緬懷使我們永遠(yuǎn)警惕那些企圖危害我們的家伙們。但是我們還是贏得了和平而不僅是戰(zhàn)爭的人民的后代，把我們的窮兇極惡的敵人變成推心置腹的朋友的人們的后代，我們還必須把這些教訓(xùn)傳給當(dāng)代。

We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law.We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully – not because we are naive about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear.America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe;and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation.We will support democracy from Asia to Africa;from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom.And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice – not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity;human dignity and justice.我們將依靠我們武力的強(qiáng)大法律的規(guī)范來保衛(wèi)我們的人民和維系我們的價值。我們將彰顯我們與其它國家和平合作應(yīng)對和解決我們的困難的勇氣—不是因為我們對我們面對的危險麻木不仁，而是因為團(tuán)結(jié)一心可以永遠(yuǎn)驅(qū)除懷疑和恐懼。美國將永遠(yuǎn)是世界上每個角落的強(qiáng)大聯(lián)盟的中流砥柱；我們將更新擴(kuò)展我們應(yīng)對境外危機(jī)的能力的法規(guī)，因為一個國家在一個和平的世界的利害關(guān)系與在其強(qiáng)大的國內(nèi)的利害關(guān)系是相同的。我們將支持從亞洲到非洲；從美洲到中東的民主國家，因為我們的志趣和我們的良知驅(qū)使我們?yōu)槟切┮恢笨释杂傻娜藗兊睦娑ι矶?。我們必須成為窮人、病人、被邊緣化的人們和偏見受害者們的希望之源—不僅僅是出于慈悲，而是我們時代的和平要求我們的共同信條規(guī)劃的原則發(fā)揚(yáng)光大：寬容和機(jī)會；人類尊嚴(yán)和公正。

We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths – that all of us are created equal – is the star that guides us still;just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall;just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone;to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.我們—人民，今天宣布那個最不言而喻的真理—我們?nèi)巳似降取侨匀恢敢覀兊谋倍沸?；如同它指引我們的先輩走過Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall;如同它指引所有這些男男女女們，知名的和默默無聞的，在這個莊嚴(yán)的大廳留下他們的足跡，聆聽一個傳教士疾呼我們不能單打獨斗；聆聽馬丁路德金宣布我們的自由與地球上每個人的自由都有千絲萬縷的聯(lián)系。

It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began.For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers, and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts.Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law – for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well.Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote.Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity;until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country.Our journey is not complete until all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm.現(xiàn)在傳承我們的先輩開啟的事業(yè)成了我們這一代的使命。因為只要我們的妻子們，我們的母親們，我們的女兒們還沒有獲得與她們的努力相稱的收入，我們的旅程就不能結(jié)束。只要我們的同性戀兄弟姐妹還沒有被法律與其他人同等對待我們的旅程就不能結(jié)束—因為如果我們?nèi)巳似降龋覀兓ハ鄡A注的愛就應(yīng)該也平等。只要還有公民被迫等待幾個小時才能履行他們的選舉權(quán)我們的旅程就不能結(jié)束。只要我們還沒有找到更好的方法歡迎那些視美國為機(jī)會的樂土的勤奮的、充滿希望的移民，只要那些朝氣蓬勃的青年學(xué)生和工程師還沒有被錄用而是被驅(qū)逐出境，我們的旅程就不能結(jié)束。只要我們的所有孩子們，從底特律的大街到Appalachia的山麓到紐頓城寂靜的小巷，還沒有感到他們受到關(guān)愛，珍惜和遠(yuǎn)離危險，我們的旅程就不能結(jié)束。

That is our generation’s task – to make these words, these rights, these values – of Life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness – real for every American.Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life;it does not mean we all define liberty in exactly the same way, or follow the same precise path to happiness.Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time – but it does require us to act in our time.把這些關(guān)于生活、自由和追求幸福的權(quán)利的箴言、權(quán)利和價值變成每個美國人的現(xiàn)實成了我們這一代的使命。忠于我們的立國憲法不總是要求我們符合生活的軌跡；它不意味著我們把自由都按同一模式定義，或許沿襲同一條通往幸福的康莊大道。進(jìn)步不強(qiáng)迫我們永遠(yuǎn)解決幾個世紀(jì)以來的關(guān)于政府職能的爭論—但是它的確要求我們在我們的時代有所作為。

For now decisions are upon us, and we cannot afford delay.We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate.We must act, we must act knowing that our work will be imperfect.We must act, knowing that today’s victories will be only partial, and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years, and forty years, and four hundred years hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.現(xiàn)在決策大任落到了我們頭上，我們不能再等待了。我們不能誤把絕對主義當(dāng)做原則，或用投機(jī)取代政策，或把罵人當(dāng)做理性爭論。我們必須行動，我們必須行動而且必須認(rèn)識到我們的工作不可能完美無缺。我們必須行動，而且認(rèn)識到今天的勝利僅僅是我們歷史長河的一部分，今后將由站在這里四年，四十年，四百年的人們推進(jìn)那在費(fèi)城大廳賦予我們的超越時代的精神。

My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction – and we must faithfully execute that pledge during the duration of our service.But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for duty, or an immigrant realizes her dream.My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride.我的同胞們，我今天在你們面前許下的誓言，如同其他在帝國大廈里盡職的其他人的一樣，是上帝和國家的誓言，不是政黨和派別的誓言—我們必須在我們的任期內(nèi)忠實地履行這個誓言。但是我今天許下的誓言與每次士兵報名參戰(zhàn)時，或一個移民實現(xiàn)了她的夢想時許下的誓言沒什么不同。我的誓言與我們對著帶給我們驕傲的高高飄揚(yáng)的國旗許下的誓言沒什么不同。

They are the words of citizens, and they represent our greatest hope.You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course.You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time – not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift in defense of our most ancient values and enduring ideals.它們是公民們的心聲，代表著我們的宏偉希望。我和你，作為公民，有權(quán)力決定這個國家的前進(jìn)路線。

我和你，作為公民，有義務(wù)規(guī)范我們時代的辯論—不僅僅用我們的選票，而且還用我們維護(hù)我們的最悠久價值和最永恒的理想的聲音。

Let each of us now embrace, with solemn duty and awesome joy, what is our lasting birthright.With common effort and common purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history, and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.讓我們每個人現(xiàn)在都帶著莊嚴(yán)的使命和極大的喜悅，擁抱永恒的與生俱來的權(quán)利。帶著共同的努力和目的，帶著共同的激情和奉獻(xiàn)，讓我們相應(yīng)歷史的召喚，把自由的金色光芒帶到未知的未來。

Thank you, God Bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America.謝謝，上帝保佑你們，愿他永遠(yuǎn)保佑美利堅合眾國。

第二篇：奧巴馬演講譯文

奧巴馬在今天于內(nèi)華達(dá)大學(xué)發(fā)表演講時稱：“如果一家美國公司希望創(chuàng)造就業(yè)崗位和實現(xiàn)增長，那么我們就應(yīng)該幫助其達(dá)成這一目標(biāo)?！备鶕?jù)白宮公布的內(nèi)容概要說明書顯示，向能源抵稅計劃補(bǔ)充50億美元資金將可吸引到大約120億美元的私人投資，從而為清潔能源制造行業(yè)創(chuàng)造數(shù)以千計的工作崗位，這將意味著聯(lián)邦政府所花費(fèi)的每1美元都將為清潔能源項目換來大約2.40美元的私人資本。奧巴馬稱，聯(lián)邦政府提供的50億美元投資將可創(chuàng)造將近4萬個工作崗位，而120億美元的私人投資活動則將進(jìn)一步創(chuàng)造9萬個工作崗位。

奧巴馬目前正處于視察密蘇里州和內(nèi)華達(dá)州的兩天之旅中，他將利用此次視察來宣傳自己的經(jīng)濟(jì)政策，并為民主黨參議院候選人籌集競選資金。在11月份的選舉活動中，經(jīng)濟(jì)、就業(yè)和預(yù)算赤字很可能將成為首要問題，此次選舉將決定美國國會的控制權(quán)。在今天的演講中，奧巴馬對其上任不久后推出的總額8620億美元的經(jīng)濟(jì)刺激性計劃作出了辯護(hù)，這項計劃中有一項內(nèi)容是為清潔能源行業(yè)提供價值23億美元的抵稅。奧巴馬曾在1月份表示，在這項抵稅計劃的幫助下，共有183個清潔能源項目創(chuàng)造了1.7萬多個就業(yè)崗位，這些項目所涉及的產(chǎn)品包括渦輪發(fā)電機(jī)和太陽能面板等。

奧巴馬今天還表示，美國經(jīng)濟(jì)正在從20世紀(jì)30年代以來最嚴(yán)重的衰退周期中復(fù)蘇。據(jù)勞工部此前公布的非農(nóng)就業(yè)報告顯示，6月份私營企業(yè)的就業(yè)人數(shù)增加了8.3萬人，但失業(yè)率則仍舊高達(dá)9.5%。就內(nèi)華達(dá)州而言，5月份該州的失業(yè)率為14%。奧巴馬稱：“就我所知，對于內(nèi)華達(dá)州而言，我們已經(jīng)走過了艱難的時刻，但并非所有的困難日子都已經(jīng)被甩在身后。不過我可以作出承諾的是，我們正在朝著正確的方向前進(jìn)。

我想下載（單擊右鍵）Mp3

我想下載（單擊右鍵）Mp4

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody.Thank you.(Applause.)Please have a seat.Have a seat.(Applause.)Well, thank you, Harry.Thanks for giving me a chance to get out of Washington.It’s very hot there.(Laughter.)It’s hot here, too, but there’s a little more humidity there.And I just love coming to Vegas.(Applause.)I love being here.I mentioned last night, I'm not the only one who loves it, because I noticed that, for some reason, Air Force One is more crowded when we're coming to Vegas.(Laughter.)Somehow I need more staff and logistical support and a couple extra Secret Service guys.(Laughter.)

We've got some wonderful leaders here, and I just want to acknowledge them very quickly.U.S.Representative Dina Titus is here--(applause)--doing a great job.And Nevada’s Secretary of State, Ross Miller, is here.(Applause.)Dr.Neal Smatresk is here, and his family.And they’re doing a great job on behalf of UNLV.(Applause.)And all of you are here.(Applause.)And I am thrilled to see you.But I’m especially here to be with my friend and your Senator, Harry Reid.(Applause.)One of the first stories I heard about Harry was that he was a boxer back in the day here in Nevada.And I was mentioning last--she’s laughing, she’s--oh, I can't believe it.(Laughter.)No, he was.(Laughter.)You wouldn't know that because he’s so soft-spoken.He’s all “well, I'm Harry Reid.”(Laughter.)But when he first told me he was a boxer, he said, “Barack, I wasn’t the fastest, I wasn’t the hardest hitting, but I knew how to take a punch.”(Laughter.)He knew how to take a punch.And Harry Reid became a pretty good boxer because he would simply outlast his opponents.He had a stronger will.I think that tells you something about the kind of person he is, the kind of senator he is, the kind of Senate Majority Leader he is.He’s a fighter, and you should never bet against him.(Applause.)And that’s just what we need right now.That's what Nevada needs right now.(Applause.)That's what Nevada needs, is somebody who’s going to fight for the people of Nevada and for the American people.And you know that he wasn’t born with a silver spoon in his mouth--in Searchlight, Nevada.So when you're going through tough times, Harry Reid has been there.He knows what it feels like to be scraping and scrimping, and struggle to make ends meet.And so when his home state is having a tough time, when the country is having a tough time, he knows that he’s got to be fighting on behalf of not those who are powerful, but on behalf of those who need help the most.Now, let me tell you, when we first took office, amidst the worst economy since the Great Depression, we needed Harry’s fighting spirit--because we had lost nearly three million jobs during the last six months of 2008.The month I was sworn in, January 2009, we lost 750,000 jobs in that month alone.The following month we lost 600,000 jobs.And these were all the consequence of a decade of misguided economic policies--a decade of stagnant wages, a decade of declining incomes, a decade of spiraling deficits.So our first mission was to break the momentum of the deepest and most vicious recession since the Great Depression.We had to stop the freefall and get the economy and jobs growing again.And digging out of this mess required us taking some tough decisions, and sometimes those decisions were not popular.And Harry knew they weren’t popular.I knew they weren’t popular.But they were the right thing to do.And Harry was willing to lead those fights because he knew that we had to change course;that to do nothing, to simply continue with the policies that had gotten us into this mess in the first place would mean further disaster.And to fail to act on some of the great challenges facing the country that we had been putting off for decades would mean a lesser future for our children and our grandchildren.Now, as a result of those tough steps that we took, we’re in a different place today than we were a year ago.An economy that was shrinking is now growing.We’ve gained private sector jobs for each of the past six months instead of losing them--almost 600,000 new jobs.But as Harry pointed out, that’s not enough.I don’t have to tell you that.The unemployment rate is still unacceptably high, particularly in some states like Nevada.And a lot of you have felt that pain personally or you’ve got somebody in your family who’s felt the pain.Maybe you found yourself underwater on your mortgage and faced the terrible prospect of losing your home.Maybe you’re out of work and worried about how you’re going to provide for your family.Or maybe you’re a student at UNLV and you’re wondering if you’re going to be able to find a job when you graduate, or if you’re going to be able to pay off your student loans, or if you’re going to be able to start your career off on the right foot.Now, the simple truth is it took years to dig this hole;it’s going to take more time than any of us would like to climb out of it.But the question is, number one, are we on the right track? And the answer is, yes.And number two, how do we accelerate the process? How do we get the recovery to pick up more steam? How do we fill this hole faster?

There’s a big debate in Washington right now about the role that government should play in all this.As I said in the campaign--and as I’ve repeated many times as President--the greatest generator of jobs in America is our private sector.It’s not government.It’s our entrepreneurs and innovators who are willing to take a chance on a good idea.It’s our businesses, large and small, who are making payroll and working with suppliers and distributing goods and services across the country and now across the world.The private sector, not government, is, was, and always will be the source of America’s economic success.That’s our strength, the dynamism of our economy.And that’s why one of the first things Harry Reid did, one of the first things we did, was cut dozens of taxes--not raise them, cut them--for middle class and small business people.And we extended loan programs to put capital in the hands of startups.And we worked to reduce the cost of health care for small businesses.And right now, Harry is fighting to pass additional tax breaks and loan authority to help small businesses grow and hire all across the country.But he has also tried to look out specifically for Nevada.He understands, for example, that tourism is so enormous an aspect of our economy, and so helped to move our trade promotion act that is going to be helping to do exactly what it says--promote tourism--and bring folks here to enjoy the incredible hospitality.The point is, our role in government, especially in difficult times like these, is to break down barriers that are standing in the way of innovation;to unleash the ingenuity that springs from our people;to give an impetus to businesses to grow and expand.That’s not some abstract theory.We’ve seen the results.We’ve seen what we can do to catalyze job growth in the private sector.And one of the places we’ve seen it most is in the clean energy sector--an industry that will not only produce jobs of the future but help free America from our dependence on foreign oil in the process, clean up our environment in the process, improve our national security in the process.So let me give you an example.Just yesterday, I took a tour of Smith Electric Vehicles in Kansas City, Missouri, on the way here.This is a company that just hired its 50th worker, it’s on the way to hiring 50 more, and is aiming to produce 500 electric vehicles at that plant alone.(Applause.)And these are spiffy-looking trucks.I mean, they are--and they’re used by Fortune 500 companies for distribution--PepsiCo, Frito-Lay.They’re also used for the United States military –-electric trucks with a lot of--they’re very strong, great horsepower.And the reason for their success is their entrepreneurial drive.But it’s also partly because of a grant that we’re offering companies that manufacture electric vehicles and the batteries that power them.Because of these grants, we’re going to be going from only having 2 percent of the global capacity to make advanced batteries that go in trucks and cars, run on electricity--we’re going to go from 2 percent of advanced battery market share to 40 percent just in the next five years--just in the next five years.(Applause.)And that will create thousands of jobs across the country--thousands of jobs across the country, not just this year, not just next year, but for decades to come.So it’s a powerful example of how we can generate jobs and promote robust economic growth here in Nevada and all across the country by incentivizing private sector investments.That’s what we’re working to do with the clean energy manufacturing tax credits that we enacted last year, thanks to Harry’s leadership.Thanks to Harry’s leadership.(Applause.)Some people know these tax credits by the name 48c, which refers to their section in the tax code.But here’s how these credits work.We said to clean energy companies, if you’re willing to put up 70 percent of the capital for a worthy project, a clean energy project, we’ll put up the remaining 30 percent.To put it another way, for every dollar we invest, we leverage two more private sector dollars.We’re betting on the ingenuity and talent of American businesses.(Applause.)

Now, these manufacturing tax credits are already having an extraordinary impact.A solar panel company--a solar power company called Amonix received a roughly $6 million tax credit for a new facility they’re building in the Las Vegas area-– a tax credit they were able to match with roughly $12 million in private capital.That's happening right now.And that’s just one of over--(applause)--that's just one of over 180 projects that received manufacturing tax credits in over 40 states.Now, here’s the--the only problem we have is these credits were working so well, there aren’t enough tax credits to go around.There are more worthy projects than there are tax credits.When we announced the program last year, it was such a success we received 500 applications requesting over $8 billion in tax credits, but we only had $2.3 billion to invest.In other words, we had almost four times as many worthy requests as we had tax credits.Now, my attitude, and Harry’s attitude, is that if an American company wants to create jobs and grow, we should be there to help them do it.So that’s why I’m urging Congress to invest $5 billion more in these kinds of clean energy manufacturing tax credits, more than doubling the amount that we made available last year.(Applause.)And this investment would generate nearly 40,000 jobs and $12 billion or more in private sector investment, which could trigger an additional 90,000 jobs.Now, I’m gratified that this initiative is drawing support from members of Congress from both sides of the aisle, including Republican Senators Richard Lugar and Orrin Hatch.Unfortunately, that kind of bipartisanship has been absent on a lot of efforts that Harry and I have taken up over the past year and a half.We fought to keep Nevada teachers and firefighters and police officers on the job, and to extend unemployment insurance and COBRA so folks have health insurance while they’re looking for work.We fought to stop health insurance companies from dropping your coverage on the basis of preexisting conditions, or right when you get sick, or placing lifetime limits on the amount of care that you can receive.We fought to eliminate wasteful subsidies that go to banks that were acting as unnecessary middlemen for guaranteed student loans from the federal government, and as a consequence, freed up tens of billions of dollars that are now going directly to students, which means more than a million students have access to financial aid that they didn't have before.(Applause.)And we’re now on the cusp of enacting Wall Street reforms that will empower consumers with clear and concise information that they need to make financial decisions that are best for them--(applause)--and to help prevent another crisis like this from ever happening again, and putting an end to some of the predatory lending and the subprime loans that had all kinds of fine print and hidden fees that have been such a burden for the economy of a state like Nevada and haven’t been fair to individual consumers in the process.So that’s what Harry and I fought for.And, frankly, at every turn we’ve met opposition and obstruction from a lot of leaders across the aisle.And that’s why I’m glad I’ve got a boxer in the Senate who is not afraid to fight for what he believes in.(Applause.)And Harry and I are going to keep on fighting until wages and incomes are rising, and businesses are hiring again right here in Nevada, and Americans are headed back to work again, and we’ve recovered from this recession, and we’re actually rebuilding this economy stronger than before.(Applause.)That’s what we’re committed to doing.(Applause.)

So, Nevada, I know we’ve been through tough times.And not all the difficult days are behind us.There are going to be some tough times to come.But I can promise you this: We are headed in the right direction.We are moving forward.We are not going to move backwards.(Applause.)

And I’m absolutely confident that if we keep on moving forward, if we refuse to turn backwards, if we’re willing to show the same kind of fighting spirit as Harry Reid has shown throughout his career, then out of this storm brighter days are going to come.Thank you very much, everybody.God bless you.(Applause.)

第三篇：奧巴馬就職演講

奧巴馬演講分析

——排比在英語演講中的修辭作用

美國大選前許多人都評價：奧巴馬的政見并不新穎甚至有點平庸；擁有的個人財富只有對手的幾十分之一；相貌遠(yuǎn)遜于前輩肯尼迪和克林頓，而且還是非美國本土的外來黑哥......奧巴馬唯一讓人嫉妒的是他擁有最能鼓動人心的好口才，這是上帝給他最好的禮物和恩賜！不可否認(rèn)，他超凡脫俗的演講，為他競選贏得勝利起到了至關(guān)重要的作用。奧巴馬的演講，無論是文稿的整體布局，還是演講言辭的融情達(dá)意，或是激情澎湃的演講表達(dá)，都可謂精深獨到，不得不令人拍手稱快。．據(jù)CNN報道。，有語言學(xué)家稱，“總統(tǒng)當(dāng)選人巴拉克·奧巴馬當(dāng)晚發(fā)表的獲勝演說可與很多史上著名演講相比．”奧巴馬稱得上是一位杰出的演說家，在多次演講中，他都嫻熟地運(yùn)用了各種修辭技巧，可以說，“奧巴馬的勝利是修辭學(xué)的勝利”(梁文道，2008)．其中，排比在奧巴馬演講中效果最為突出。鑒于排比在英語演講中的重要性，我們試圖以美國新當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)奧巴馬的獲勝演講為例，來探討排比在這篇演講中的修辭效果．本研究目的在于給英語演講和修辭教學(xué)一些啟示．同時也讓學(xué)者通過領(lǐng)悟奧巴馬的演講技藝，學(xué)習(xí)、借鑒，來提高自身的演講水平。

一，排比概念及其作用

“排比”在英語中的對應(yīng)詞為parallelism，是指為了達(dá)到修辭效果而循環(huán)出現(xiàn)的、句法相似的結(jié)構(gòu)—“recurrent syntactical similarities introduced for rhetorical effect“(Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary,1977；831)．英語排比具有結(jié)構(gòu)整齊，節(jié)奏鮮明，語言簡練等特點．在英語演講中運(yùn)用排比旬，可以增加演講詞的節(jié)奏感和音韻美，突出演講者雄辯口才和強(qiáng)烈感情，增強(qiáng)演講語言的氣勢，提高演講的說服力和欣賞性．

二，奧巴馬獲勝演講個案排比分析

奧巴馬于2008年11月4日當(dāng)選為美國總統(tǒng)。并于當(dāng)晚發(fā)表了獲勝演講．這次演講富有很強(qiáng)的號召力和感染力，喚起了民眾戰(zhàn)勝金融危機(jī)的信心和勇氣?，F(xiàn)場的無數(shù)觀眾被感動得熱淚盈眶．奧巴馬在他的獲勝演講中熟練地運(yùn)用了一系列的修辭方法，如捧比，對比，反復(fù)，對仗，引用等，其中排比的使用次數(shù)最多．下面我們就以排比結(jié)構(gòu)在奧巴馬獲勝演講(Barak Obama’s Victory Speech)中的置,選取了四個代表性的例子，來討論其修辭效果。

（一）從句開頭的排比

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible，who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time，who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.這三個排比組合句是奧巴馬獲勝演講的開場白。奧巴，美國民主制度的力量”的質(zhì)疑．通過這三個排比旬，奧巴馬言簡意賅地表達(dá)了他獲勝的意義：顯示出“美國夢”的獨特性和普遍價值，顯示出他的能馬用自己勝選的事實回答了某些人對“美國是否凡事都有可能，美國奠基者的夢想是否依然鮮活力，肯定了美國是一切皆有可能的地方，肯定他的獲勝是對美國政治文化傳統(tǒng)的繼承而不是背離．開場耐人尋味的排比，便已打開了選民們的心聲以及繼續(xù)聽下去的欲望。

（二）排比結(jié)構(gòu)用在段首 It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen；By people who waited three hours and four hour...It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican，black，white, Hispanic，Asian，Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled...It’s the answer that led those who have been told...to put their hands Off the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day．

首先，在前兩個位于段首的排比句群中，奧巴馬強(qiáng)調(diào)他是“設(shè)在學(xué)校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未見的長隊”，是“等了三四個小時的選民”，是“所有美國人民”共同選舉出來的總統(tǒng)。他重申了自己當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)是合法的，是由美國人民通過民主方式選舉出來的．第三個排比句群在意義上是對前兩個排比句群的總結(jié)和升華。奧巴馬呼吁美國人民要對美國的未來有信心，同時暗示作為新一任的總統(tǒng)，他會繼承美國的歷史傳統(tǒng)，讓“美國夢”延續(xù)。這三個排比句群的使用，增強(qiáng)了演講的氣勢，有力地回?fù)袅四切W巴馬獲勝原因存在質(zhì)疑的人，同時向聽眾做出了有力的保證，調(diào)動了聽眾的積極性，激發(fā)了聽眾的自信心．

（三）介詞短語的排比

To those who would tear this world down, we will defeat you.To those who seek peace and security, we support you．And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright, tonight we proved once more that the strength of our nation comes...from the enduring power of our ideals :democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope．

介詞短語To those的反復(fù)出現(xiàn)，明確了要擊敗和支持的對象，語氣強(qiáng)烈，一針見血．這既是對恐怖分子敲警鐘，又給予了愛好和平的人們奮斗的力量。同時，向那些懷疑美國能否繼續(xù)照亮世界發(fā)展前景的人們證明。美國真正的力量來自于這個國家的理想：民主、自由、機(jī)會和不屈的希望。排比結(jié)構(gòu)的出現(xiàn)突出了強(qiáng)調(diào)的內(nèi)容，語言氣勢逼人，具有強(qiáng)大的震撼力。

（四）句型結(jié)構(gòu)的排比

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg, Normand and Khe sahn.奧巴馬在該語段中撫今追昔，以排比的結(jié)構(gòu)，按時間的順序回顧了影響美國歷史進(jìn)程的重大事件：建國之前的跨洋移民，建國之后的西進(jìn)運(yùn)動，獨立戰(zhàn)爭，南北戰(zhàn)爭，第二次世界大戰(zhàn)等等，以此鼓勵美國公民勇敢地面對金融危機(jī)給當(dāng)今美國經(jīng)濟(jì)帶來的種種困難的挑戰(zhàn)。該段重復(fù)了主謂句式結(jié)構(gòu)，“for us” 和主語“they”，這種排比句式不僅使得上下文的意義緊密連接，銜接自然，同時也會是語篇的整體意義在聽眾的頭腦中留下深刻的印象，使聽眾與奧巴馬產(chǎn)生共鳴。

（五）段尾的排比

And tonight,...she’s seen...the heartache and the hope；the struggle and the progress...Yes we can．

At a time...she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes we can．

When there was...she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal，new jobs and a new sense of common purpose.Yes we can．

When the bombs...she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved.Yes we can． She was there.Yes we Can．

A man...And this year, in this election..., she knows how America can change.Yes we can．

在這里奧巴馬以一個106歲的老婦人參加投票為例，運(yùn)用了一系列的排比來烘托現(xiàn)場氣氛，具有很強(qiáng)的說服力和感染力。連續(xù)4個“她看到了···”(she’s seen，she lived to see，she saw, she was there to witness)和6個“是的，我們能”(Yes We can)，強(qiáng)調(diào)美國能達(dá)成正義和平等，能獲得機(jī)遇和繁榮能治愈這個國家，能補(bǔ)救這個世界，強(qiáng)調(diào)美國能發(fā)生變革!這種以具體的人物、事例和具體的生活場景為主體構(gòu)成的排比語段，真正達(dá)到了提高語言表現(xiàn)力的目。這幾段出現(xiàn)在演講末尾的排比具有排山倒海的氣勢，具有強(qiáng)大的煽動性，把整個演講再次推向了高潮。

在整個獲勝演講當(dāng)中，通過捧比，奧巴馬將有魅力的句子集中，演講節(jié)奏分明，氣氛被一次次的推向的高潮，演講大為增色。這些排比的運(yùn)用，創(chuàng)造了演講中的個個亮點，氣勢磅礴，使聽眾的情感受到一次次的震。．

三 結(jié)語

演講是一門勸說的藝術(shù)。演講者要達(dá)到勸說的目的，就必須講究演講詞的語言表達(dá)技巧，這種技巧在語言層面的體現(xiàn)之一就是修辭手法的運(yùn)用。排比是英語演講中最常見的修辭手法。國內(nèi)學(xué)者對于排比的修辭效果給予了充分的肯定?！芭疟仁怯⒄Z所有修辭格中最常使用的修辭格之一。任何學(xué)會使用并能駕馭排比及其變化的人都會發(fā)現(xiàn)排比可使演講條理清楚，效果顯著，具有難以衡量的價值”(張秀國．2005)奧巴馬這篇獲勝演講中排比修辭手法的運(yùn)用，成功的達(dá)到了說服聽眾的目的．

參考文獻(xiàn)：（1）奧巴馬獲勝演講英文原文網(wǎng)址：http://wenku.baidu.com/view/70d3d8d8d15abe23482f4d56.html（2）何曉勤 演講·勸說·訴諸·語篇 外語與外語教學(xué)．2004．(11)（3）張秀田 《英語鉻辭學(xué)》北京：青華大學(xué)出版杜．2005（4）梁文道 《奧巴馬的勝利是修辭學(xué)的勝利 》 南方周末，2008(5)徐鵬 《英語辭格 》北京：商務(wù)印書館，1977

第四篇：奧巴馬就職演講

mp.傻大個跳下水泵撞到垃圾堆里的喇叭上。

59.On my request the conqueror questioned the man who jumped the queue.根據(jù)我的請求,征服者質(zhì)問了插隊者.60.They are arguing about the document of the monumental instrument.他們在辯論關(guān)于那件不朽樂器的文獻(xiàn).61.However, Lever never fevers;nevertheless, he is clever forever.無論如何,杠桿從未發(fā)燒;盡管如此,他始終機(jī)靈。

62.I never mind your unkind reminding that my grindstone hinders your cylinder.我決不介意你不友善的提醒說我的磨刀石妨礙了你的汽缸。63.I feed the food to the bleeding man in the flood.我把食品喂給洪水中的那個流血的人.64.It's a treason terror of the seasonal oversea seafood is reasonable.認(rèn)為季節(jié)性的海外海鮮的價格是合理的就是背叛。

65.The veteran in velvet found that the diameter of the thermometer was one metre.穿天鵝絨的老兵發(fā)現(xiàn)溫度計的直徑為一米.66.The cube in the tubular cup occupies one cubic meter.筒狀杯中的立方體占有一個立方米(的體積).67.Put the spotless potatoes, tomatoes and tobacco atoms into the hot pot.把無斑點的土豆、番茄和煙草微粒放進(jìn)熱鍋里。68.The preacher preached to the teacher's teacup.傳教士對著老師的茶杯說教.69.“My behavior is on behalf of half zebras,” the algebra teacher said.“我的行為代表了一半斑馬的利益,”代數(shù)老師說.70.Unlike my uncle, I likely like that bike(bicycle).我不像叔叔,我很可能喜歡那輛自行車.71.She likes nothing but things of clothing and cloth.除了衣物和布料之類的東西外,她什么也不喜歡.72.The doctor's doctrine undid one dollar and a dozen of collars.博士的學(xué)說毀掉了一美元和一打衣領(lǐng)。

73.On the bus the busy businessman did a business with the buyer.在公共汽車上,忙碌的商人與買主做了一筆生意.74.Vegetables and tablets on the stably established table show no instability.放在穩(wěn)定設(shè)置的桌子上的蔬菜和藥片沒有顯示不穩(wěn)定性。

75.Primarily, the prime criminal's crime has nothing to do with lime and overtime.首犯的犯罪基本上與石灰和加班無關(guān).76.The ring on the spring string rings during springtime.彈簧弦上的環(huán)在春天鳴響。

77.Shut in the hut, I'm puzzled how to cut down the output of nuts.關(guān)在茅棚里,我為削減堅果的產(chǎn)量犯難。78.It's better to put letters at the inlet and outlet.最好在進(jìn)口和出口處標(biāo)上字母.79.During this serious period, the superierrorries of questions about the supermarket.在這段嚴(yán)肅時間內(nèi),上級問了下級一連串有關(guān)超級市場的問題。

80.I tuned the tone of the stone phone with a bone.我用骨頭調(diào)整了石質(zhì)耳機(jī)的音調(diào).81.On Revenue avenue, the grave traveler jumped the gravestone bravely.在稅收大道上,嚴(yán)肅的旅行者勇敢地跳過墓碑.82.The slave safely saved the sharp shavers in a cave nearby the cafeteria.奴隸將鋒利的剃刀安全地保存在自助餐廳附近的洞穴里.83.Most hosts are hostile to the foremost ghost hostage almost to the utmost.大多數(shù)主人對最前面的幽靈人質(zhì)的敵對態(tài)度幾乎到了極頂.84.The mapper trapped in the gap tapped the tap wrapper with strap.陷在縫中的制圖者用皮帶輕擊塞子套.85.The scout with shoulder-straps shouted on the outermost route as a routine.戴肩章的偵察員照例在最外圍的路線上叫喊.86.The reproached coach unloaded the loaves to the approachable roadside.遭到責(zé)備的教練把面包卸到可接近的路旁.87.The news about the broadened breadth is broadcast abroad.寬度加寬的消息被廣播到國外.88.The motive of the emotional movie is to move the removed men.那部情感電影的動機(jī)在于感動被開除的人。

89.Otherwise, mother will go to another movie together with brother.3.不然,媽媽就和弟弟一起去看另一場電影。

90.Furthermore, we gathered leather and feather for the future colder weather.而且,我們收集了皮革和羽毛以應(yīng)付將來更冷的天氣。91.Before the premier, the old soldier scolds the cold weather.老兵當(dāng)著首相的面咒罵寒冷的天氣。

92.Whether the weather is good or bad, neither father nor I am going to the gathering.無論天氣是好是壞,父親和我都不去參加那個聚會。

93.The Particle party's partner participated in the particular Parliament.粒子黨的合伙人參與了特別議會.94.For convenience of intensive study, he has an intense intention of making friend with me.為便于強(qiáng)化學(xué)習(xí)，他有和我交朋友的強(qiáng)烈意向。

95.The virtueless girl's duty is to wash the dirty shirts and skirts in the outskirts.無美德女孩的職責(zé)就是在郊區(qū)洗臟襯衣和裙子.96.I glimpsed the dancer balancing herself on the ambulance by chance.我碰巧瞥見舞蹈者在救護(hù)車上使自己保持平衡。

97.Balloon, baseball, basketball, football and volleyball all dance ballet on the volcano.氣球、棒球、籃球、足球和排球都在火山上跳芭蕾舞。98.A gallon of gasoline and the nylon overalls fall into the valley.一加侖汽油和尼龍工作褲落進(jìn)了山谷。99.Palm calmly recalled the so-called caller.“手掌”平靜地回憶了那個所謂的拜訪者.100.In the hall, the shallow challenger shall be allowed to swallow the swallows.在大廳里,膚淺的挑戰(zhàn)者將被允許吞下燕子.16天記住7000考研詞匯（第三天）

101.The tall man installed a small wallet on the wall.高個男子把一小錢包安放到墻上.102.Except dishonest ones, anyone who is honest can get honey, everyone thinks so.除了不誠實的人外,任何誠實的人都能得到蜂蜜,人人都這么想。103.The exhausted man and the trustful guy thrust a knife into the rusty crust.精疲力竭的男子和深信不疑的家伙將一把刀子刺向生銹的外殼。104.I finally find that the financial findings are binding.我終于發(fā)現(xiàn)財經(jīng)調(diào)查結(jié)果具有約束力。

105.At the windy window, the widow finds a blind snake winding.在當(dāng)風(fēng)的窗口,寡婦發(fā)現(xiàn)有條瞎眼蛇在游動。106.I refuse to accuse Fuse of diffusing confusion.我拒絕控告導(dǎo)火索散播混亂。

107.He had an amusing excuse for executing the executive.對于處決決策人,他有一個可笑的理由.108.At the dawn on the lawn the yawning drowned man began to frown.拂曉時在草坪上，打呵欠的溺水者開始皺眉頭.109.Mr.Brown owns the brown towels in the downtown tower.布朗先生擁有鬧市區(qū)塔里的棕色毛巾。110.Lots of pilots plot to dot the rotten robot.大批領(lǐng)航員策劃給腐爛的機(jī)器人打點.111.In the hot hotel the devoted voter did not notice the noticeable notebook.在炎熱的旅館里,熱心的投票者沒有注意到顯而易見的筆記本。112.The notorious man's noted notation denotes a notable secret.那個臭名昭著的男子的著名符號代表一個值得關(guān)注的秘密.113.Yes, yesterday was the my pay-day;I pay you the payment today.是的,昨天是我的發(fā)薪日,我今天付給你報酬.114.Lay a layer of clay on the displayed layout before the relay race.接力賽之前在展示的陳設(shè)上鋪一層黏土.115.“The gay mayor maybe lay in the hay by the Baby bay,” he says in dismay.他沮喪地說:“快活的市長大概躺在嬰兒灣邊上的干草中。” 116.The delayed player delegation stay on the playground.被耽擱的運(yùn)動員代表團(tuán)停留在操場上。117.The X-rayed prayer preyed a gray tray.照過X光的祈禱者捕獲了一個灰色盤子。

118.Anyway, the prayer swayed by me always goes away by subway.不管怎樣,受我支配的祈禱者總是從地鐵走向遠(yuǎn)方。119.The chocolates on the plate stimulated my son to calculate.盤子里的巧克力鼓勵了兒子進(jìn)行計算.120.One of my relatives, a late translator, translated a book relating to public relations.我的一位親戚,一個已故翻譯,翻譯了一本有關(guān)公共關(guān)系的書。

121.He relates that he is isolated from his relatives.他敘述說他與親戚們隔離開了.122.The educator located the local location allocated to him.教育家定出了分配給他的局部的位置.123.Comply with the compatible rule of complement when using compliments.使用問候語時遵守補(bǔ)語的相容規(guī)則.124.The complicated indicator is dedicated to the delicate delicious machine.這個復(fù)雜的指示器被奉獻(xiàn)給精密而美妙的機(jī)器.125.Likewise, my bike gave a striking strike to the two men alike.同樣,我的自行車給那兩個相象的人驚人的打擊.126.The smoke choked the joking stroker at one stroke.煙一下嗆住了開玩笑的撫摩者.127.Somewhere somebody sometimes does something good.在某處某人有時做某些好事。

128.Wherever I go, nowhere I like;I dislike everywhere.無論我到哪里,沒有哪里為我喜歡,我討厭每一個地方.129.Therefore, the atmosphere is merely a sphere.因此大氣層只不過是一個球體。

130.The funny cunning runner uses his gum gun before sunrise or after sunset.滑稽乖巧的賽跑者在日出之前或日落之后使用膠皮槍。

131.The applause paused because of the cause caused by a cautious plausible clause.掌聲停了是因為一條謹(jǐn)慎的似乎有理的條款引起的原因。

132.The county councilor encountered the accountant at the counter of a countryside shop.縣委委員在一鄉(xiāng)村商店的柜臺邊碰到了會計師。

133.I mounted the mountain and found a fountain with large amount of water.我登上那座山發(fā)現(xiàn)一個水量很大的噴泉。

134.Step by step, the sleepy creeper crawled into my sleeve to sleep.昏昏欲睡的爬蟲一步一步爬進(jìn)我的袖子里睡覺.135.After a deep sleep, the weeping sweeper keeps on peeping the sheep on the steep.酣睡之后,哭泣的清掃者繼續(xù)窺視峭壁上的羊。

136.The vice-adviser advised the reviser to devise a device for getting rid of vice.代理顧問建議校訂者想出一個根除惡習(xí)的計策.137.The wise man used his wisdom in the vertical advertisement device.聰明人把智慧用在垂直的 廣告裝置上。

138.With rhythm, the arithmetic teacher put the artist's artificial articles on the vehicle.算術(shù)老師把藝術(shù)家的人造物品有節(jié)奏地放到運(yùn)載工具里.139.The smart star starts to make cart chart for the commencement.精明的明星開始制作授學(xué)位典禮用的馬車圖表。

140.The lady is glad to give the salad to the sad lad on the ladder.女士樂意把色拉送給梯子上的那位悲哀的小伙子.141.You mad madam, my dad doesn't like the bad badminton pad.你這個瘋太太,我爸爸不喜歡這種壞羽毛球墊.142.The one-legged beggar begins to beg eggs illegally.獨腿乞丐開始非法討蛋。

143.The promoter promptly made a quotation for the remote control motors.發(fā)起人立刻制了一份遙控馬達(dá)的報價單。

144.Each pea and peach on the beach can be reached by the peacock.海灘上的每一顆豌豆和桃子孔雀都能觸及.145.Although the plan was thorough, it was not carried through.盡管計劃很周詳，但是沒有得到貫徹。

146.Thoughtful men ought not to be thoughtless about the drought.體貼的人不應(yīng)該對干旱考慮不周。

147.“Rough cough is tough enough,” Bough said while touching the torch.“劇烈咳嗽是夠難以對付的,”大樹枝在觸摸手電筒時說道.148.The football team stopped the steam stream with beams.足球隊用橫桿堵住了蒸汽流.149.“Ice-cream!” he screamed in dream.“冰淇淋!”他在夢中驚叫道.150.For example, this simple sample similar to his can be exemplified.例如,這件與他的相似的簡單樣品可以作為例證。

※ 來源： 考研論壇 bbs.kaoyan.com

16天記住7000考研單詞（第四天）16天記住7000考研單詞（第四天）

151.The spy is shy of taking shelter on the shelf of the shell-like shed.間諜怕在殼子一樣的棚里的架子上棲身。

152.The optional helicopter is adopted to help the optimistic helpless in the hell.可選用的直升飛機(jī)被用來幫助地獄里那些樂觀的無助者.153.The cell seller seldom sees the bell belt melt.小單間的賣主很少見到鈴鐺帶子融化。

154.The costly post was postponed because of the frost.那件昂貴的郵件由于霜的緣故而延擱。155.Srain brain on the train is restrained.在列車上過度用腦受到約束.156.The gained grain drained away with the rain, all the pains were in vain again.收獲的谷物隨雨水流失了,所有辛勞又白費(fèi).157.Cousin saw a group of couples in cloaks soak their souls in the soapy soup.表哥看見一群穿著斗篷的夫婦在肥皂湯里浸泡靈魂.158.The wounded founder bought a pound of compound.受傷的奠基人買了一磅化合物.159.It's easy and feasible to control the disease after cease-fire.停火之后控制這種病很容易也可行。

160.After a decrease, the price of the grease increases increasingly.下跌過一次之后，潤滑脂的價格日益上漲。

161.Please release that pleasant peasant teaser who brings us plenty of pleasure.請釋放那個帶給我們巨大快樂的友好的農(nóng)民逗趣者。

162.In the canal, the Canadian analyzed the bananas.在運(yùn)河里,那個加拿大人化驗了香蕉.163.I pointed out the joint on the coin at the disappointing appointment.在令人失望的約會上,我指出了硬幣上的接頭.164.His parents apparently stare at the transparent cigarettes.他父母顯然凝視著透明香煙.165.The careful man is scarcely scared by the scarce parcel.細(xì)心男子勉強(qiáng)被罕見的包裹嚇了一下.166.I'm rarely aware that the square area is bare.我很少覺察到那個正方形區(qū)域是光禿禿的.167.“Beware the software in the warhouse during the warfare,” hare said glaring at me.兔子怒視著我說:“戰(zhàn)爭期間當(dāng)心倉庫里的軟件。”

168.I daren't declare that the shares are my spare fare and welfare on the farewell party.在告別會上,我不敢宣稱這些股票是我的備用車費(fèi)和福利。

169.The external and internal interference interrupts my interpretation at short intervals.內(nèi)部和外部干涉以很短的間隔打擾我翻譯.170.The form of the former formula is formally formulated.前一個分子式的形式得到正式表述.171.The performer reformed the performance of the transferred transformer.表演者改良了轉(zhuǎn)讓的變壓器的性能.172.Normally, enormous deformation is abnormal.通常，巨大的變形是不正常的。

173.The bookworm in uniform is informed of the storm.穿制服的書呆子得到暴風(fēng)雨的消息。

174.The story about the six-storeyed dormitory tells a glorious history.關(guān)于六層樓宿舍的故事講述一段光榮歷史。

175.The perfume consumer presumably assumes that the volume is resumed.香水消費(fèi)者假定地設(shè)想音量已恢復(fù).176.The voluntary revolutionaries revolted like the outbreak of volcano.志愿革命者們象火山爆發(fā)一樣起義了.177.It's resolved by resolution that the solution will be used to solve the involved problem.決議決定用這個辦法解決那個復(fù)雜的問題。

178.The generous general's genuine genius is in making generators.那位慷慨將軍的真正天才在于制造發(fā)電機(jī).179.Several severe federal generals drank the mineral water on the miner's funeral.好幾個嚴(yán)厲的聯(lián)邦將軍在礦工的葬禮上喝了礦泉水。

180.The lean man leans on the clean bean plant to read a leaf leaflet.瘦人斜靠在干凈的豆科植物上讀葉片傳單.181.I mean he used mean means in the meantime on the ocean.我的意思是其間在海洋上他用了卑鄙手法.182.The honorable journalist spent an hour on the journey of tour.可敬的新聞記者在觀光旅程上花了一個小時.183.The sour vapour pours into the flourishing flour factory.It's the source of resources.酸蒸汽涌進(jìn)興旺的面粉廠.這是資源的源泉.184.Of course the man's courage encouraged the discouraged tourists in the courtyard.自然那個勇敢男子的勇氣鼓舞了院子里泄氣的游客們。185.The zealous dealer has an ideal idea of dealing with the meal.熱心的商人有一個處理膳食的理想主意.186.He conceals the fact that he is jealous of my seal and wants to steal it.他隱瞞了他嫉妒我的印章并想偷的事實.187.I really realized that a realm came into reality.我真地認(rèn)識到一個王國已變成現(xiàn)實.188.The healer reveals an appealing fact that health is great wealth to the commonwealth.醫(yī)治者揭示一個吸引人的事實:健康是聯(lián)邦的巨大財富。

189.The absent-minded student consents to the sentence in the presence of me.心不在焉的學(xué)生在我面前同意這份判決.190.Presently the present is presented to the representative.現(xiàn)在這份禮物已呈現(xiàn)在代表面前。

191.Not for a moment has the comment on commercial phenomenon been mentioned.那個關(guān)于商業(yè)現(xiàn)象的評論從未被提及過。

192.The mental patient thinks the cement is the elementary element of the ornament.精神病人認(rèn)為水泥是裝飾品的基本成分.193.As an exception I accept all his concepts and conceptions except one.作為例外,我接受他所有的概念和構(gòu)想,只有一個除外。

194.I perceived that the veil clung on the ceiling of the clinic was deceit.我覺察到粘附在診所天花板上的幔子是個騙局.195.The receptionist received a receipt from the receiver.接待員收到一份來自接收者的收據(jù)。

196.The reaper leaped over a heap of cheap weapons.收割者躍過一堆廉價的武器。

197.The newly imprisoned prisoners poisoned poisonous moisture are hoisted out from the prison.中了有毒濕氣毒的新近關(guān)押的囚犯被從監(jiān)獄吊出.198.The gross grocer crossed his legs before the boss.粗鄙的雜貨商在老板面前叉起腿子.199.The lost Bible is possibly the biggest loss of my possessions.丟失的圣經(jīng)可能是我最大的財產(chǎn)損失。

200.A dose of poison made the noisy man's nose rosy.一劑毒藥使得吵鬧的男子的鼻子變成玫瑰色.16天記住7000考研單詞（第五天）201.The loser closely enclosed himself in the closet.那個失敗者把自己嚴(yán)密地封閉在小室內(nèi)。

202.The composer was proposed to decompose his composition into components.作曲家被建議將著作分解成單元。?

203.Suppose you were exposed in the opposite position by your opponent,...假設(shè)你被對手暴露在相反的位置。。

204.The depositor positively positioned the preposition in that position on

purpose.儲戶有意確信地介詞放置在那個位置。?

205.In church the nurse cursed the people pursuing the purple purse.在教堂里，護(hù)士詛咒了追求紫色錢包的 人們。?

206.The faculty for agricultural culture isn't difficult to cultivate.農(nóng)業(yè)栽培能力不難培養(yǎng)。

207.The reservoir in the reserved preserve is an obstacle to the obstinate observer.預(yù)留保護(hù)區(qū)內(nèi)的水庫對固執(zhí)的觀察者是一個障礙。

208.The desert deserves the nervous servants to observe.那個沙漠值得神經(jīng)緊張的公務(wù)員們?nèi)ビ^察。

209.The bulk of the ruby rubbish on the pebble bubbles when stirred by bulbed rubber club.小卵石上的大部分紅寶石廢料在用有球狀突起的橡膠短棍攪動是會起泡。

210.The adjective injected new meaning into the objected objective object.這個形容詞給受到反對的客觀物體注入了新的意義。

211.The projector is subject to rejection and may be ejected from the project.投影機(jī)有遭到否決的傾向并可能被逐出工程。?

212.A day goes through daybreak, morning, noon, afternoon, evening and midnight.一天經(jīng)過坲曉，上午，正文，下午，傍晚和午夜。?

213.His affection for the defects is affected by the infectious perfect effect.他對缺點的鐘愛受到具有感染力的完美效果的影響。? 214.The critic's criticism is critical to the crisis.???評論家的批評對這場危機(jī)至關(guān)重要。?

215.The director's indirect direction led to the incorrect erection of the rectifier.指導(dǎo)者間接的指導(dǎo)導(dǎo)致整流器的錯誤安裝。

216.The prospective inspector prospected his prospect with his own perspective.? 未來的檢查員用自己的觀點勘察的他的前景。

217.Two suspicious aspects are suspected respectively.兩個可疑的方面分別受到懷疑。

218.This section about insects is written by a respectable specialist.關(guān)于昆蟲的這一節(jié)是由一位可敬的專家撰寫的。

219.I assure the injured jury that a sure insurance is ensured.我讓受傷的陪審團(tuán)確信一筆有把握的保險得到的確保。

220.My durable endurance made me endure the injury during insurance.我持久的忍耐力使我忍受了保險期間的傷害。?

221.I can't endure the leisured man's measures for the treasures in the treasury..我不能容忍那個悠閑男子對金庫財寶采取的措施。

222.In the exchange the oranges are arranged into strange ranges.在交易所里橙子被排成奇怪的行。

223.The ashtray, splashed with ash, crashed with a clash in a flash while being washed.那個濺有灰塵的煙灰盤在清洗時咣當(dāng)一聲一下子摔碎了。

226.On the orbit, the rabbits habitually inherited the merits of the inhabitants.? 在軌道上，兔子習(xí)慣性地繼承了居民們的優(yōu)點。

227.Her rejoicing voice is void of something avoidable.她那令人高興的聲音缺少某種可避免的東西。

228.I prefer the preferable preference you referred to in the reference books.? 我更喜歡你在參考書中提到的那個更可取的優(yōu)先權(quán)。

229.The specialist specifically specified a special pacific means especially.專家特地明確指定了一種和解的特殊方法。

230.The speculator specifically specified the specification of this species specimen.投機(jī)者特地指定了這種物種標(biāo)本的規(guī)范。

231 I'm to be punished for publishing his bad reputation to the public of the republic.我因?qū)⑺膲拿暪冀o共和國的公眾將受到懲罰。

232.The drug trafficker is concerned about the condition of the traditional concert.毒品販子擔(dān)心傳統(tǒng)音樂會的狀況。

233.It's a fable that the cable enables the disabled man to be able to walk.電纜使得殘疾人能夠行走是天方夜譚。

234.The problem is that those who are out of jobs probably rob.問題是那些失業(yè)者們可能行劫。?

235.His wicked trick is to get the kids to kick bricks and lick the cricket ticket.他的缺德惡作劇是讓孩子們踢磚和添板球門。? 236.The thin sick chicken picks the thick sticky stick quickly.瘦病雞快速地啄粘乎乎的粗棍。

237.The animals unanimously vanished from the mammal's room furnished with Spanish furniture.動物一齊從配備有西班牙家具的哺乳動物的房間消失。?

Obama 就職演講稿, My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed[bi'st?u]vt.使用；授予, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors ['?nsest?].I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well

as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions—who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do

as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends—hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is

demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].”

America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.THE PRESIDENT: Good evening.To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow Americans: I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan--the nature of our commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion.It’s an extraordinary honor for me to do so here at West Point--where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.To address these important issues, it’s important to recall why America and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place.We did not ask for this fight.On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people.They struck at our military and economic nerve centers.They took the lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith or race or station.Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers onboard one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more.As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda--a group of extremists who have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents.Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban--a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and those who harbored them--an

authorization that continues to this day.The vote in the Senate was 98 to nothing.The vote in the House was 420 to 1.For the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5--the commitment that says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all.And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks.America, our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy al Qaeda’s terrorist network and to protect our common security.Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy--and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden--we sent our troops into Afghanistan.Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of its operatives were killed.The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on its heel s.A place that had known decades of fear now had reason to hope.At a conference convened by the U.N., a provisional government was established under President Hamid Karzai.And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in Iraq.The wrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not be repeated here.It’s enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq war drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention--and that the decision to go into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world.Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible end.We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011.That we are doing so is a testament to the character of the men and women in uniform.(Applause.)Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance, we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people.But while we’ve achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated.After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe haven there.Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it’s been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient security forces.Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government.Gradually, the Taliban has begun to control additional swaths of territory in Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani people.Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq.When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war.Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive.And that’s why, shortly after taking office, I approved a longstanding request for more troops.After consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe havens in Pakistan.I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and civilian efforts.Since then, we’ve made progress on some important objectives.High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we’ve stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda worldwide.In Pakistan, that nation’s ar

my has gone on its largest offensive in years.In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential election, and--although it was marred by fraud--that election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan’s laws and constitution.Yet huge challenges remain.Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards.There’s no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum.Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe havens along the border.And our forces lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population.Our new commander in Afghanistan--General McChrystal--has reported that the security

situation is more serious than he anticipated.In short: The status quo is not sustainable.As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger.Some of you fought in Afghanistan.Some of you will deploy there.As your Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service.And that’s why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy.Now, let me be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary for the conduct of the war during this review period.Instead, the review has allowed me to ask the hard questions, and to explore all the different options, along with my national security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners.And given the stakes involved, I owed the American people--and our troops--no less.This review is now complete.And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S.troops to Afghanistan.After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home.These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.I do not make this decision lightly.I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions.We have been at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources.Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort.And having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to work here at home.Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you--a military that, along with you r families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens.As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who gives their life in these wars.I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed.I visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed.I’ve traveled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final resting place.I see firsthand the terrible wages of war.If I did not think that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow.So, no, I do not make this decision lightly.I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan.This is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda.It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak.This is no idle danger;no hypothetical threat.In the last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror.And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity.We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region.Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear.This is not just America’s war.Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali.The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered.And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies.Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan.We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven.We must reverse the Taliban’s momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government.And we must

strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan’s security forces and government so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s future.We will meet these objectives in three ways.First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban’s momentum and increase Afghanistan’s capacity over the next 18 months.The 30,000 additional troops that I’m announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010--the fastest possible pace--so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers.They’ll increase our ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight.And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.Because this is an international effort, I’ve asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies.Some have already provided additional troops, and we’re confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead.Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan.And now, we must come together to end this war successfully.For what’s at stake is not simply a test of NATO’s credibility--what’s at stake is the security of our allies, and the common security of the world.But taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011.Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground.We’ll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul.But it will be clear to the Afghan government--and, more importantly, to the Afghan people--that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country.Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage of improved security.This effort must be based on performance.The days of providing a blank check are over.President Karzai’s inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction.And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance.We’ll support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for the people.We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable.And we will also focus our assistance in areas--such as agriculture--that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades.They’ve been confronted with occupation--by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes.So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand--America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering.We have no interest in occupying your country.We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow citizens.And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect--to isolate those who destroy;to strengthen those who build;to hasten the day when our troops will leave;and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never yo ur patron.Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.We’re in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that country.But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of Pakistan.That’s why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who’ve argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence.But in recent years, as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most endangered by extremism.Public opinion has turned.The Pakistani army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan.And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy.In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly.Those days are over.Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interest, mutual respect, and mutual trust.We will strengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for terrorists whose location is known and whose intentions are clear.America is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan’s democracy and development.We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting.And going forward, the Pakistan people must know America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people can be unleashed.These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a transition;a civilian surge that reinforces positive action;and an effective partnership with Pakistan.I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach.So let me briefly address a few of the more prominent arguments that I’ve heard, and which I take very seriously.First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam.They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we’re better off cutting our losses and rapidly withdrawing.I believe this argument depends on a false reading of history.Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action.Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency.And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along its border.To abandon this area now--and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance--would significantly hamper our ability to k eep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies.Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can’t leave Afghanistan in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we already have.But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there.It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over.Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our transition to Afghan responsibility.Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort--one that would commit us to a nation-building project of up to a decade.I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what can be achieved at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests.Furthermore, the absence of a time frame for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government.It must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan.As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, or our interests.And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces.I don’t have the luxury of committing to just one.Indeed, I’m mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who--in discussing our national security--said, “Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs.”

Over the past several years, we have lost that balance.We’ve failed to appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy.In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends are out of work and struggle to pay the bills.Too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children.Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce.So we can’t simply afford to ignore the price of these wars.All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars.Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly.Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military this year, and I’ll work closely with Congress to address these costs as we

work to bring down our deficit.But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home.Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power.It pays for our military.It underwrites our diplomacy.It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry.And it will allow us to compete in this century as successfully as we did in the last.That’s why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended--because the nation that I’m most interested in building is our own.Now, let me be clear: None of this will be easy.The struggle against violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan.It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the world.And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies.So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end wars and prevent conflict--not just how we wage wars.We’ll have to be nimble and precise in our use of military power.Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold--whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere--they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships.And we can’t count on military might alone.We have to invest in our homeland security, because we can’t capture or kill every violent extremist abroad.We have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowy networks.We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction.And that’s why I’ve made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials from terrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and to pursue the goal of a world without them--because every nation must understand that true security will never come from an endless race for ever more destructive weapons;true security will come for those who reject them.We’ll have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone.I’ve spent this year renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships.And we have forged a new beginning between America and the Muslim world--one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values--for the challenges that we face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not.That’s why we must promote our values by living them at home--which is why I have prohibited torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay.And we must make it clear to every man, woman and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the light of freedom and justice and opportunity and respect for the dignity of all peoples.That is who we are.That is the source, the moral source, of America’s authority.Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs.We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents.We have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies.We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions--from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank--that provide for the common security and prosperity of human beings.We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes.But more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades--a time that, for all its problems, has seen walls come down, and markets open, and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress and advancing frontiers of human liberty.For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination.Our union was founded in resistance to oppression.We do not seek to occupy other nations.We will not claim another nation’s resources or target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours.What we have fought for--what we continue to fight

for--is a better future for our children and grandchildren.And we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity.(Applause.)

As a country, we’re not as young--and perhaps not as innocent--as we were when Roosevelt was President.Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom.And now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of a new age.In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms.It derives from our people--from the workers and businesses who will rebuild our economy;from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries;from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in our communities at home;from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad;and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people, and for the people a reality on this Earth.(Applause.)This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue--nor should we.But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership, nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time, if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse.It’s easy to forget that when this war began, we were united--bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear.I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that unity again.(Applause.)I believe with every fiber of my

being that we--as Americans--can still come together behind a common purpose.For our values are not simply words written into parchment--they are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of storms as one nation, as one people.America--we are passing through a time of great trial.And the message that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering.We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes.(Applause.)Thank you.God bless you.May God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)Thank you very much.Thank you.(Applause.)

第五篇：奧巴馬就職演講

美國歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演說之---第44任總統(tǒng)Barack Obama的就職演講稿

Inaugural Address of Barack Obama My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.All this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions—who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.17 What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—the nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake.And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends—honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world … that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive … that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet … it.”

America!In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬，1961年8月4日生于美國夏威夷，父親巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬一世是來自肯尼亞的黑人，穆斯林。母親是堪薩斯州的白人。是左撇子，這是美國總統(tǒng)史自40屆以來的第四位左撇子總統(tǒng)。

奧巴馬祖籍肯尼亞，是美國歷史上第一位具有黑人血統(tǒng)的總統(tǒng)。當(dāng)然，美國社會對黑人和其他有色人種的種族歧視，至今仍然存在，解決種族歧視依然任重道遠(yuǎn)。事實上，奧巴馬并沒有像很多美國黑人奴隸的后裔一樣在很多城市的貧民窟長大。他小時候是由他的白人祖父母撫養(yǎng)，他的童年中有很長時間是在印度尼西亞度過的。因此他的思維方式和美國白人或亞洲人比較接近。他本人從來也沒有在公開場合，承認(rèn)自己是黑人，或者是非洲裔美國人，只承認(rèn)自己是混血。

1983年畢業(yè)于哥倫比亞大學(xué)，1985年到芝加哥參加社會工作。1991年畢業(yè)于哈佛大學(xué)的法學(xué)院，是第一個擔(dān)任哈佛法學(xué)評論主編的所謂的 非洲裔美國人，并在此期間獲得了全國范圍的認(rèn)可。1992年和米歇爾·拉沃恩·奧巴馬結(jié)婚，并生了二個女兒瑪麗亞 ·安· 奧巴馬（Malia Ann Obama）, 娜塔莎· 奧巴馬（Natasha Obama）。1996年，奧巴馬從芝加哥當(dāng)選為伊利諾伊州國會參議員并在之后的3年中連任；2000年，在競選美國眾議院議員席位失敗后，奧巴馬將主要精力投入到伊利諾伊州的參議工作中。

2004年7月，美國民主黨召開全國代表大會，奧巴馬被指定在第二天做“基調(diào)演講”。（所謂“基調(diào)演講”，就是民主黨人闡述本黨的綱領(lǐng)和政策宣言，通常由本黨極有前途的政治新星來發(fā)表，1988年做“基調(diào)演講”的人就是時任阿肯色州州長的克林頓。）奧巴馬不負(fù)眾望，他親自撰寫演講稿，并發(fā)表了題為“無畏的希望”（The Audacity ofHope）慷慨激昂的演講。在演說中他提出消除黨派分歧和種族分歧、實現(xiàn)“一個美國”的夢想。該演講后，奧巴馬成為全美知名的政界人物。同年11月，奧巴馬順利的以高達(dá)70%的選票當(dāng)選聯(lián)邦參議員。

2007年2月10日，奧巴馬在伊利諾伊州斯普林菲爾德市正式宣布參加2008年美國總統(tǒng)大選，并提出了重點在“完結(jié)伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭以及實施全民醫(yī)療保險制度”的競選綱領(lǐng)。2008年1月4日，在俄亥俄州民主黨初選大會上，奧巴馬贏得了38%的支持率，領(lǐng)先于知名度高于自己的約翰·愛德華茲以及希拉里·克林頓，在民主黨諸位候選人中領(lǐng)跑。2008年6月3日，奧巴馬票數(shù)領(lǐng)先于希拉里·克林頓，被定為民主黨總統(tǒng)候選人；同年8月23日，在民主黨全國代表大會上奧巴馬被正式提名，從而成為了美國歷史上首個非洲裔總統(tǒng)大選候選人。

2008年11月5日，奧巴馬擊敗共和黨候選人約翰·麥凱恩，正式當(dāng)選為美國第四十四任總統(tǒng)。

2009年10月9日，據(jù)英國廣播公司報道，諾貝爾獎評審會稱，美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬因“為增強(qiáng)國際外交及各國人民間的合作做出非同尋常的努力”而被授予2009諾貝爾和平獎。