第一篇：美國(guó)副總統(tǒng)切尼2004年在復(fù)旦大學(xué)的演講詞開(kāi)場(chǎng)白

美國(guó)副總統(tǒng)切尼2004年在復(fù)旦大學(xué)的演講詞開(kāi)場(chǎng)白

Thank you very much, Mr.Mayor.I appreciate your kind words of introduction.And we are delighted to be here today.My wife and I are privileged to have the opportunity once again to travel in China.// We are grateful for the welcome we have received, especially for the kind of reception here at Fudan University.We thank you for the honor, and we bring you good wishes from President George W.Bush and the People of the United States.//

I know that many of you will soon graduate from this great university.I am told the standards are extremely demanding here, and a degree from Fudan University signifies years of hard work and discipline.// I congratulate each of you on your achievement, and I commend your teacher for upholding the tradition of excellence that marks the 99-year history of Fudan University.美國(guó)副總統(tǒng)切尼2004年在復(fù)旦大學(xué)的演講詞開(kāi)場(chǎng)白譯文

[切尼]:非常感謝市長(zhǎng)先生，感謝您剛才的美言介紹。今天來(lái)到這里，我們非常高興。有幸再次來(lái)到貴國(guó)訪問(wèn)，我和我夫人都感到非常高興。感謝貴國(guó)對(duì)我們的歡迎，尤其是復(fù)旦大學(xué)的款待，謝謝你們給我們的這份榮幸。我們此行帶來(lái)了布什總統(tǒng)以及美國(guó)人民的良好祝愿。我知道在座很多同學(xué)很快就要從這所偉大的學(xué)府畢業(yè)，我聽(tīng)說(shuō)這里的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)嚴(yán)格，復(fù)旦大學(xué)的學(xué)位代表著多年勤學(xué)苦練的結(jié)晶，我祝賀在座各位學(xué)生取得的成就，同時(shí)，我也非常贊賞你們的老師，是他們將擁有99年歷史的復(fù)旦大學(xué)的優(yōu)良傳統(tǒng)發(fā)揚(yáng)光大。

王光亞在普林斯頓大學(xué)的演講詞開(kāi)場(chǎng)白譯文

女士們、先生們：

晚上好。

很榮幸應(yīng)邀到普林斯頓大學(xué)參加你們的研討會(huì)。對(duì)我本人、我的同事及許多中國(guó)人來(lái)講，普林斯頓大學(xué)的名字早已是耳熟能詳。她的歷史比這個(gè)國(guó)家還長(zhǎng)，從這個(gè)校園里走出了美國(guó)第28任總統(tǒng)伍德羅·威爾遜、偉大科學(xué)家愛(ài)因斯坦、著名詩(shī)人T.S.艾略特等眾多杰出人物。正如前總統(tǒng)克林頓先生在1996年普大建校250周年時(shí)所說(shuō)：“在美國(guó)歷史上的每一個(gè)緊要關(guān)頭，普林斯頓大學(xué)及其師生都

發(fā)揮了關(guān)鍵作用?！?/p>

令人高興的是，在座諸位對(duì)中國(guó)事務(wù)都抱有研究興趣。雖然我們兩國(guó)地理上相距萬(wàn)里，但在日常生活中卻非常相近。好萊塢影片、麥當(dāng)勞快餐成了許多中國(guó)人生活中的內(nèi)容。而中國(guó)加工的服裝、日用品也天天伴隨著美國(guó)人民。我希望通過(guò)今天的交流，能增進(jìn)在座諸位對(duì)中國(guó)和中國(guó)外交政策的了解，為未來(lái)彼此的友

誼與合作錦上添花。

Ladies and Gentlemen，Good evening.It is an honor for me to be invited to your seminar tonight.For me, for my colleagues and many other Chinese, Princeton has long been a familiar name.With a history longer than the country, it has produced many outstanding people, Woodrow Wilson, the 28th US President, Albert Einstein, the great scientist, and T.S.Eliot, the famous poet, to name but a few.As the former President Bill Clinton said in 1996 in the 250 anniversary celebration of Princeton，“At every critical moment in American history, Princeton, its leadership, its students have played a crucial role.”

I am more pleased to learn that all of you have a keen interest in China.Though our two countries are geographically far apart, we have lots in common.While many Chinese enjoy Hollywood movies and McDonald's fast food, many Americans find that their clothes and daily necessities are made in China.I hope that today's seminar will help you gain a better understanding of China and its foreign policy, thus further deepening our friendship and

cooperation.1.5 新工廠落成典禮上的講話各位尊敬的來(lái)賓，女士們，先生們：下午好！

歡迎大家前來(lái)參加我們公司在中國(guó)的首家新廠房的落成典禮！感謝各位撥冗光臨，與我們共同慶祝這一盛大的活動(dòng)！

我謹(jǐn)代表公司對(duì)今天來(lái)參加典禮的各位供應(yīng)商、客戶嘉賓、各位員工和業(yè)務(wù)伙伴說(shuō)聲“謝謝！”

公司管理層深深為我們的新工廠感到驕傲，我們能干的員工感到驕傲，他們發(fā)展了工廠的業(yè)務(wù)，使之達(dá)到國(guó)際水平。

新廠房標(biāo)志著公司對(duì)中國(guó)業(yè)務(wù)的重視和承諾。

各位供應(yīng)商，我們希望與你們攜手共進(jìn)，使我們的業(yè)務(wù)更上一層樓。各位經(jīng)銷(xiāo)商，我們將繼續(xù)向你們提供尖端的高質(zhì)量產(chǎn)品，以協(xié)助你們做好客戶支持，改善中國(guó)和東南亞許許多多人士的生活。

各位鄰居和朋友，我們將成為良好的企業(yè)公民，與各位同行一起維護(hù)在中國(guó)開(kāi)展業(yè)務(wù)的規(guī)范性。

最后，我們承諾給員工們提供一個(gè)安全、舒適的工作環(huán)境。再次感謝各位與我們共同慶祝今天的典禮！

Lesson 1010.3 中與歐盟的關(guān)系女士們、先生們、朋友們：

今天，我很榮幸給大家介紹歐盟的一些情況以及歐盟與中國(guó)的關(guān)系。

歐盟全稱為歐洲聯(lián)盟，是在歐洲共同體基礎(chǔ)上由25個(gè)（27）獨(dú)立的國(guó)家組成的，目的是為了加強(qiáng)政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)合作。原來(lái)稱“歐共體”或“歐洲經(jīng)濟(jì)共同體”。

目前的25個(gè)成員國(guó)是奧地利、比利時(shí)、丹麥、芬蘭、法國(guó)、希臘、愛(ài)爾蘭、意大利、盧森堡、荷蘭、葡萄牙、西班牙、瑞典、英國(guó)、塞浦路斯（希臘部分）、捷克共和國(guó)、愛(ài)沙尼亞、匈牙利、拉脫維亞、立陶宛、馬耳他、波蘭、斯洛伐克、斯洛文尼亞。

歐盟25國(guó)總面積400萬(wàn)平方公里，接近半個(gè)中國(guó)的面積。總?cè)丝跀?shù)為4.544億，排行第三，僅次于中國(guó)和印度，約占世界總?cè)丝诘?%。

歐盟統(tǒng)一貨幣為歐元，2002年1月1日正式啟用。到目前為止，已經(jīng)有12個(gè)歐盟成員國(guó)用歐元取代其本國(guó)貨幣。統(tǒng)一貨幣是旅行和價(jià)格比較變得容易些，它還為歐洲的商業(yè)往來(lái)、刺激增長(zhǎng)與競(jìng)爭(zhēng)創(chuàng)造了一個(gè)穩(wěn)定的環(huán)境。

到目前為止，歐盟的國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值逾10萬(wàn)億美元。作為一個(gè)整體，這個(gè)規(guī)模與它的主要競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手美國(guó)差不多。經(jīng)濟(jì)總量和貿(mào)易總額分別占全球25%和35%。

歐盟與中國(guó)關(guān)系十分友好。今年5月歐盟與中國(guó)就建交30周年了。去年，歐盟與中國(guó)的進(jìn)出口貿(mào)易總額達(dá)到2，000億歐元。德國(guó)是中國(guó)最大的貿(mào)易伙伴，英國(guó)、荷蘭名列第二和第三。

歐盟正抓住當(dāng)前這一打好的歷史機(jī)遇——團(tuán)結(jié)曾經(jīng)分裂的歐洲大陸，創(chuàng)造一個(gè)和平、穩(wěn)定、民主的歐洲。這次歐盟的擴(kuò)大還將創(chuàng)造一個(gè)幾乎擁有5億消費(fèi)者的統(tǒng)一市場(chǎng)，這個(gè)市場(chǎng)飽含經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)和不斷繁榮的極大潛力。我的話講完了，謝謝大家！

第二篇：副總統(tǒng)切尼在美國(guó)共和黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)上的演講

[dvnews_page]ASaferAmerica,AMoreHopefulAmerica

第38屆美國(guó)共和黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)于8月30日在紐約麥迪遜花園廣場(chǎng)(MadisonSquareGarden)開(kāi)幕，全面啟動(dòng)共和黨為入主白宮進(jìn)行的角逐，這次代表大會(huì)預(yù)定正式提名現(xiàn)任總統(tǒng)布什和副總統(tǒng)切尼為共和黨正副總統(tǒng)候選人。共

和黨自成立以來(lái)首次在紐約市舉行全國(guó)代表大會(huì)，會(huì)場(chǎng)內(nèi)外共聚集了約50,000人，其中有共和黨代表、助選人員、家屬和媒體人員等。會(huì)場(chǎng)外，對(duì)布什政府的政策表示抗議的人群和布什總統(tǒng)的支持者都舉行了大規(guī)模示威。這次大會(huì)還通過(guò)了共和黨非約束性的保守派“政綱”(platform)，即共和黨對(duì)本黨原則、政策和已取得的成就發(fā)表的聲明以及布什如當(dāng)選連任希望達(dá)到的目標(biāo)。以下是副總統(tǒng)切尼在美國(guó)共和黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)上的演講。

第三篇：副總統(tǒng)切尼在共和黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)上的演講

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A Safer America, A More Hopeful America

第38屆美國(guó)共和黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)于8月30日在紐約麥迪遜花園廣場(chǎng)(Madison Square Garden)開(kāi)幕，全面啟動(dòng)共和黨為入主白宮進(jìn)行的角逐，這次代表大會(huì)預(yù)定正式提名現(xiàn)任總統(tǒng)布什和副總統(tǒng)切尼為共和黨正副總統(tǒng)候選人。共和黨自成立以來(lái)首次在紐約市舉行全國(guó)代表大會(huì)，會(huì)場(chǎng)內(nèi)外共聚集了約50,000人，其中有共和黨代表、助選人員、家屬和媒體人員等。會(huì)場(chǎng)外，對(duì)布什政府的政策表示抗議的人群和布什總統(tǒng)的支持者都舉行了大規(guī)模示威。這次大會(huì)還通過(guò)了共和黨非約束性的保守派“政綱”(platform)，即共和黨對(duì)本黨原則、政策和已取得的成就發(fā)表的聲明以及布什如當(dāng)選連任希望達(dá)到的目標(biāo)。以下是副總統(tǒng)切尼在美國(guó)共和黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)上的演講：

Vice President Dick Cheney:

Mr.Chairman, delegates, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans: I accept your nomination for vice president of the United States.I am honored by your confidence.And tonight I make this pledge: I will give this campaign all that I have, and together we will make George W.Bush president for another four years.Tonight I will talk about this good man and his fine record leading our country.And I may say a word or two about his opponent.I am also mindful that I have an opponent of my own.People tell me that Senator Edwards got picked for his good looks, his sex appeal, and his great hair.I say to them how do you think I got the job?

On this night, as we celebrate the opportunities that America offers, I am filled with gratitude to a nation that has been good to me, and I remember the people who set me on my way in life.My grandfather noted that the day I was born was also the birthday of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.And so he told my parents they should send President Roosevelt an announcement of my birth.Now my grandfather didn't have a chance to go to high school.For many years he worked as a cook on the Union Pacific Railroad, and he and my grandmother lived in a railroad car.But the modesty of his circumstances didn't stop him from thinking that President Roosevelt should know about my arrival.My grandfather believed deeply in the promise of America, and had the highest hopes for his family.And I don't think it would surprise him much that a grandchild of his stands before you tonight as Vice President of the United States.It is the story of this country that people have been able to dream big dreams with confidence they would come true, if not for themselves, then for their children and grandchildren.And that sense of boundless opportunity is a gift that we must pass on to all who come after us.洛基國(guó)際英語(yǔ)

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From kindergarten to graduation, I went to public schools, and I know that they are a key to being sure that every child has a chance to succeed and to rise in the world.When the President and I took office, our schools were shuffling too many children from grade to grade without giving them the skills and knowledge they need.So President Bush reached across the aisle and brought both parties together to pass the most significant education reform in 40 years.With higher standards and new resources, America's schools are now on an upward path to excellence and not for just a few children, but for every child.Opportunity also depends on a vibrant, growing economy.As President Bush and I were sworn into office, our nation was sliding into recession, and American workers were overburdened with federal taxes.Then came the events of September 11th, which hit our economy very hard.So President Bush delivered the greatest tax reduction in a generation, and the results are clear to see.Businesses are creating jobs.People are returning to work.Mortgage rates are low, and home ownership in this country is at an all-time high.The Bush tax cuts are working.Our nation has the best healthcare in the world, and President Bush is making it more affordable and accessible to all Americans.And there is more to do.Under this President's leadership, we will reform medical liability so the system serves patients and good doctors, not personal injury lawyers.These have been years of achievement, and we are eager for the work ahead.And in all that we do, we will never lose sight of the greatest challenge of our time: preserving the freedom and security of this nation against determined enemies.Since I last spoke to our national convention, Lynne and I have had the joy of seeing our family grow.We now have a grandson to go along with our three wonderful granddaughters, and the deepest wish of my heart and the object of all my determination is that they, and all of America's children, will have lives filled with opportunity and that they will inherit a world in which they can live in freedom, in safety, and in peace.Four years ago, some said the world had grown calm, and many assumed that the United States was invulnerable to danger.That thought might have been comforting;it was also false.Like other generations of Americans, we soon discovered that history had great and unexpected duties in store for us.September 11th, 2001, made clear the challenges we face.On that day we saw the harm that could be done by 19 men armed with knives and boarding passes.America also awakened to a possibility even more lethal: this enemy, whose hatred of us is limitless, armed with chemical, biological, or even nuclear weapons.Just as surely as the Nazis during World War Two and the Soviet communists during the Cold War, 洛基國(guó)際英語(yǔ)

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the enemy we face today is bent on our destruction.As in other times, we are in a war we did not start, and have no choice but to win.Firm in our resolve, focused on our mission, and led by a superb commander in chief, we will prevail.The fanatics who killed some 3,000 of our fellow Americans may have thought they could attack us with impunity because terrorists had done so previously.But if the killers of September 11th thought we had lost the will to defend our freedom, they did not know America and they did not know George W.Bush.From the beginning, the President made clear that the terrorists would be dealt with and that anyone who supports, protects, or harbors them would be held to account.In a campaign that has reached around the world, we have captured or killed hundreds of Al-Qaeda.In Afghanistan, the camps where terrorists trained to kill Americans have been shut down, and the Taliban driven from power.In Iraq, we dealt with a gathering threat, and removed the regime of Saddam Hussein.Seventeen months ago, he controlled the lives and fortunes of 25 million people.Tonight he sits in jail.President Bush does not deal in empty threats and half measures, and his determination has sent a clear message.Just five days after Saddam was captured, the government of Libya agreed to abandon its nuclear weapons program and turn the materials over to the United States.Tonight, uranium, centrifuges, and plans for nuclear weapons that were once hidden in Libya are locked up and stored away in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, never again to be a danger to Americans.The biggest threat we face today is having nuclear weapons fall into the hands of terrorists.The president is working with many countries in a global effort to end the trade and transfer of these deadly technologies.The most important result thus far and it is a very important one is that the black-market network that supplied nuclear weapons technology to Libya, as well as to Iran and North Korea, has been shut down.The world's worst source of nuclear weapons proliferation is out of business and we are safer as a result.In the global war we are fighting, we owe a mighty debt to the men and women of the United States armed forces.They have fought the enemy with courage and reached out to civilians with compassion, rebuilding schools and hospitals and roads.They have won stunning victories.They have faced hard duty and long deployments.And they have lost comrades, more than 1100 brave Americans, whose memory this nation will honor forever.The men and women who wear the uniform of the United States represent the very best of America.They have the thanks of our nation.And they have the confidence, the loyalty, and the respect of their commander in chief.In this election, we will decide who leads our country for the next four years.Yet there is more in the balance than that.Moments come along in history when leaders must make fundamental decisions about how to confront a long term challenge abroad and how best to keep the American people secure.We faced such a moment after World War Two, when we put in place the policies 洛基國(guó)際英語(yǔ)

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that defended America throughout the Cold War.Those policies containing communism, deterring attack by the Soviet Union, and promoting the rise of democracy were carried out by Democratic and Republican presidents in the decades that followed.This nation has reached another of those defining moments.Under President Bush we have put in place new policies and created new institutions to defend America, to stop terrorist violence at its source, and to help move the Middle East away from old hatreds and resentments and toward the lasting peace that only freedom can bring.This is the work not of months, but of years and keeping these commitments is essential to our future security.For that reason, ladies and gentlemen, the election of 2004 is one of the most important, not just in our lives but in our history.And so it is time to set the alternatives squarely before the American people.The President's opponent is an experienced senator.He speaks often of his service in Vietnam, and we honor him for it.But there is also a record of more than three decades since.And on the question of America's role in the world, the differences between Senator Kerry and President Bush are the sharpest, and the stakes for the country are the highest.History has shown that a strong and purposeful America is vital to preserving freedom and keeping us safe yet time and again Senator Kerry has made the wrong call on national security.Senator Kerry began his political career by saying he would like to see our troops deployed “only at the directive of the United Nations.” During the 1980s, Senator Kerry opposed Ronald Reagan's major defense initiatives that brought victory in the Cold War.In 1991, when Saddam Hussein occupied Kuwait and stood poised to dominate the Persian Gulf, Senator Kerry voted against Operation Desert Storm.Even in this post-9/11 period, Senator Kerry doesn't appear to understand how the world has changed.He talks about leading a “more sensitive war on terror,” as though Al Qaeda will be impressed with our softer side.He declared at the Democratic Convention that he will forcefully defend America after we have been attacked.My fellow Americans, we have already been attacked, and faced with an enemy who seeks the deadliest of weapons to use against us, we cannot wait for the next attack.We must do everything we can to prevent it and that includes the use of military force.Senator Kerry denounces American action when other countries don't approve as if the whole object of our foreign policy were to please a few persistent critics.In fact, in the global war on terror, as in Afghanistan and Iraq, President Bush has brought many allies to our side.But as the President has made very clear, there is a difference between leading a coalition of many, and submitting to the objections of a few.George W.Bush will never seek a permission slip to defend the American people.Senator Kerry also takes a different view when it comes to supporting our military.Although he voted to authorize force against Saddam Hussein, he then decided he was opposed to the war, and 洛基國(guó)際英語(yǔ)

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voted against funding for our men and women in the field.He voted against body armor, ammunition, fuel, spare parts, armored vehicles, extra pay for hardship duty, and support for military families.Senator Kerry is campaigning for the position of commander in chief.Yet he does not seem to understand the first obligation of a commander in chief and that is to support American troops in combat.In his years in Washington, John Kerry has been one of a hundred votes in the United States Senate and very fortunately on matters of national security, his views rarely prevailed.But the presidency is an entirely different proposition.A senator can be wrong for 20 years, without consequence to the nation.But a president a president always casts the deciding vote.And in this time of challenge, America needs and America has a president we can count on to get it right.On Iraq, Senator Kerry has disagreed with many of his fellow Democrats.But Senator Kerry's liveliest disagreement is with himself.His back-and-forth reflects a habit of indecision, and sends a message of confusion.And it is all part of a pattern.He has, in the last several years, been for the No Child Left Behind Act and against it.He has spoken in favor of the North American Free Trade Agreement and against it.He is for the Patriot Act and against it.Senator Kerry says he sees two Americas.It makes the whole thing mutual America sees two John Kerrys.The other candidate in this race is a man our nation has come to know, and one I've come to admire very much.I watch him at work every day.I have seen him face some of the hardest decisions that can come to the Oval Office and make those decisions with the wisdom and humility Americans expect in their president.George W.Bush is a man who speaks plainly and means what he says.He is a person of loyalty and kindness and he brings out these qualities in those around him.He is a man of great personal strength and more than that, a man with a heart for the weak, and the vulnerable, and the afflicted.We all remember that terrible morning when, in the space of just 102 minutes, more Americans were killed than we lost at Pearl Harbor.We remember the President who came to New York City and pledged that the terrorists would soon hear from all of us.George W.Bush saw this country through grief and tragedy he has acted with patience, and calm, and a moral seriousness that calls evil by its name.In the great divide of our time, he has put this nation where America always belongs: against the tyrants of this world, and on the side of every soul on earth who yearns to live in freedom.Fellow citizens, our nation is reaching the hour of decision, and the choice is clear.President Bush and I will wage this effort with complete confidence in the judgment of the American people.The signs are good even in Massachusetts.According to a news account last month, people leaving the Democratic National Convention asked a Boston policeman for directions.He replied, “Leave here and go vote Republican.”

President Bush and I are honored to have the support of that police officer, and of Democrats, Republicans, and independents from every calling in American life.We are so fortunate, each and every one of us, to be citizens of this great nation and to take part in the defining event of our 洛基國(guó)際英語(yǔ)

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democracy: Choosing who will lead us.The historian Bernard DeVoto once wrote that when America was created, the stars must have danced in the sky.Our president understands the miracle of this great country.He knows the hope that drives it and shares the optimism that has long been so important a part of our national character.He gets up each and every day determined to keep our great nation safe so that generations to come will know the freedom and opportunities we have known and more.When this convention concludes tomorrow night, we will go forth with confidence in our cause, and in the man who leads it.By leaving no doubt where we stand, and asking all Americans to join us, we will see our cause to victory.Thank you very much.“成千上萬(wàn)人瘋狂下載。。。

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第四篇：肯尼迪在美國(guó)大學(xué)的演講詞

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John F.Kennedy

American University Speech

約翰．肯尼迪 在美國(guó)大學(xué)的演講詞

肯尼迪對(duì)和平的愿望像一條縷縷不絕的線貫穿著他的許多演講詞。但他于一九六三年六月十日在華盛頓市美國(guó)大學(xué)所發(fā)表的這篇演講中對(duì)和平愿望所作的闡述，是最激動(dòng)人心不過(guò)的了。

伍德魯．威爾遜教授曾經(jīng)說(shuō)過(guò)，每個(gè)大學(xué)畢業(yè)生都應(yīng)是愛(ài)國(guó)者，應(yīng)有時(shí)代精神。我堅(jiān)信，從本校榮幸畢業(yè)的男女學(xué)生，會(huì)繼續(xù)把年華和才智奉獻(xiàn)出來(lái)，悉心為公眾服務(wù)，充當(dāng)社會(huì)的棟梁。

約翰．梅斯菲爾德在給英國(guó)各大學(xué)題辭時(shí)寫(xiě)道：「世間事物幾乎沒(méi)有什么比大學(xué)更美好的?！顾倪@番話在這里也同樣適用。他指的不是高聳的塔尖和巍峨的高樓，也不是綠樹(shù)成蔭的校園和長(zhǎng)滿常春藤的圍墻。他說(shuō)。他贊美大學(xué)的美，因?yàn)槟鞘恰竿春抻廾恋娜俗巫吻笾?，領(lǐng)悟真理的人誨人不倦之處」。

因此，我選擇此時(shí)此地來(lái)討論一個(gè)問(wèn)題，對(duì)這個(gè)問(wèn)題，目前無(wú)知者太多，悟理者太少。然而它卻是天下頭等重要的課題，那就是世界和平。

我所指的是什么樣的和平呢?我們所尋求的又是什么樣的和平呢?不是那種靠美國(guó)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)武器強(qiáng)加于世界的美國(guó)統(tǒng)治下的和平。不是墳?zāi)拱愕钠届o，也不是奴隸式的安全。我所講的是真正的和平，是使人活在世上有意義的那種和平，是使人和國(guó)家能夠興旺發(fā)達(dá)，滿懷希望，并為子孫后代創(chuàng)造更美好生活的和平；不僅僅是美國(guó)人的和平，而且是所有男女的和平，不僅僅是我們這一時(shí)代的和平，而且是永久的和平。

我所以要談?wù)摵推剑且驗(yàn)閼?zhàn)爭(zhēng)的面貌不同了。在大國(guó)能夠維持龐大而較難擊破的核武力，并且不會(huì)在使用這些武力之前投降的時(shí)代里，在一枚核武器的爆炸力幾乎十倍于第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間所有盟國(guó)空軍所投炸彈的爆炸力總和的時(shí)代里，在核戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)產(chǎn)生的致命毒素將被風(fēng)、水、土和種子傳播到地球每個(gè)角落并將影響尚未出世后裔的時(shí)代里，總體戰(zhàn)已失去了意義。

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現(xiàn)在每年要花數(shù)十億美元來(lái)生產(chǎn)武器，目的是為了確保我們永遠(yuǎn)不需要使用這些武器，這對(duì)維持和平是必要的。但是貯存這些閑置不用的武器，而且這些武器只能破壞而不能創(chuàng)造財(cái)富，這肯定不是唯一的、更不是最有效的維護(hù)和平的手段。

因此我認(rèn)為，和平是有理性的人應(yīng)該追求的合理目標(biāo)。我知道，致力于和平事業(yè)不像從事戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)那樣引人注目，而且人們對(duì)于呼吁和平往往置若罔聞。但我們現(xiàn)在沒(méi)有比這個(gè)更緊迫的任務(wù)了。

有人說(shuō)，談?wù)撌澜绾推?、世界法律和世界裁軍毫無(wú)用處，將來(lái)也毫無(wú)用處，除非蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人采取較為開(kāi)明的態(tài)度。我希望蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人那樣做。我相信我們能夠幫助他們那樣做。但是我也認(rèn)為，我們個(gè)人和國(guó)家也必須重新檢討一下自己的態(tài)度，因?yàn)槲覀兒退麄兊膽B(tài)度一樣關(guān)系重大。本校的每一個(gè)畢業(yè)生，每一個(gè)反對(duì)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)希望和平的有識(shí)之士都應(yīng)該內(nèi)省，檢查自己對(duì)和平的可能性、對(duì)蘇聯(lián)、對(duì)冷戰(zhàn)進(jìn)程和對(duì)本國(guó)的自由與和平的看法。

首先，讓我們檢查一下對(duì)和平的看法。我們當(dāng)中認(rèn)為和平不可能保持的人太多了，認(rèn)為不可能有真正和平的人也太多了。然而這是一種危險(xiǎn)的和失敗主義的想法。它會(huì)使人得這種道理結(jié)論：戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是不可避免的，人類(lèi)注定要滅亡，我們被一種無(wú)法控制的力量支配著。

我們沒(méi)有必要接受這種看法。我們的問(wèn)題都是人為的，因而能夠由人來(lái)解決。事在人為。有關(guān)人類(lèi)命運(yùn)的問(wèn)題，沒(méi)有一個(gè)是人所不能解決的。人靠自己的理智和精神解決了一些似乎無(wú)法解決的問(wèn)題。我們相信，他們還能這么做。

我所講的和平與善意，不是一些幻想家和狂熱分子所夢(mèng)想的那種絕對(duì)而無(wú)限的普遍和平與善意的概念。我不否認(rèn)希望與夢(mèng)想的價(jià)值，但如果把它作為我們眼前唯一的目標(biāo)，那就只會(huì)帶來(lái)沮喪和懷疑。

讓我們把注意力集中在比較實(shí)際的、比較能實(shí)現(xiàn)的和平上。這種和平不是建立在人性突變的基礎(chǔ)上，而是建立在人類(lèi)制度逐步演變的基礎(chǔ)上，建立在符合眾人利益的一系列具體行動(dòng)和有效協(xié)議的基礎(chǔ)上。要實(shí)現(xiàn)這種和平，沒(méi)有任何快捷方式可走，也不是一兩個(gè)大國(guó)采用任何宏偉、奇妙的方案所能實(shí)現(xiàn)的。真正的和平是許多國(guó)家采取許多行動(dòng)才能實(shí)現(xiàn)的。它必然是充滿活力而不是靜止的，并能不斷變化以應(yīng)付每一代新人所提出的挑戰(zhàn)，因?yàn)楹推绞墙鉀Q問(wèn)題的過(guò)程和途徑。

有了這種和平，仍然會(huì)有爭(zhēng)論和利害沖突，就像在家庭和國(guó)家內(nèi)部那樣。世界和平有如社會(huì)安寧，并不要求每個(gè)人愛(ài)他的鄰居，只要求他們互相寬容共處，并用公正和平的方法解決糾紛。歷史教導(dǎo)我們，國(guó)與國(guó)之間的仇恨如同人與人之間的仇恨一樣，不是永世不能消除的。不管我們的愛(ài)與憎看起來(lái)多么根深蒂固，但隨著時(shí)間的推移和事態(tài)的發(fā)展，國(guó)家之間和鄰居之間的關(guān)系常常會(huì)發(fā)生意料不到的變化。

所以讓我們堅(jiān)持不懈地努力下去。和平不一定是不能實(shí)現(xiàn)的，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)也不一定是不

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可避免的。只要我們更加確切地表明我們的目標(biāo)，使之顯得較易處理，不那么渺茫，我們就能幫助各國(guó)人民看清目標(biāo)，從中獲得希望還勇往直前。

第二、讓我們重新檢查一下我們對(duì)蘇聯(lián)的看法。想到蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人有可能真的相信他們宣傳家的宣傳，確實(shí)使人感到喪氣?？吹阶罱械窃谔K聯(lián)權(quán)威刊物[軍事戰(zhàn)略]上的一篇文章，就很使人失望。文章通篇都是毫無(wú)根據(jù)、難以置信的論斷，諸如「美帝國(guó)主義集團(tuán)正在準(zhǔn)備發(fā)動(dòng)不同類(lèi)型的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)……現(xiàn)在存在著美帝國(guó)主義先發(fā)制人向蘇聯(lián)發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的真正威脅……美帝國(guó)主義的政治目標(biāo)是在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上奴役歐洲和其它資本主義國(guó)家……并借助侵略戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)達(dá)到其統(tǒng)治世界的目的。」

古語(yǔ)說(shuō)：「作賊心虛?！勾_實(shí)如此。然而讀到蘇聯(lián)的這些言論，意識(shí)到我們之間鴻溝為阻，卻是很令人沮喪的。但這也提醒美國(guó)人民不要像蘇聯(lián)人那樣上當(dāng)，不要只看到對(duì)方那種歪曲和極端的觀點(diǎn)，不要把沖突看成不可避免，不要把和解看成絕不可能，不要把對(duì)話看作只不過(guò)是相互威脅而已。

沒(méi)有一個(gè)政府或社會(huì)制度會(huì)邪惡到這種程度，致使人們可以把那里的人民也看成乏善可陳。我們美國(guó)人，認(rèn)為共產(chǎn)主義否定個(gè)人自由和尊嚴(yán)是極易令人反感的。但是我們同時(shí)也為俄羅斯人民在科學(xué)和太空、經(jīng)濟(jì)和工業(yè)發(fā)展以及文化方面取得的許多成就和英勇的行為而歡呼。

在我們兩國(guó)人民所具有的許多共性中，最突出的莫過(guò)于憎恨戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們兩國(guó)之間從未交戰(zhàn)過(guò)，這在世界列強(qiáng)中幾乎是絕無(wú)僅有的。在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)歷史上，還沒(méi)有哪一個(gè)國(guó)家比蘇聯(lián)在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)中所遭受的苦難更深。至少有兩千萬(wàn)人喪失了生命。不計(jì)其數(shù)的家庭和農(nóng)場(chǎng)或化為灰燼，或被劫掠一空。全國(guó)三分之一地區(qū)，包括將近三分之二工業(yè)基地成了廢墟，受害面積相常于我國(guó)芝加哥以東的整個(gè)地區(qū)。

今天一旦再爆發(fā)總體戰(zhàn)，不管是怎么發(fā)生的，我們兩國(guó)都會(huì)首當(dāng)其沖。這兩個(gè)最強(qiáng)大的國(guó)家遭受破壞的危險(xiǎn)也最大，這似乎有點(diǎn)反常，但事實(shí)的確如此。我們的建設(shè)成果，我們努力獲致的一切，將會(huì)在最初二十四小時(shí)的戰(zhàn)斗內(nèi)被摧毀殆盡，甚至在那給許多國(guó)家(包括我國(guó)最親密盟國(guó)在內(nèi))帶來(lái)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)和負(fù)擔(dān)的冷戰(zhàn)中，也是我們兩國(guó)的負(fù)擔(dān)最重，因?yàn)槲覀儍蓢?guó)都把大量金錢(qián)花在武器上，而這筆錢(qián)本來(lái)是可以用來(lái)克服愚昧、貧窮和疾病的。我們雙方都被卷進(jìn)一個(gè)危險(xiǎn)的惡性循環(huán)里，一方的疑心馬上會(huì)引起另一方的猜測(cè)；一方有了新武武器，另一方也立即會(huì)有對(duì)抗的武器。

簡(jiǎn)言之，美國(guó)和它的盟國(guó)、蘇聯(lián)和它的盟國(guó)都深切希望有公正而真正的和平，希望停止軍備競(jìng)賽。在這方面如能達(dá)成協(xié)議，則對(duì)蘇聯(lián)和我們都很有利。即使對(duì)于那些敵意最深的國(guó)家，也應(yīng)相信他們會(huì)接受并遵守那些條約義務(wù)；他們只能接受和遵守那些條約義務(wù)，因?yàn)槟欠纤麄儽旧淼睦妗?/p>

因此，我們不應(yīng)對(duì)我們的分歧視若無(wú)睹，但是，也應(yīng)該注意我們的共同利益和解決分歧的方法。如果我們現(xiàn)在不能消除分歧，至少我們應(yīng)該努力使世界不致因分

004km.cn 個(gè)性化教育項(xiàng)目專(zhuān)家

歧而不安全。因?yàn)闅w根結(jié)底我們最基本的共同點(diǎn)是都居住在這個(gè)星球上。我們都呼吸著同樣的空氣。我們都為子女的前途著想，而且我們的壽命都是有限的。

第三、讓我們重新檢查一下對(duì)冷戰(zhàn)的看法。要記住我們現(xiàn)在不是在進(jìn)行辯論，不是要列舉各方的論點(diǎn)。我們并不是在這里責(zé)備別人或是判斷他人的是非。我們必須從當(dāng)前實(shí)況出發(fā)來(lái)處理世界問(wèn)題，而不要將我們的看法建筑在如果過(guò)去十八年的歷史不是這樣的話，那么世界可能是另一番景象的假設(shè)上。

所以我們必須堅(jiān)持不懈地去探求和平，希望共產(chǎn)主義集團(tuán)內(nèi)部建設(shè)性的變化會(huì)帶來(lái)一些我們目前似乎是辦不到的解決辦法。我們處理事情的方式，必須使共產(chǎn)主義集團(tuán)看到，達(dá)到真正的和平是對(duì)他們有利的。尤其重要的是，當(dāng)核大國(guó)在維護(hù)本身的重大利益時(shí)，必須避免使其對(duì)手不得不在忍辱退卻和原子戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)二者之 間進(jìn)行抉擇的那種針?shù)h相對(duì)的做法。在核時(shí)代，采取這種做法只不過(guò)證明我們政策的破產(chǎn)，或表示大家都希望世界毀滅。

為達(dá)此目的，美國(guó)的武器不用于挑釁，而且慎加控制，旨在起威懾作用，并能有選擇地使用。我們的軍隊(duì)是致力于保衛(wèi)和平的，在自我克制方面也是訓(xùn)練有素的。我們的外交官奉命避免發(fā)表不必要的刺激性言論和造成純屬論戰(zhàn)的敵對(duì)狀態(tài)。

我們可以在不放松警惕的情況下來(lái)尋求緊張局勢(shì)的緩和。從我們方面來(lái)說(shuō)，我們無(wú)須用威脅來(lái)證明我們的決心。我們也無(wú)須唯恐我們的信仰遭受腐蝕而去干擾別國(guó)的廣播。我們不愿意把我們的制度強(qiáng)加給任何不愿意接受的人民，但是我們?cè)敢獠⑶夷軌蚺c世界上任何國(guó)家的人民進(jìn)行和平競(jìng)賽。

與此同時(shí)，我們努力加強(qiáng)聯(lián)合國(guó)，幫助聯(lián)合國(guó)解決經(jīng)費(fèi)問(wèn)題，使它成為更有效的和平工具，將它發(fā)展成真正的世界安全體系，即成為一個(gè)能夠根據(jù)法律解決爭(zhēng)端、確保大小國(guó)家安全和為最終消滅軍備而創(chuàng)造條件的體系。

我們同時(shí)努力維護(hù)非共產(chǎn)主義國(guó)家內(nèi)部的和平。在非共產(chǎn)主義世界里，許多國(guó)家由于各種爭(zhēng)端而發(fā)生分裂。這些國(guó)家都是我們的朋友，它們的爭(zhēng)端削弱了西方的團(tuán)結(jié)，容易招來(lái)共產(chǎn)黨的干涉，或有導(dǎo)致戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的危險(xiǎn)。盡管受到來(lái)自雙方面的批評(píng)，我們?cè)谖餍聨變?nèi)亞、剛果、中東和印度次大陸的努力是始終不懈的和極 有耐心的。我們也曾努力調(diào)整與最親密的鄰邦墨西哥和加拿大的微小但卻重要的分歧，試圖為別人樹(shù)立榜樣。

談到其它國(guó)家，我想表明一點(diǎn)。我們與許多國(guó)家有聯(lián)盟關(guān)系，這種聯(lián)盟關(guān)系之所以存在，是因?yàn)槲覀兒退麄冇邢喈?dāng)多共同關(guān)心的問(wèn)題。例如，由于我們切身利益的一致性，我們承擔(dān)的保衛(wèi)西歐和西柏林的義務(wù)一直沒(méi)有減少。美國(guó)不會(huì)以犧牲其它國(guó)家和人民的利益為代價(jià)來(lái)與蘇聯(lián)進(jìn)行交易。這不僅僅是因?yàn)檫@些國(guó)家和人民是我們的伙伴，而且也因?yàn)樗麄兊睦婧臀覀兊睦媸且恢碌摹?/p>

我們利益的一致性，不僅表現(xiàn)在保衛(wèi)自由的疆界上，而且也表現(xiàn)在追求和平的道路上。我們的希望和盟國(guó)政策的目標(biāo)，是促使蘇聯(lián)認(rèn)識(shí)到，它也應(yīng)該讓每個(gè)國(guó)家選擇自己的前途，只要這種選擇不妨礙其它國(guó)家的選擇。共產(chǎn)黨國(guó)家力圖把他們

004km.cn 個(gè)性化教育項(xiàng)目專(zhuān)家 的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)制度強(qiáng)加于別國(guó)，是今天世界緊張局勢(shì)的主要原因。如果所有 國(guó)家都不干涉別國(guó)的自決，和平毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)會(huì)更有保障。

這需要作出新的努力來(lái)制定世界法律，為討論世界上的問(wèn)題提供新的條件。這就需要增強(qiáng)蘇聯(lián)和我們之間的相互了解。要加強(qiáng)了解就必須加強(qiáng)接觸和交換意見(jiàn)。這方面的一個(gè)步驟，就是擬議中的在莫斯科和華盛頓之間安裝一條直線電話，以避免彼此在危機(jī)時(shí)期可能出現(xiàn)的危險(xiǎn)的延擱，以及對(duì)另一方行動(dòng)的誤會(huì)和誤 解。

我們一直在日內(nèi)瓦就有關(guān)武器控制的其它初步措施舉行談判，目的是限制軍備競(jìng)賽的加劇和減少意外戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的危險(xiǎn)性。然而我們?cè)谌諆?nèi)瓦會(huì)談的首要和長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)的目標(biāo)是全面徹底裁軍。裁軍可分階段進(jìn)行，同時(shí)也在政治方面求得進(jìn)展，建立新的和平體制以取代軍備。自二十年代以來(lái)，我國(guó)政府一直為實(shí)現(xiàn)裁軍而努力。前三屆政府也為此進(jìn)行了不懈的奮斗。不管今天裁軍的前景是多么的黯淡，我們?nèi)詼?zhǔn)備繼續(xù)努力。我們繼續(xù)這方面的工作是為了使所有的國(guó)家，包括我們自己，能更好地了解裁軍方面存在的問(wèn)題及其各種可能性。

這些談判的一個(gè)重要方面，是簽訂禁止核試驗(yàn)的條約，條約的締結(jié)已指日可待，然而卻迫切需要取得新的進(jìn)展。簽訂這樣一個(gè)條約似乎近在眼前卻又遠(yuǎn)不可及，條約的締結(jié)可以制止軍備競(jìng)賽中最危險(xiǎn)的一個(gè)領(lǐng)域的惡性循環(huán)，而且將使得核大國(guó)能更有效地處理人類(lèi)在一九六三年所面臨的最大危害之一，即核武器進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)散的問(wèn)題。條約的締結(jié)將增加我們的安全，也將減少戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的可能性。這個(gè)目標(biāo)確是極其重要的，需要我們不斷努力追求，但是也不能因此受惑而放棄我們所堅(jiān)持的至關(guān)重要的和可靠的保障措施。

因此，我借此機(jī)會(huì)宣布兩項(xiàng)有關(guān)的重要決定。

第一：赫魯曉夫主席、麥克米倫首相和我已經(jīng)同意，最近將在莫斯科舉行高級(jí)會(huì)議，期望能盡早達(dá)成一項(xiàng)全面禁止核試驗(yàn)的協(xié)議。我們懷著希望，同時(shí)也不要忘記歷史的教訓(xùn)，但是我們所抱的希望是與全人類(lèi)的希望一致的。

第二：為了表明我們對(duì)這個(gè)問(wèn)題的誠(chéng)意和莊嚴(yán)的信念，我現(xiàn)在宣布：只要其它國(guó)家不在大氣層進(jìn)行核試驗(yàn)，美國(guó)也不打算在大氣層進(jìn)行核試驗(yàn)。我們將不首先恢復(fù)大氣層核試驗(yàn)。這個(gè)聲明代替不了有約束力的正式條約，但是我希望它有助于我們締結(jié)條約。這樣一個(gè)條約也不能代替裁軍，但是我希望它有助于我們實(shí) 現(xiàn)裁軍。

我的美國(guó)同胞們，最后，讓我們?cè)谶@里檢查一下我們對(duì)國(guó)內(nèi)的和平自由的看法。我們社會(huì)的性質(zhì)和精神，須能證明我們?cè)趪?guó)外所進(jìn)行的努力是正確的，并且還能對(duì)那種努力起推動(dòng)作用。我們必須以我們的獻(xiàn)身精神來(lái)表明這一點(diǎn)。在今天畢業(yè)的同學(xué)中，許多人將有表現(xiàn)這種獻(xiàn)身精神的極好機(jī)會(huì)，他們可在國(guó)外的和平隊(duì)或國(guó)內(nèi)籌建中的國(guó)民服務(wù)隊(duì)里擔(dān)任義務(wù)工作。

但是不管我們?cè)谀睦铮覀冊(cè)谌粘Ｉ钪?，都必須遵循一條古訓(xùn)：和平與自由不

004km.cn 個(gè)性化教育項(xiàng)目專(zhuān)家

可分割。今天在我們相當(dāng)多的城市里，和平之仍無(wú)保障，因?yàn)樽杂蛇€未臻完善。

地方、州和聯(lián)邦各級(jí)政府的行政機(jī)構(gòu)均有責(zé)任在他們的權(quán)力范圍內(nèi)，盡一切辦法向所有公民提供自由和保障自由。舉凡立法機(jī)構(gòu)的權(quán)力有不完善之處，各級(jí)立法機(jī)構(gòu)有責(zé)任使之臻于完善。我們各階層的公民有責(zé)任尊重他人的權(quán)利和國(guó)家的法律。

所有這些都與世界和平有關(guān)。圣經(jīng)說(shuō)：「當(dāng)一個(gè)人的行動(dòng)使上帝滿意時(shí)，他甚至也能使他的敵人與他和睦相處?！箽w根結(jié)底，和平基本上不就是一個(gè)人類(lèi)的權(quán)利問(wèn)題嗎?不就是不虞受害而安度一生的權(quán)利，自由呼吸大自然所提供的空氣的權(quán)利，以及讓后代健康生活的權(quán)利嗎?

當(dāng)我們捍衛(wèi)我們的國(guó)家利益時(shí)，讓我們也來(lái)捍衛(wèi)人類(lèi)的利益。消滅戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和武器顯然是符合上述兩項(xiàng)利益的。任何條約不管給所有人帶來(lái)多大的好處，也不管措辭多么嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)，都不能杜絕欺騙和漏洞。但是如果條約的實(shí)施相當(dāng)有效，而且相當(dāng)符合簽約者的利益，那么它能夠比毫無(wú)削減的、漫無(wú)控制的和難以預(yù)料的軍備競(jìng)賽提供遠(yuǎn)為可靠的安全，人們所冒的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)也要少得多。

眾所周知，美國(guó)決不會(huì)發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們不要戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們現(xiàn)在不盼望戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。這一代美國(guó)人已受夠了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、仇恨和壓迫，并且受得太多了。如果別人想要戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，我們將嚴(yán)陣以待。我們將提高警惕，設(shè)法制止它。我們也會(huì)為建設(shè)一個(gè)弱者安全，強(qiáng)者公正的和平世界而盡我們的一點(diǎn)責(zé)任。要完成這個(gè)任務(wù)，我們不是無(wú)能為 力的，對(duì)實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)目標(biāo)，我們也不是毫無(wú)信心的。我們信心百倍，無(wú)所畏懼，努力奮斗－－不是旨在消滅他人，而是謀求和平。

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