第一篇：奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講（范文模版）

Good afternoon.I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.For over a thousand years, Al—Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning;and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world — tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate.The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim—majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims.The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights.All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity.And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.Instead, they overlap, and share common principles — principles of justice and progress;tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors.There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other;to learn from each other;to respect one another;and to seek common ground.As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.” That is what I will try to do today — to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience.I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims.As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.It was Islam — at places like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment.It was innovation in Muslim communities — it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra;our magnetic compass and tools of navigation;our mastery of pens and printing;our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires;timeless poetry and cherished music;elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims.” And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers — Thomas Jefferson — kept in his personal library.So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed.That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.We were born out of revolution against an empire.We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words — within our borders, and around the world.We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum — “Out of many, one.” Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.But my personal story is not so unique.The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores — and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations — to live in peace and security;to get an education and to work with dignity;to love our families, our communities, and our God.These things we share.This is the hope of all humanity.Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people.These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead;and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean.When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century.That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes — and, yes, religions — subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail.So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it.Our problems must be dealt with through partnership;our progress must be shared.Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension.Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely.And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.In Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at war with Islam.We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security — because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children.And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together.Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support.We did not go by choice;we went because of necessity.I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody.And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale.They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.These are not opinions to be debated;these are facts to be dealt with.Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan.We see no military — we seek no military bases there.It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women.It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can.But that is not yet the case.And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists.They have killed in many countries.They have killed people of different faiths — but more than any other, they have killed Muslims.Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as — it is as if he has killed all mankind.And the Holy Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism — it is an important part of promoting peace.Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.Let me also address the issue of Iraq.Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: “I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.” Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future — and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.Iraq's sovereignty is its own.And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy.But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles.Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.We are taking concrete actions to change course.I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.This bond is unbreakable.It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.Six million Jews were killed — more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful.Threatening Israel with destruction — or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews —is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people — Muslims and Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation.Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.They endure the daily humiliations — large and small — that come with occupation.So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.It's easy to point fingers — for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires.The obligations — the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear.For peace to come, it is time for them — and all of us — to live up to our responsibilities.Palestinians must abandon violence.Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia;from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end.It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.That's not how moral authority is claimed;that's how it is surrendered.Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people.Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities.To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.It is time for these settlements to stop.And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security;neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.The Arab—Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.We cannot impose peace.But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.Too many tears have been shed.Too much blood has been shed.All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government.Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage—taking and violence against U.S.troops and civilians.This history is well known.Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve.There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.This is not simply about America's interests.It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.And any nation — including Iran — should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people;the freedom to live as you choose.These are not just American ideas;they are human rights.And that is why we will support them everywhere.Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments — provided they govern with respect for all their people.This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power;once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion;you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition.I saw it first-hand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.That is the spirit we need today.People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.The richness of religious diversity must be upheld — whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit — for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.In fact, faith should bring us together.And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations.Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action — whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.I know, I know — and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue.I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim—majority countries elect a woman to lead.Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity — men and women — to reach their full potential.I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles.But it should be their choice.And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim—majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro—financing that helps people live their dreams.Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities.In all nations – including America – this change can bring fear.Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.There need not be contradiction between development and tradition.Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures.The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim—majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development.But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas.I am emphasizing such investment within my country.And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to his part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities.And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America;invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world;and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim—majority countries.And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim—majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs.We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops.Today, I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio.And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.All these things must be done in partnership.Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments, community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home;a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes;a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.Those are mutual interests.That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together.I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning.Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash.Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur.There is so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years.But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.It's easier to start wars than to end them.It's easier to blame others than to look inward.It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new;that isn't black or white or brown;that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew.It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.The Holy Quran tells us, “O mankind!We have created you male and a female;and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.” The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.” The Holy Bible tells us, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.” The people of the world can live together in peace.We know that is God's vision.Now, that must be our work here on Earth.Thank you.And may God's peace be upon you.Thank you very much.Thank you.

第二篇：奧巴馬開羅演講

奧巴馬開羅演講

I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.非常感謝你們。下午好。我榮幸地來(lái)到永恒的開羅古城，榮幸地受到兩所著名學(xué)府的邀請(qǐng)。愛(ài)資哈爾(Al-Azhar)一千多年來(lái)一直是一座伊斯蘭學(xué)術(shù)的燈塔，開羅大學(xué)(Cairo University)一 百多年來(lái)一直是埃及發(fā)展的源泉。你們并肩而立，象征著傳統(tǒng)與進(jìn)步的和諧共進(jìn)。我對(duì)你們 的盛情邀請(qǐng)，對(duì)埃及人民的盛情邀請(qǐng)表示感謝。我也自豪地帶來(lái)美國(guó)人民的友好情誼，帶來(lái) 我國(guó)穆斯林民眾的平安問(wèn)候：

“Assalaamu alaykum.”（“愿你平安?！保?/p>

We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the worldprinciples of justice and progress;tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.我來(lái)到這里是要在美國(guó)和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種以共同利益和相互尊重為基點(diǎn)的新開端 ──基于美國(guó)和伊斯蘭教并不相互排斥、不必相互競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的真情。不僅如此，它們相互重合，擁有一些共同原則──公正與進(jìn)步的原則；容忍與全人類都有尊嚴(yán)的原則。

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point.But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors.There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other;to learn from each other;to respect one another;and to seek common ground.As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.” That is what I will try to doat places like Al-Azhar UniversityThomas Jeffersonthat includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.對(duì)一個(gè)名叫巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬的非洲裔美國(guó)人能夠當(dāng)選美國(guó)總統(tǒng)這一點(diǎn)已經(jīng)議論繁多。但我的個(gè)人經(jīng)歷并不是那么獨(dú)特。雖然人人都有機(jī)會(huì)的這個(gè)理想還沒(méi)有在美國(guó)每一個(gè)人身上 實(shí)現(xiàn)，但對(duì)于登陸我國(guó)的所有人來(lái)說(shuō)，這個(gè)希望是存在的──其中包括屬于我國(guó)今天 80 多 個(gè)族裔群體的近700 萬(wàn)美國(guó)穆斯林。實(shí)際上，美國(guó)穆斯林的收入及教育水平超過(guò)了我國(guó)的平均線。

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.That is why the U.S.government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.而且，美國(guó)的自由與信奉宗教的自由密不可分。這就是為什么清真寺遍及我們合眾國(guó)的每個(gè) 州，在我們境內(nèi)有著 1200 多座清真寺。這就是為什么美國(guó)政府為保護(hù)婦女和女童戴頭巾的 權(quán)利和為了懲罰那些想剝奪這項(xiàng)權(quán)利的人而訴諸司法手段。

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirationsand never will bemore than any other, they have killed Muslims.Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind;and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremismand to leave Iraq to Iraqis.I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.Iraq's sovereignty is its own.That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012.We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy.But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.今天，美國(guó)承擔(dān)著雙重責(zé)任：幫助伊拉克人打造更美好的未來(lái)，同時(shí)要將伊拉克交給伊拉克 人。我明確地向伊拉克人民表

示，我們不尋求基地，對(duì)領(lǐng)土或資源沒(méi)有要求。伊拉克的主權(quán) 屬于伊拉克自己。正是出于這個(gè)原因，我已下令在明年 8 月前撤出我們的作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)。也正是 出于這個(gè)原因，我們將履行與伊拉克民選政府達(dá)成的協(xié)議，在 7 月前從伊拉克城市撤出作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)，在 2012 年年底前將所有的部隊(duì)撤出伊拉克。我們將幫助伊拉克訓(xùn)練安全部隊(duì)和發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)。但我們是以伙伴的身份，而絕不是以保護(hù)人的身份支持伊拉克的安全與統(tǒng)一。

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles.9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country.The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals.We are taking concrete actions to change course.I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.最后，美國(guó)絕不能容忍極端主義分子的暴力，同樣我們也絕不能改變或忘記我們的原則。9.11 事件給我國(guó)造成了巨大的創(chuàng)傷。這一事件引起的憂懼和憤怒是可以理解的，但在某些情況下，這一事件也使我們采取了與我們的傳統(tǒng)和理想相悖的行動(dòng)。我們正在采取具體行動(dòng)改變路線。我明確禁止美國(guó)使用酷刑，我已下令明年初關(guān)閉關(guān)塔納摩灣監(jiān)獄。

So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.因此，美國(guó)將進(jìn)行自衛(wèi)，同時(shí)尊重其他國(guó)家的主權(quán)和法治。我們?cè)谶@樣做的時(shí)候，將與同樣 受到威脅的穆斯林社區(qū)結(jié)成伙伴。早一天使極端主義分子在穆斯林社區(qū)受到孤立和喪失人心，我們就能早一天獲得更大的安全。

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis、Palestinians and the Arab world.我將討論的緊張關(guān)系的第二大根源是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之間的局勢(shì)。

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.This bond is unbreakable.It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.美國(guó)與以色列之間的牢固關(guān)系眾所周知。這種關(guān)系堅(jiān)不可摧。它基于文化和歷史的紐帶以及這樣一個(gè)認(rèn)識(shí)：對(duì)猶太家園的渴望有著一個(gè)悲哀的歷史源頭，這個(gè)歷史是無(wú)可否認(rèn)的。

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.Six million Jews were killedor repeating vile stereotypes about JewsMuslims and Christianslarge and smallfor Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.幾十年來(lái)，一直存在著一種僵持局面：有著合理追求的兩族人民，因各自的痛苦歷史而使妥 協(xié)可望不可及。相互指責(zé)并不難——巴勒斯坦人指責(zé)由以色列建國(guó)而造成的流離失所，以色 列人指責(zé)貫穿其全部歷史的來(lái)自境內(nèi)外的敵意和襲擊。然而，如果我們僅僅從一方或另一方來(lái)看待這一沖突，我們將無(wú)視事實(shí)：實(shí)現(xiàn)雙方愿望的惟一出路是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人和平

安全共存的兩國(guó)解決方案。

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires.The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear.For peace to come, it is time for themto live up to our responsibilities.這符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美國(guó)的利益，符合世界的利益。因此我將 親自致力于取得這一結(jié)果。各方根據(jù)“路線圖”已同意承擔(dān)的義務(wù)是明確的。為了實(shí)現(xiàn)和平，現(xiàn)在是他們──以及我們各方──應(yīng)該履行自己職責(zé)的時(shí)候了。

Palestinians must abandon violence.Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed.For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia;from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end.It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.That is not how moral authority is claimed;that is how it is surrendered.巴勒斯坦人必須放棄暴力。暴力抵抗和屠殺不能達(dá)到目的。在幾個(gè)世紀(jì)里，美國(guó)黑人奴隸遭鞭打，受種族隔離的凌辱。然而，最終導(dǎo)致獲得全面平等權(quán)利的不是暴力，而是對(duì)美國(guó)建國(guó)核心理想的和平與執(zhí)著的堅(jiān)持。同樣的經(jīng)歷也可在從南非到南亞，從東歐到印度尼西亞的其 他國(guó)家人民的歷史中看到。這個(gè)經(jīng)歷揭示了一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的真理：暴力是死路一條。向睡夢(mèng)中的以色列兒童發(fā)射火箭炮或炸死公共汽車上的老嫗，既非膽識(shí)也非力量的表現(xiàn)。它不是在申明道義權(quán)威，而是在喪失道義權(quán)威。

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people.Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities.To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.現(xiàn)在是巴勒斯坦人致力于如何進(jìn)行建設(shè)的時(shí)候了。巴勒斯坦權(quán)力機(jī)構(gòu)必須發(fā)展治理能力，建 立為人民的需求服務(wù)的機(jī)制。“哈馬斯”確實(shí)在一些巴勒斯坦人中擁有支持，但他們也有責(zé) 任。要為實(shí)現(xiàn)巴勒斯坦的抱負(fù)而發(fā)揮作用，“哈馬斯”就必須停止過(guò)去的暴力，遵守過(guò)去的協(xié)議，承認(rèn)以色列的生存權(quán)。

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.It is time for these settlements to stop.與此同時(shí)，以色列人必須意識(shí)到，正如以色列的生存權(quán)不能被剝奪一樣，巴勒斯坦的生存權(quán)也不能被剝奪。美國(guó)不接受以色列繼續(xù)建造定居點(diǎn)的合法性。這一做法違反了過(guò)去的協(xié)議，有損實(shí)現(xiàn)和平的努力?，F(xiàn)在是停止這些定居點(diǎn)的時(shí)候了。

Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society.And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security;neither

does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.以色列也必須履行其義務(wù)，確保巴勒斯坦人能夠生活、工作、建設(shè)其社會(huì)。正如摧毀巴勒斯坦人的家庭一樣，加沙持續(xù)的人道危機(jī)無(wú)益于以色列的安全，西岸缺乏機(jī)會(huì)也同樣如此。巴勒斯坦人民日常生活的改善必須是通向和平之路的一個(gè)關(guān)鍵部分。

Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state;to recognize Israel's legitimacy;and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.最后，阿拉伯國(guó)家必須認(rèn)識(shí)到，阿拉伯和平倡議（Arab Peace Initiative）是一個(gè)重要的開端，而不是責(zé)任的終止。阿-以沖突決不應(yīng)再被用來(lái)轉(zhuǎn)移阿拉伯國(guó)家人民對(duì)其他問(wèn)題的視線。相反，它應(yīng)成為一個(gè)行動(dòng)的號(hào)召，幫助巴勒斯坦人民發(fā)展維系國(guó)家的機(jī)制；承認(rèn)以色列的合法性；選擇進(jìn)步，而不是自我消耗地向后看。

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.We cannot impose peace.But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.美國(guó)將使我們的政策與追求和平者的政策協(xié)調(diào)一致。無(wú)論在公開場(chǎng)合還是非公開場(chǎng)合，我們將對(duì)以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯人說(shuō)同樣的話。我們不能把和平強(qiáng)加于人。但是，在非公開場(chǎng)合，許多穆斯林承認(rèn)以色列不會(huì)消失。同樣，許多以色列人也承認(rèn)建立巴勒斯坦國(guó)的 必要性。時(shí)不我待，我們必須基于人所共知的事實(shí)行動(dòng)起來(lái)。

Too many tears have flowed.Too much blood has been shed.All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Israel, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed(peace be upon them)joined in prayer.眼淚已流得太久；鮮血已灑得太多。我們大家都有責(zé)任為這樣一天的到來(lái)而奮斗，那就是： 以色列和巴勒斯坦的母親能夠看到自己的孩子毫無(wú)恐懼地長(zhǎng)大，三大信仰的圣地(Holy Land)成為天意屬望的和平之地，耶路撒冷是猶太人、基督徒和穆斯林的安全和永久的家園，并像伊斯拉(ISRA)故事中摩西、耶穌和穆罕默德(頌安)共同祈禱那樣，成為亞伯拉罕所有子孫和平相處的地方。

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.第三個(gè)造成緊張關(guān)系的原因涉及國(guó)家在核武器問(wèn)題上的權(quán)利和責(zé)任，對(duì)此，我們必須達(dá)成共識(shí)。

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us.In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government.Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S.troops and civilians.This history is well known.Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.這個(gè)問(wèn)題是美國(guó)與伊朗伊斯蘭共和國(guó)之間關(guān)系緊張的一個(gè)根源。多年來(lái)，伊朗在某種程度上 用它與我的國(guó)家的對(duì)立來(lái)給其自身定位。伊朗與美國(guó)之間確實(shí)有著坎坷的歷史。在冷戰(zhàn)期間，美國(guó)對(duì)伊朗的民選政府被推翻起了作用。自伊斯蘭革命以來(lái)，伊朗在劫持人質(zhì)和對(duì)美軍及平民發(fā)動(dòng)的暴力事件中扮演了角色。這一歷史眾所周知。我沒(méi)有選擇自陷于過(guò)去，我已經(jīng)向伊朗領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和伊朗人民表明，我國(guó)已做好向前邁步的準(zhǔn)備。對(duì)于伊朗而言，現(xiàn)在的問(wèn)題不在于反對(duì)什么，而在于它希望建設(shè)什么樣的未來(lái)。

It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve.There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.This is not simply about America's interests.It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.消除數(shù)十年的不信任決非易事，但是我們有勇氣、有正氣、有決心向前邁進(jìn)。我們兩國(guó)之間 有許多問(wèn)題有待商討，我們?cè)敢庠跊](méi)有先決條件的情況下基于相互尊重向前邁進(jìn)。但是，有關(guān)各方都很清楚，在核武器方面我們已經(jīng)處在一個(gè)決定性關(guān)頭。它所關(guān)系到的不單純是美國(guó)的利益，而是為了阻止一場(chǎng)可能會(huì)使中東地區(qū)和全世界走上一條極其危險(xiǎn)的道路的核武器競(jìng)賽。

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons.That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.And any nationshould have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.我理解有些人針對(duì)一些國(guó)家擁有核武器而其他國(guó)家沒(méi)有核武器而提出的抗議。任何一個(gè)國(guó)家 都不應(yīng)挑選哪些國(guó)家可以擁有核武器。因此，我堅(jiān)決重申，美國(guó)承諾爭(zhēng)取建立一個(gè)任何國(guó)家 都不擁有核武器的世界。任何一個(gè)國(guó)家——包括伊朗——如果它履行對(duì)《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》(Non-Proliferation Treaty)承擔(dān)的責(zé)任，就應(yīng)當(dāng)有權(quán)獲取用于和平目的的核能源。這一承諾是這項(xiàng)條約的核心，應(yīng)為條約各方全面遵守。我希望這個(gè)地區(qū)的所有國(guó)家都支持這一目標(biāo)。

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.我要講的第四個(gè)題目是民主。

I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.我知道，近幾年來(lái)在推進(jìn)民主方面存在爭(zhēng)議，而且許多爭(zhēng)議與伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)有關(guān)。所以，我要明確表示：沒(méi)有任何一種政府體制能夠或應(yīng)該被一個(gè)國(guó)家強(qiáng)加給另一個(gè)國(guó)家。

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people;the freedom to live as you choose.Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.但是，我并不因此而減少我對(duì)代表人民意愿的政府的承諾。每個(gè)國(guó)家以植根于本國(guó)人民傳統(tǒng) 的各自方式給這一原則賦予生命力。美國(guó)并不自認(rèn)知道什么是對(duì)所有人最為有益的做法，正如我們不會(huì)主觀選擇和平選舉的結(jié)果一樣。但是我確實(shí)堅(jiān)信，某些東西是所有人都渴望的：能夠暢所欲言并對(duì)自己被管理的方式有發(fā)言權(quán)；對(duì)法治和司法公正有信心；政府施政透明，不盜竊人民財(cái)富；以及有自由按自己選擇的方式生活等。這些不是美國(guó)人的發(fā)明，這些是人的權(quán)利，因此美國(guó)在各地都支持這些權(quán)利。

There is no straight line to realize this promise.But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governmentswhether it is for Marinates in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.在某些穆斯林中，有一種令人不安的傾向：通過(guò)排斥他人的信仰來(lái)顯示對(duì)自己的信仰之忠誠(chéng)。豐富的宗教多樣性必須得到維護(hù)──無(wú)論是黎巴嫩的馬龍派教徒(Marinates)還是埃及的科 普特教會(huì)成員(Copts)。另外，如果我們能夠誠(chéng)實(shí)地對(duì)待這個(gè)問(wèn)題，穆斯林內(nèi)部的裂隙也必須彌合，因?yàn)檫d尼派和什葉派的分歧在某些地方已導(dǎo)致悲慘的暴力，特別是在伊拉克。

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.宗教自由對(duì)各族人民能否和睦相處至關(guān)重要。我們必須經(jīng)常認(rèn)真地考慮我們保護(hù)宗教自由的方式。例如，在美國(guó)，有關(guān)慈善捐款的規(guī)定加大了穆斯林履行宗教捐助義務(wù)的難度。為此，我承諾與美國(guó)穆斯林共同努力，以確保他們能夠施行天課（zakat）。

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fitwhether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.的確，信仰應(yīng)有助于我們休戚與共。因此，我們正在美國(guó)制訂一些新的服務(wù)計(jì)劃，使基督徒、穆斯林和猶太人共同參與。因此，我們歡迎阿卜杜拉國(guó)王倡導(dǎo)的宗教間對(duì)話和土耳其在文明聯(lián)盟(Alliance of Civilizations)中發(fā)揮的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用。在全世界各地，我們可以使宗教間對(duì)話發(fā)展成宗教間服務(wù)，通過(guò)各種連接各族人民的橋梁促使我們采取行動(dòng)推進(jìn)共同的人道精神──不論是在非洲抗擊瘧疾, 還是在自然災(zāi)害后提供救援。

The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.我要談的第六個(gè)問(wèn)題是婦女的權(quán)利。

I know there is debate about this issue.I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.我知道在這個(gè)問(wèn)題上存在著爭(zhēng)論，在座的各位就是例證。西方某些人認(rèn)為一位婦女選擇遮蓋自己的頭發(fā)即說(shuō)明不那么平等，我反對(duì)這種看法。但我確實(shí)認(rèn)為剝奪婦女的教育權(quán)利就是剝奪了婦女的平等權(quán)利。婦女受到良好教育的國(guó)家有極大的可能實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮，這種情況決非偶然。

Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead.Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.我希望明確表示：婦女的平等權(quán)利絕不僅僅是伊斯蘭教的問(wèn)題。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉國(guó)和印度尼西亞，我們看到這些穆斯林人口占多數(shù)的國(guó)家選舉了婦女領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。與此同時(shí)，在美國(guó)社會(huì)生活的許多方面以及在世界上其他國(guó)家，爭(zhēng)取婦女平等的斗爭(zhēng)仍在持續(xù)。

Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanityto reach their full potential.I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles.But it should be their choice.That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.我深信，我們的女兒們也能像我們的兒子們一樣為社會(huì)作出很大貢獻(xiàn)。讓全人類—包括男人 和女人—充分發(fā)揮其潛力將促進(jìn)我們的共同繁榮。我并不認(rèn)為，婦女為了獲得平等必須作出與男人相同的選擇，我尊重在生活中選擇承擔(dān)傳統(tǒng)角色的婦女。但是，這應(yīng)當(dāng)是她們自己的選擇。因此，美國(guó)愿意與任何一個(gè)以穆斯林為主體的國(guó)家進(jìn)行合作，支持提高女童識(shí)字率，并通過(guò)小型信貸幫助年輕婦女創(chuàng)業(yè)，實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的夢(mèng)想。

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.我要談的最后一個(gè)問(wèn)題是經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展和經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)會(huì)。

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence.Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities.In all nationsthis change can bring fear.Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identitiesa world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home;a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes;a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.Those are mutual interests.That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together.我所談到的這些問(wèn)題并不能輕易解決。然而，我們有責(zé)任攜手努力建設(shè)一個(gè)我們所追求的世界——一個(gè)極端主義分子不再威脅我們的人民、美國(guó)軍隊(duì)返回家園的世界；一個(gè)巴勒斯坦人和以色列人在各自國(guó)家中和平安全、核能僅用于和平目的世界；一個(gè)政府服務(wù)于人民、上天所有子民的權(quán)利都得到尊重的世界。這些是共同的利益。這是我們所追求的世界，但我們只有攜手共進(jìn)才能如愿以償。

I know there are manywho question whether we can forge this new beginning.Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.Some suggest that it isn't worth the effortyou, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.我知道有很多人──穆斯林和非穆斯林──懷疑我們是否能創(chuàng)造這個(gè)新的開端。有些人急于煽風(fēng)點(diǎn)火制造隔閡，成為前進(jìn)路上的絆腳石。有些人認(rèn)為不值得付出這樣的努力──他們說(shuō)我們注定要有分歧，文明的沖突在劫難逃。還有很多人只是對(duì)變化是否真能發(fā)生疑慮重重。有太多的恐懼感，太多的不信任。但我們?nèi)舾视诒贿^(guò)去束縛，就永遠(yuǎn)無(wú)法前進(jìn)。我特別要對(duì)各國(guó)各個(gè)信仰的年輕人說(shuō)——你們，比任何人都有能力重建這個(gè)世界。

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effortto find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.我們所有人都不過(guò)是這個(gè)世界的匆匆過(guò)客。問(wèn)題在于，我們是把這段時(shí)間花在導(dǎo)致我們分裂的東西上，還是全心致力于一種努力──一種持久努力──以尋求共同之處，以我們爭(zhēng)取為子孫后代創(chuàng)造的未來(lái)為重，并尊重全人類的尊嚴(yán)。

It is easier to start wars than to end them.It is easier to blame others than to look inward;to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religiona belief that isn't new;that isn't black or white or brown;that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew.It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions.It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)比發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)要難?？吹脚c別人的共同之處比看到不同之處要難。我們應(yīng)該選擇正確的道路，而不只是容易的道路。而這正是信仰給我們指明的方向。所有宗教都有同一個(gè)核心原則──已所不欲，勿施于人。這條真理超越國(guó)家與民族──這一信念不是新出現(xiàn)的；不是黑色的、白色的或棕色的；也不代表基督教、伊斯蘭教或猶太教。這種信仰孕育于文明的搖

籃，至今跳動(dòng)在億萬(wàn)民眾的心間。它是對(duì)他人的信任，它是促使我今天來(lái)到這里的原因。

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.我們有能力把世界變成我們所希望的那樣，但前提是我們必須勇于開創(chuàng)新的開端，同時(shí)謹(jǐn)記經(jīng)文的訓(xùn)導(dǎo)。

The Holy Koran tells us, “O mankind!We have created you male and a female;and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.”

《古蘭經(jīng)》告訴我們：“人類！我們創(chuàng)造了你男人和一個(gè)女人；我們讓你們成為國(guó)家和部落以便彼此相識(shí)?！?/p>

The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.” 《塔木德經(jīng)》(Talmud)告訴我們：“全部《托拉》(Torah)都是為倡導(dǎo)和平。”

The Holy Bible tells us, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.” 《圣經(jīng)》（Holy Bible）告訴我們：“使人和睦的人有福了，因?yàn)樗麄儽胤Q為神的兒子?！?/p>

第三篇：奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講全文

奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講全文

一、我來(lái)此地，就是要在美國(guó)和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種全新的開端。我很榮幸來(lái)到開羅這座永恒的城市，并受到兩所卓越的院校的款待。過(guò)去一千年來(lái)，阿茲哈爾（Al-Azhar）就是伊斯蘭教義傳播過(guò)程中的一盞明燈；過(guò)去一個(gè)世紀(jì)，開羅大學(xué)則是埃及前進(jìn)的動(dòng)力。你們一起展現(xiàn)了傳統(tǒng)與發(fā)展之間的和諧。我對(duì)你們和埃及人民的盛情表示感激。我也很驕傲的帶來(lái)了美國(guó)人民的善意，以及美國(guó)穆斯林對(duì)你們的問(wèn)候：assalaamu alaykum（愿安拉賜您平安）。我們于此刻相會(huì)，正值美國(guó)和全世界穆斯林的關(guān)系緊張，這種氣氛根植于歷史，與現(xiàn)在的政策爭(zhēng)論毫無(wú)關(guān)系。伊斯蘭與西方世界共存與合作已長(zhǎng)達(dá)幾個(gè)世紀(jì)，同時(shí)也存在沖突甚至宗教戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。就在最近，這種緊張關(guān)系得以升級(jí)，罪魁禍?zhǔn)装ǚ裾J(rèn)許多穆斯林擁有的權(quán)利和機(jī)會(huì)的殖民主義，以及政治冷戰(zhàn)。在冷戰(zhàn)中，穆斯林國(guó)家經(jīng)常被認(rèn)為是某些勢(shì)力的代理人，而自己的渴望卻被忽視。此外，由現(xiàn)代化和全球化帶來(lái)的巨大變化，也令許多穆斯林認(rèn)為西方對(duì)伊斯蘭傳統(tǒng)懷有敵意。

暴力極端主義者已經(jīng)在數(shù)目小但卻力量大的穆斯林中制造出了緊張局勢(shì)。2001年9月11日的襲擊以及極端主義者對(duì)平民那接連不斷的攻擊，這一切使我的國(guó)民不單單把穆斯林視作對(duì)美國(guó)和西方社會(huì)的威脅，也把穆斯林被視作是對(duì)人權(quán)的威脅。

但凡我們的關(guān)系是由彼此的所差異決定，我們就會(huì)縱容那些播種仇恨而非和平的人，那些挑起沖突而非平復(fù)沖突的人，然而，正是那些平復(fù)沖突的人才能夠使我們的人民達(dá)到正義和繁榮。這個(gè)猜疑和混亂的圈子必須得到終結(jié)。我來(lái)此地，就是要在美國(guó)和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種全新的開端；這種開端建立在彼此的利益和相互的尊敬之上；建立在美國(guó)和穆斯林并非只能存一，不需要相互競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的觀點(diǎn)之上。恰恰相反，美國(guó)和穆斯林世界是相互交疊的，遵循著共同的價(jià)值觀：正義和發(fā)展的價(jià)值觀；以及寬容和人類尊嚴(yán)的價(jià)值觀。誠(chéng)然，我知道變革不是在一夜之間發(fā)生的。沒(méi)有什么演說(shuō)可以消除多年的猜疑，同時(shí)，此時(shí)此刻的我也不能醫(yī)治在這一點(diǎn)上所有的沉疴。但是我已經(jīng)證明了一點(diǎn)：為了前進(jìn)，我們必須說(shuō)出自己的心里話，那些常常是在彼此在背后才會(huì)說(shuō)的話。我們必須學(xué)會(huì)傾聽彼此、互相學(xué)習(xí)、相互尊重；我們必須尋求共識(shí)。正如《可蘭經(jīng)》中所說(shuō)的，“感受安拉的存在，永遠(yuǎn)誠(chéng)實(shí)?！边@也是我一直在試著做到的一點(diǎn)——盡我所能地說(shuō)實(shí)話，謙恭地面對(duì)我們眼前的工作，牢牢地守住我的信念，相信這樣一點(diǎn)：作為人類之間我們共享的利益遠(yuǎn)比那些把我們分開的力量要強(qiáng)大得多。

此信仰部分根植于我自己的經(jīng)歷。我是個(gè)基督教徒，而我的父親來(lái)自一個(gè)肯尼亞家庭，世代都是穆斯林信徒。小時(shí)候，我在印度尼西亞生活過(guò)幾年，在黎明和黃昏都聽到azaan的呼喚。年輕時(shí)，我在芝加哥社區(qū)工作，在那里，許多人都從他們的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊嚴(yán)和平靜。

作為歷史專業(yè)的學(xué)生，我也知道文明對(duì)伊斯蘭教犯下的罪孽。是伊斯蘭教——在像艾資哈爾大學(xué)這樣的地方——展開幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的學(xué)習(xí)，為歐洲的文藝復(fù)興和啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)鋪平了道路。是穆斯林社區(qū)的創(chuàng)新開發(fā)了數(shù)學(xué)秩序；磁羅盤和航海工具；鋼筆和印刷技藝；使我們了解疾病如何傳播，又該如何治療。伊斯蘭文化為我們提供了宏偉的拱門和直插云霄的尖頂；永恒的詩(shī)歌和珍貴的音樂(lè)；優(yōu)雅的書法和平靜思考的地方。縱觀整個(gè)歷史，伊斯蘭已經(jīng)通過(guò)文字和實(shí)際行動(dòng)證明，宗教寬容和種族平等的可能性。

我知道，伊斯蘭也一直是美國(guó)歷史的一部分。第一個(gè)承認(rèn)我國(guó)的國(guó)家就是摩洛哥。1796年，我國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰·亞當(dāng)斯在簽署《黎波里條約》中寫道，“美國(guó)本身沒(méi)有反對(duì)法律、宗教或穆斯林寧?kù)o的敵意性質(zhì)。”建國(guó)以來(lái)，伊斯蘭信徒為美國(guó)的富裕做出了貢獻(xiàn)。他們?cè)谖覀兊膽?zhàn)爭(zhēng)中戰(zhàn)斗；為政府工作；主張公民權(quán)利；開創(chuàng)企業(yè)；在大學(xué)教書；在我們的競(jìng)技場(chǎng)表現(xiàn)突出；贏得諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)；建造我們最高的建筑，還點(diǎn)燃了奧運(yùn)火炬。最近第一位穆斯林-美國(guó)人被選入國(guó)會(huì)時(shí)，他宣誓捍衛(wèi)我們憲法所用的神圣《古蘭經(jīng)》，是我們的一位建國(guó)之父托馬斯·杰斐遜保存在自己私人圖書館中的。

在來(lái)到伊斯蘭教的發(fā)源地之前，我已經(jīng)在三個(gè)大洲上接觸過(guò)它。過(guò)去的經(jīng)歷使我堅(jiān)信，美國(guó)和伊斯蘭世界國(guó)家之間的合作關(guān)系必須建立在求同存異的基礎(chǔ)上。作為美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的總統(tǒng)，我覺(jué)得我有責(zé)任消除人們心中對(duì)伊斯蘭教存有的成見。

但同樣的原則也適用于穆斯林對(duì)美國(guó)的看法上。正如穆斯林并不粗魯一樣，美國(guó)也并非一個(gè)自私自利的國(guó)家。在人類所取得的所有進(jìn)步中，美國(guó)的貢獻(xiàn)是非常之大的。我們也是通過(guò)抗?fàn)幉炮A得了獨(dú)立。我們的建國(guó)理念是人人生而平等，數(shù)個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)，我們一直在為實(shí)現(xiàn)理想而斗爭(zhēng)，也為之拋灑過(guò)熱血——無(wú)論是在國(guó)內(nèi)，還是在全世界范圍內(nèi)。美國(guó)包容著多元的文化、吸引著來(lái)自世界各地的人，這一切都只為了實(shí)現(xiàn)一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的理念：合眾為一：“眾人戮力，只為一心”（E pluribus unum: “Out of many, one.”）。

過(guò)去的一切已經(jīng)證明，一個(gè)名叫巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬的非裔美國(guó)人也能被選為美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。但我個(gè)人的經(jīng)歷并沒(méi)有那么獨(dú)特。雖然并非每個(gè)在美國(guó)的人都能實(shí)現(xiàn)心中理想，但對(duì)于每個(gè)踏上美國(guó)土地的人來(lái)說(shuō)，他們的夢(mèng)想都會(huì)得到尊重——現(xiàn)在，包括近700萬(wàn)在美國(guó)的穆斯林在內(nèi)的人都享受著比普通人更高的收入、更好的教育。

此外，美國(guó)的自由與實(shí)現(xiàn)宗教信仰自由密不可分。這就是美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的每一個(gè)州都有一所清真寺的原因，我們國(guó)土上有1200多所清真寺。這同樣也是美國(guó)政府致力于保護(hù)婦女和少女有權(quán)戴穆斯林頭巾的原因，誰(shuí)要是阻撓必將受到處罰。因此毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)：伊斯蘭教是美國(guó)的一部分。我相信在美國(guó)這片土地堅(jiān)持真理，無(wú)論是什么人種、什么宗教或生活在何處，我們所有人都有共同的愿望——我們想要和平安寧的生活；我們想要接受教育和有尊嚴(yán)地工作；我們熱愛(ài)我們的家庭、社會(huì)和我們的神。這就是我們的共性。這就是我們?nèi)祟惖脑竿?/p>

當(dāng)然，認(rèn)識(shí)到人類的共性只是我們?nèi)蝿?wù)的開端。僅僅靠耍嘴皮子并不能滿足我們?nèi)嗣竦男枨?。只有?dāng)我們?cè)诮酉聛?lái)的幾年里大刀闊斧地行動(dòng)；只有當(dāng)我們懂得面對(duì)的是人類共同的挑戰(zhàn)、認(rèn)識(shí)到無(wú)法滿足這些需求就是損害是我們?nèi)w利益的時(shí)候，人民的需求才能得以滿足。

二、我們需要共同面對(duì)的問(wèn)題。

最近我們吸取到的經(jīng)驗(yàn)是，當(dāng)一個(gè)國(guó)家的金融體系削弱時(shí)，各地的繁榮也將受到打擊。當(dāng)一種新型流感感染了一個(gè)人，那么所有人都有危險(xiǎn)。當(dāng)一個(gè)國(guó)家推行核武器，那么所有國(guó)家遭到核武器襲擊的危險(xiǎn)性就提高了。當(dāng)極端分子在一片綿延的山區(qū)活動(dòng)，那么大洋彼岸的人也會(huì)陷入危險(xiǎn)之中。而無(wú)辜的波斯尼亞和達(dá)爾富爾人被屠殺，成為我們公德心上的污點(diǎn)。這就是在21世紀(jì)共享同一個(gè)世界的含義。這是作為人類我們對(duì)彼此的責(zé)任。

這是一個(gè)很難履行的責(zé)任。人類歷史經(jīng)常記錄著民族和部落為了實(shí)現(xiàn)他們自己的利益而相互斗爭(zhēng)?？墒窃谶@個(gè)新的世紀(jì)，這種做法會(huì)弄巧成拙。因?yàn)槲覀兪窍嗷ヒ蕾嚨?，所以任何那一個(gè)國(guó)家或者組織的成員凌駕于其他人之上的行為必將失敗。因此，不管我們?cè)趺纯创^(guò)去，我們都不要束縛其中。我們的問(wèn)題必須通過(guò)合作解決，必須共同進(jìn)步。

那不意味著我們會(huì)忽略緊張局勢(shì)源頭。實(shí)際正好相反：我們必須正視這些緊張事件。因此，在這種精神指引下，讓我對(duì)一些具體的問(wèn)題盡可能清楚和明白的做出解釋，那就是，我相信我們最終必將共同面對(duì)。

我們必須面對(duì)的第一個(gè)問(wèn)題是各種形式的暴力極端主義。

我曾在安卡拉明確表示，美國(guó)目前沒(méi)有，也不會(huì)和伊斯蘭世界開戰(zhàn)。然而，我們對(duì)那些給我們的安全造成極大威脅的暴力極端主義分子不會(huì)手軟。這是因?yàn)槲覀儾粴g迎那些全世界各種信仰的人民都不歡迎的事情：濫殺無(wú)辜的男女和兒童。作為總統(tǒng)我有義務(wù)保護(hù)美國(guó)人民。

目前阿富汗的局勢(shì)表明了美國(guó)的目標(biāo)，我們需要為此共同努力。七年前，美國(guó)對(duì)抗基地組織和塔利班的行動(dòng)得到了國(guó)際社會(huì)的廣泛支持。在有些事情上面我們別無(wú)選擇，只能做出必要的行動(dòng)。我知道有些人對(duì)9/11事件有疑問(wèn)。但首先讓我們明確一點(diǎn)，基地組織在那一天殺死了大約3000人。這些受害者包括美國(guó)和其他國(guó)家的男女和兒童，這些無(wú)辜的人沒(méi)有做過(guò)任何傷害他人的事情。然而，基地組織選擇無(wú)情地殺害這些人，借此攻擊事件宣傳自己，即使現(xiàn)在仍堅(jiān)持大規(guī)模殺戮的理念。他們?cè)诟鲊?guó)都有分支機(jī)構(gòu)，并且正試圖擴(kuò)大勢(shì)力范圍。這些不是可以辯論的觀點(diǎn)，而是不容爭(zhēng)辯應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫教幚淼氖聦?shí)。不犯錯(cuò)誤：我們不想讓我們的軍隊(duì)駐扎在阿富汗。我們不想在那里有軍事基地。失去美國(guó)的年輕人對(duì)我們來(lái)說(shuō)是痛苦難忍的。繼續(xù)這樣子的沖突代價(jià)太大，政治上也阻力重重。如果我們能夠自信的說(shuō)，阿富汗和巴基斯坦沒(méi)有堅(jiān)決要?dú)⑺辣M可能多的美國(guó)人的暴力極端主義分子，那我們將非常樂(lè)意將軍隊(duì)里面的每一個(gè)人帶回家。但是現(xiàn)在，還不行。

所以我們會(huì)參加46個(gè)國(guó)家的聯(lián)合部隊(duì)。盡管付出了代價(jià)，美國(guó)的承諾不會(huì)變?nèi)?。真的，我們中的任何一個(gè)都不應(yīng)該容忍這些極端分子。他們?cè)谀敲炊鄧?guó)家殺人。他們殺死了不同信仰的人們，而其中最多的就是穆斯林。他們的行為對(duì)于人權(quán)，國(guó)家的進(jìn)步，還有伊斯蘭都是難以想象的?！豆盘m經(jīng)》教導(dǎo)說(shuō)：如果殺了一個(gè)無(wú)辜者，那就好像殺死了全人類，而如果拯救了一個(gè)人，那就好像拯救了全人類。10億多人的持久的信念要比一部分人的狹隘的仇恨強(qiáng)大的多。與暴力極端主義分子的戰(zhàn)斗中，伊斯蘭不是其中的問(wèn)題的一部分，而是促進(jìn)和平的重要的一部分。

我們也知道，單單就軍事力量是不能解決在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的問(wèn)題的。所以我們計(jì)劃在未來(lái)的五年之內(nèi)，每年投資15億美元與巴基斯坦人們一起建造學(xué)校，醫(yī)院，道路，還有商業(yè)，還將投資數(shù)千萬(wàn)來(lái)幫助流離失所的人們。所以我們會(huì)提供28億多美元來(lái)幫助阿富汗發(fā)展他們的經(jīng)濟(jì)和輸送人們?nèi)粘Ｐ枰脑O(shè)施。同時(shí)我也想談?wù)勔晾说膯?wèn)題。與阿富汗不同，對(duì)伊拉克的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是個(gè)可選項(xiàng)，是否應(yīng)當(dāng)開戰(zhàn)在我國(guó)和全球各地都有巨大分歧。雖然我相信，伊拉克人民在擺脫薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因的暴政統(tǒng)治后比以前過(guò)的好，但是我也相信，伊拉克事件提醒美國(guó)在有可能的情況下，應(yīng)選擇通過(guò)外交手段和建立國(guó)際共識(shí)的方式解決我們的問(wèn)題。在此我想引用托馬斯·杰佛遜的話： “我希望我們的智慧可伴隨著我們的力量一起成長(zhǎng)，并同時(shí)教導(dǎo)我們，使用的力量越少意味著我們?cè)綇?qiáng)。” 今天，美國(guó)肩負(fù)著雙重責(zé)任：一是幫助伊拉克建立一個(gè)更美好的未來(lái)，二是把伊拉克交還給伊拉克人民。我已經(jīng)明確向伊拉克人民承諾，我們不會(huì)在伊拉克保留軍事基地，也不會(huì)爭(zhēng)奪其領(lǐng)土和資源。伊拉克是具有獨(dú)立主權(quán)的。這就是我下令在明年8月前撤走我們的作戰(zhàn)旅的原因。這也是我們履行我們和伊拉克民選政府的的協(xié)議。將于7月把作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)撤離主要城市，并且在2012年全部撤軍的原因。我們將幫助伊拉克建立自己的安全部隊(duì)并發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)。但是，我們只將作為維護(hù)伊拉克安全和統(tǒng)一的伙伴，并不會(huì)成為它的靠山。

最后，正如美國(guó)絕不容忍暴力極端主義分子，我們絕不會(huì)改變我們的原則。9/11對(duì)我國(guó)是一個(gè)巨大的創(chuàng)傷。由此引發(fā)的(對(duì)伊斯蘭世界的)恐懼和憤怒是可以理解的。但在某些情況下，這使我們的行為違背了我們的理想。我們正在采取切實(shí)行動(dòng)轉(zhuǎn)變方向。我已經(jīng)明確禁止美國(guó)政府使用酷刑，并已經(jīng)下令在明年初關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄。

因此美國(guó)在保護(hù)自己的時(shí)候，會(huì)尊重其他國(guó)家的主權(quán)和法規(guī)。而且我們將和也遭受威脅的穆斯林共同體一起這么做。極端分子越早被穆斯林世界孤立和拒絕，我們大家就會(huì)越早得到安全。我們必須探討的第二個(gè)導(dǎo)致緊張局勢(shì)的主要源頭是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之間的情況。

眾所周知美國(guó)和以色列的緊密結(jié)合。這種結(jié)合是牢不可破的。它是基于文化和歷史的粘連，還有公認(rèn)的對(duì)猶太人家園的渴望，它根植在猶太民族悲慘的歷史里，不容否定。

全世界的猶太人被欺壓了幾千年，歐洲的反猶主義在一場(chǎng)空前的大屠殺中達(dá)到極致。明天我將訪問(wèn)布赫瓦爾德集中營(yíng)，它是猶太人被第三帝國(guó)奴役、折磨、射殺和關(guān)毒氣室屠殺的眾多集中營(yíng)里的一個(gè)。600萬(wàn)猶太人被屠殺－－比今天以色列國(guó)猶太人總?cè)丝谶€多。否定這些事實(shí)是毫無(wú)根據(jù)的、無(wú)知的、可惡的。以毀滅的言辭或重復(fù)關(guān)于猶太人的卑鄙的陳詞濫調(diào)來(lái)威脅以色列，是極端錯(cuò)誤的，而且只會(huì)喚起以色列人最慘痛的回憶，這將妨礙這個(gè)地區(qū)的人民得到本應(yīng)享有的和平。

另一方面，不可否認(rèn)，巴勒斯坦人民——穆斯林信徒和基督教徒——在尋求家園的過(guò)程中遭受了磨難。他們?nèi)淌芰肆嗄甑耐纯嗪?*。許多人在西方的難民營(yíng)、在加沙以及周邊地區(qū)等待著他們從未享受過(guò)的和平安全的生活。他們每天都忍受著大大小小來(lái)自占領(lǐng)軍的屈辱。因此，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，巴勒斯坦人民的處境是難以忍受的。美國(guó)不會(huì)背棄巴勒斯坦人尋求尊嚴(yán)、機(jī)會(huì)和自己國(guó)家的合法愿望。幾十年來(lái)，出現(xiàn)了一種僵局：兩國(guó)人民都有合法的愿望，每一個(gè)都飽含著痛苦的歷史，使得折中的希望渺茫。指指點(diǎn)點(diǎn)很容易——對(duì)巴勒斯坦人來(lái)說(shuō)，你可以指出其流離失所是以色列建國(guó)所致；而對(duì)以色列人來(lái)說(shuō)，你可以指出在其整個(gè)歷史中，它們?cè)诰硟?nèi)外不斷受到敵視和攻擊。如果我們只從單方面來(lái)看待這個(gè)沖突，我們就會(huì)迷失真理：唯一的解決辦法是滿足兩國(guó)雙方的愿望，即以色列人和巴勒斯坦人各自和平安全地生活。

這是符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美國(guó)的利益，也符合世界的利益。正因?yàn)槿绱?，我愿意付出這項(xiàng)任務(wù)所需要的全部耐心，身體力行地追求這一結(jié)果。當(dāng)事雙方已經(jīng)同意執(zhí)行路線圖的義務(wù)是明確的。為了和平的到來(lái)，他們以及我們大家該履行我們的責(zé)任了。

巴勒斯坦人必須放棄暴力。通過(guò)暴力和殺戮進(jìn)行抵抗是錯(cuò)誤的，也不會(huì)成功。作為奴隸的美國(guó)黑人遭受幾個(gè)世紀(jì)鞭笞和隔離羞辱。但是，并不是通過(guò)暴力贏得了全面平等的權(quán)力。美國(guó)建國(guó)的中心就是堅(jiān)持和平和堅(jiān)定的理想。從南非到南亞，從東歐到印度尼西亞的人們都能講述同樣的故事。這是含有一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單真理的故事：暴力是一條走不通的死路。向熟睡的孩子發(fā)射火箭，或在公交車上炸死一位老婦人，既不是勇敢，也不是力量的象征。這不是道德權(quán)威所提倡的，而是道德權(quán)威所摒棄的。

現(xiàn)在是時(shí)候讓巴勒斯坦人把精力集中在他們所能創(chuàng)立的事情上了。巴勒斯坦當(dāng)局必須發(fā)展其管理的能力，要建立服務(wù)于人民的體系。一些巴勒斯坦人確實(shí)支持哈馬斯，而他們也有自己的職責(zé)。要想發(fā)揮自己的作用，實(shí)現(xiàn)巴基斯坦人的愿望，哈馬斯必須結(jié)束暴力、承認(rèn)過(guò)去的協(xié)議、承認(rèn)以色列的生存權(quán)。與此同時(shí)，以色列人也必須承認(rèn)，正如以色列的生存權(quán)不可否認(rèn)一樣，巴勒斯坦人的生存權(quán)同樣不可否認(rèn)。美國(guó)不承認(rèn)繼續(xù)建設(shè)以色列定居點(diǎn)的合法性。這項(xiàng)建設(shè)違反了以前的協(xié)定，破壞了實(shí)現(xiàn)和平的努力?，F(xiàn)在是這些定居點(diǎn)停建的時(shí)候了。

以色列同樣必須履行它的義務(wù)確保巴勒斯坦人民能夠生活、工作并發(fā)展自己的社會(huì)體制。就像加沙地帶摧毀巴勒斯坦居住區(qū)這樣的人道主義危機(jī)并不能保證以色列的安全；同時(shí)巴勒斯坦西岸地區(qū)也不會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)沒(méi)有和平的機(jī)會(huì)。改善巴勒斯坦人民的日常生活肯定是走向和平的必經(jīng)之路，而且以色列必須采取具體的行動(dòng)作出這種改善。

最后，阿拉伯國(guó)家必須認(rèn)識(shí)到“阿拉伯和平倡議”是一個(gè)重要的開端，而不是結(jié)束他們的責(zé)任。阿拉伯和以色列間的沖突不應(yīng)該再成為阿拉伯人民關(guān)注的焦點(diǎn)。相反，它必定會(huì)引發(fā)一場(chǎng)行動(dòng)幫助巴勒斯坦人民建立起維護(hù)他們國(guó)家的體制，這個(gè)行動(dòng)也將使以色列得到合法承認(rèn)；這個(gè)行動(dòng)選擇的是發(fā)展，從而結(jié)束了過(guò)去那種適得其反的糾纏。

美國(guó)將調(diào)整與尋求和平國(guó)家之間的外交政策，并且會(huì)公開和以色列、巴勒斯坦以及阿拉伯國(guó)家私下里的談話內(nèi)容。我們不會(huì)強(qiáng)求和平。但是私下里，許多穆斯林都認(rèn)識(shí)到以色列不會(huì)消失。同樣，許多以色列人也認(rèn)識(shí)到需要有一個(gè)巴勒斯坦國(guó)的存在。眾所周知，現(xiàn)在使我們真正采取行動(dòng)的時(shí)候了。

人民流過(guò)的太多的眼淚，付出了太多的鮮血。我們大家為了目標(biāo)都有責(zé)任付出，為那一天，以色列和巴勒斯坦的母親們可以看著自己的孩子在免收恐懼的環(huán)境下長(zhǎng)大;為那一天，三個(gè)偉大信仰的共同圣地成為上帝希望的和平之地；為那一天，耶路撒冷成為安全之地，成為猶太人，基督徒和穆斯林共同永久的家園，亞伯拉罕的子孫能如伊斯拉的故事中描述的一般聚集一處和平生活，摩西、耶穌和默罕默德(保佑他們)能夠一同參與祈禱。

第三個(gè)造成緊張局勢(shì)的原因是我們?cè)诤宋鋯?wèn)題上各國(guó)權(quán)利和責(zé)任的共同關(guān)注。

這一問(wèn)題是美國(guó)和伊朗伊斯蘭共和國(guó)緊張局勢(shì)的根源。多年來(lái)，伊朗已經(jīng)明確表示反對(duì)我國(guó)，而且事實(shí)上我們之前的確有動(dòng)蕩的過(guò)去。在冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期的中段，美國(guó)在推翻民選的伊朗政府上扮演了重要角色。伊朗伊斯蘭革命以來(lái)，伊朗持續(xù)劫持美國(guó)軍人和平民，并對(duì)他們使用暴力。這段歷史是眾所周知的。我已清楚地告訴伊朗的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和其人民，與其繼續(xù)陷于過(guò)去，不如向前邁進(jìn)，我的國(guó)家已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備好了?，F(xiàn)在的問(wèn)題不是伊朗反對(duì)什么，而是未來(lái)應(yīng)當(dāng)如何建設(shè)。

要克服幾十年的猜疑和不信任是困難的，但我們將憑借勇氣、正直和決心繼續(xù)前行。我們兩個(gè)國(guó)家之間會(huì)有很多議題需要探討，而且我們也原意在互相尊重的基礎(chǔ)上不附帶任何條件地推進(jìn)兩國(guó)的交流。然而對(duì)很顯然大家都關(guān)心的議題，比如核武器，我們已處在一個(gè)決定性時(shí)刻。這不只是簡(jiǎn)單地關(guān)系到美國(guó)的利益。它關(guān)系到防止在中東地區(qū)展開核軍備競(jìng)賽，那將導(dǎo)致這個(gè)地區(qū)以及全世界走向危險(xiǎn)之路。我理解有人抗議有些國(guó)家有核武器有些沒(méi)有。沒(méi)有單獨(dú)哪一個(gè)國(guó)家有權(quán)挑選和指定那些國(guó)家可以擁有核武器。這也是我為何著重重申美國(guó)的義務(wù)，尋求一個(gè)無(wú)核的世界。而且任何國(guó)家，包括伊朗，如果他們遵照自己在核不擴(kuò)散條約下應(yīng)負(fù)的責(zé)任，就應(yīng)該有權(quán)使用以和平為目的的核能。這個(gè)義務(wù)是條約的核心所在，而且所有完全遵守條約的國(guó)家必須保持下去。我希望這個(gè)地區(qū)所有的國(guó)家都能共享這個(gè)目標(biāo)。

我要談的第四個(gè)議題是民主。

我知道，近幾年曾有關(guān)于發(fā)揚(yáng)民主政治的爭(zhēng)論，其中大多數(shù)都與伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)有關(guān)。在這里允許我澄清一下：一個(gè)國(guó)家不能也不應(yīng)該將一種政治系統(tǒng)強(qiáng)加于另一個(gè)國(guó)家。

然而，這并不能削弱我的承諾：政府應(yīng)該代表人民的意愿。每個(gè)國(guó)家以自己的方式致力于這一準(zhǔn)則，不同的方式又以國(guó)家傳統(tǒng)為基礎(chǔ)。美國(guó)并不認(rèn)為自己通曉對(duì)所有人都有利的方式，就像我們不能預(yù)知一場(chǎng)順利的選舉的結(jié)果一樣。但是我有一個(gè)非常堅(jiān)定的信念，人民在渴望某種東西：可以表達(dá)思想的能力，以及評(píng)論自己如何被統(tǒng)治的能力；對(duì)于法律中的信心，以及相應(yīng)的對(duì)于正義的貫徹；透明的、并且不會(huì)被奪走的政府；選擇生活的自由。這些不僅僅是美國(guó)人的想法，而是人權(quán)，也是我們不管在哪里都支持它的原因。

實(shí)現(xiàn)諾言的道路并不平坦，但非常清晰：保護(hù)這些權(quán)利的政府更加穩(wěn)固、成功和安全。鎮(zhèn)壓思想的方法絕不會(huì)讓思想消失。美國(guó)尊重所有愛(ài)好和平并合法的聲音響徹全球，即便我們可能不同意這些想法。而且，我們歡迎所有民選的、愛(ài)好和平的政府——倘若他們也受到自己人民的愛(ài)戴。

最后這一點(diǎn)很重要，因?yàn)橛行┤酥挥性诓徽莆諜?quán)力的時(shí)候才鼓吹民主，一旦上了臺(tái)，他們就毫不留情地壓制別人的權(quán)利。無(wú)論在何處，民治與民有的政府為所有掌權(quán)者設(shè)立一條單一的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)：你必須籍由贊成而非威壓而保有權(quán)利；你必須尊重少數(shù)群體的權(quán)利，并懷著寬容與妥協(xié)的精神參與其中；你必須將人民的利益和政治過(guò)程的合法決議置于自己的政黨之上。沒(méi)有這些內(nèi)容，單靠選舉無(wú)法帶來(lái)真正的民主。

我們需要共同討論的第五個(gè)問(wèn)題是宗教自由。

伊斯蘭教有著傲人的寬容傳統(tǒng)。在宗教裁判所時(shí)代，我們?cè)诎策_(dá)盧西亞和科多巴（Andalusia and Cordoba）的歷史中可以看到這一點(diǎn)；當(dāng)我童年在印度尼西亞的時(shí)候，親眼看到這一點(diǎn)，在那里，在一個(gè)穆斯林占絕大多數(shù)的國(guó)家，虔誠(chéng)的基督教徒可以自由地做禮拜。這是今天我們所需要的精神，每個(gè)國(guó)家的人民都應(yīng)當(dāng)可以自由地基于自己內(nèi)心和靈魂的信念選擇并堅(jiān)持自己的信仰。這種寬容對(duì)于宗教的興旺發(fā)達(dá)必不可少，但如今卻正受到多方挑戰(zhàn)。

在某些穆斯林當(dāng)中，有一種令人不安的傾向，那就是通過(guò)拒絕他人的信仰來(lái)衡量自己信仰的堅(jiān)定程度。我們必須支持豐富的宗教多樣性-無(wú)論是黎巴嫩的馬龍教派還是埃及的科普特教派。穆斯林當(dāng)中的錯(cuò)誤傾向也必須停止，我們看到，尤其在伊拉克，遜尼派和什葉派的分歧已經(jīng)導(dǎo)致了悲劇性的暴力沖突。宗教信仰自由是人們能在一起生活的核心問(wèn)題，我們要永遠(yuǎn)對(duì)這一點(diǎn)保持關(guān)注。比如在美國(guó)，法規(guī)使得穆斯林很難履行自己的宗教義務(wù)。這就是為何我會(huì)承諾與美國(guó)的穆斯林一同工作，以來(lái)確保他們可以完成自己的扎卡特（天課）。同樣，還有一點(diǎn)很重要，西方國(guó)家應(yīng)避免僅憑自身好惡妨而礙到穆斯林民眾的宗教修行，比如，討論穆斯林婦女應(yīng)有的穿著。我們不能假借自由之名來(lái)掩飾自己的敵意，對(duì)宗教進(jìn)行攻擊。的確，信任會(huì)將我們帶到一起。這就是我們?cè)诿绹?guó)建立將基督教、伊斯蘭教和猶太教的信徒帶到一起的公共機(jī)構(gòu)工程的原因所在。我們歡迎像沙特阿拉伯國(guó)王易卜拉欣的不同宗教間的對(duì)話，我們歡迎像土耳其領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層的不同文明聯(lián)盟。在全球領(lǐng)域，我們可以把對(duì)話轉(zhuǎn)在不同信仰之間的機(jī)構(gòu)內(nèi)進(jìn)行，因此這種橋梁才能讓不同信仰的人們沖破彼此的隔膜。--不論是對(duì)非洲的抵抗瘧疾行動(dòng)還是在對(duì)自然災(zāi)害后提供的援助上。

我要說(shuō)的第六點(diǎn)是關(guān)于婦女的權(quán)利。

現(xiàn)在讓我澄清一下：女性平等問(wèn)題絕不僅僅是伊斯蘭世界的問(wèn)題。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉國(guó)和印度尼西亞，我們已經(jīng)看到這些穆斯林占多數(shù)的國(guó)家選出了女性領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。同時(shí)，在美國(guó)生活的很多方面，以及在全球各國(guó)，爭(zhēng)取女性平等的斗爭(zhēng)還在繼續(xù)。

我們的女兒也能像我們的兒子那樣為社會(huì)做出同樣的貢獻(xiàn)，并且允許所有人（男人和女人）發(fā)揮自己最大的潛力，將會(huì)推動(dòng)我們的共同繁榮。我不認(rèn)為女性為了平等必須做出和男性一樣的選擇，并且我尊重那些生活中選擇傳統(tǒng)角色的女性。但是這應(yīng)該由女性自己決定。正因?yàn)槿绱?，美?guó)將和所有穆斯林占多數(shù)的國(guó)家一道，幫助減少女孩文盲，并且通過(guò)小額貸款幫助人們實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的夢(mèng)想，幫助年輕女性追求自己的職業(yè)生涯。

最后，我想談?wù)劷?jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展和機(jī)會(huì)。

在教育方面，我們將擴(kuò)大互換學(xué)生項(xiàng)目，并且增加獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，就像當(dāng)年把家父帶到美國(guó)的那筆獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，同時(shí)鼓勵(lì)更多美國(guó)人來(lái)穆斯林地區(qū)學(xué)習(xí)。而且我們還將為有前途的穆斯林學(xué)生安排在美國(guó)的實(shí)習(xí)機(jī)會(huì)；為全世界的教師和學(xué)生投資聯(lián)網(wǎng)在線學(xué)習(xí)項(xiàng)目；創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的在線網(wǎng)絡(luò)，以便一個(gè)遠(yuǎn)在堪薩斯州的孩子能和身處開羅的同齡人即時(shí)通訊。

在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展方面，我們將創(chuàng)立一種新的商業(yè)志愿者團(tuán)體，和以穆斯林為主體的國(guó)家的商業(yè)組織合作。而且我還將在今年召開企業(yè)家峰會(huì)，來(lái)確定我們將如何加深美國(guó)、穆斯林國(guó)家和全世界范圍內(nèi)的商業(yè)領(lǐng)袖、創(chuàng)業(yè)者和企業(yè)家之間的紐帶關(guān)系。在科學(xué)和技術(shù)方面，我們將在以穆斯林為主的國(guó)家推行一個(gè)新的基金來(lái)支持他們的科技發(fā)展，并幫助把科技理念轉(zhuǎn)化到市場(chǎng)上去，以便創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。我們還將在非洲、中東和東南亞開設(shè)優(yōu)秀科技中心，并任命新的科學(xué)特使來(lái)合作開展項(xiàng)目，包括發(fā)展新能源、創(chuàng)造環(huán)保的工作崗位、數(shù)字化唱片、清潔飲用水和引入新農(nóng)作物。今天我還宣布了一項(xiàng)新的全球性措施，計(jì)劃和伊斯蘭會(huì)議組織共同努力消除腦灰質(zhì)炎疾病。我們還將拓展和穆斯林團(tuán)體的合作來(lái)促進(jìn)兒童和孕婦的健康。

三、讓美國(guó)與穆斯林世界攜手前進(jìn)。

所有這些事情都必須通過(guò)合作完成。美國(guó)人民已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備好了，在全球范圍內(nèi)與其他市民、政府一起，與社區(qū)組織、宗教領(lǐng)袖一起，與穆斯林世界的企業(yè)一起，幫助人民追求更好的生活。

我所描述的問(wèn)題并不是很容易能解決的。但是，為了我們尋求的世界，我們有責(zé)任攜起手來(lái)，使得在這個(gè)世界上，極端分子不再威脅我們的人民，美國(guó)的士兵們都回到家鄉(xiāng)；使得在這個(gè)世界上，以色列和巴勒斯坦的人民都可以在自己的土地上安全生活，核能源都被和平的使用；使得在這個(gè)世界上，政府為人民服務(wù)，諸神的子孫的權(quán)利都得到尊重。這些是我們的共同利益。這是我們所尋求的世界。但是，只有我們一起努力才能做到。

我知道有很多人，既有穆斯林也有非穆斯林，對(duì)我們有疑問(wèn)，質(zhì)疑我們是否能夠建立新的開端。一些急性子的人點(diǎn)燃了怒火阻擋了我們前進(jìn)的道路。有人告訴我們，這樣的努力并不值得，人民注定會(huì)有反對(duì)的聲音，文明之間注定會(huì)發(fā)生沖突。有更多的人只是懷疑是否真能產(chǎn)生變化。有如此多的擔(dān)心，如此多的不信任。但是，如果選擇被過(guò)去束縛，我們將永遠(yuǎn)無(wú)法向前邁進(jìn)。我尤其要強(qiáng)調(diào)的是，各國(guó)各信仰的年輕人們，你們比其他任何人都有能力來(lái)改變這個(gè)世界。我們每個(gè)人都只能在這世界上停留一瞬。在這有限的時(shí)間里，我們到底是要彼此排斥，還是要共同努力、不停地尋求共識(shí)，為了我們子孫的未來(lái)和全體人類的尊嚴(yán)而奮斗。

發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)比結(jié)束它們更容易；責(zé)備他人比審視自我更容易；挑剔別人比尋求共識(shí)更容易。但我們不僅要去做容易做到的事，更要去做正確的事。每種宗教都遵守著同樣一條原則——己所不欲，勿施于人。這一真理超越了國(guó)界和種族——它自古就存在著；它也不為黑人、白人抑或褐色人種所獨(dú)有；它更不是基督徒、穆斯林或猶太人的專利。它是自文明之始就跳動(dòng)著的信仰，至今仍存在于億萬(wàn)人的心中。是它讓人們對(duì)他人充滿了信心，今天，也正是它把我?guī)У搅诉@里。我們有能力改造世界，但在我們立志要開創(chuàng)一項(xiàng)事業(yè)的同時(shí)，也必須銘記我們所受過(guò)的教誨。

《古蘭經(jīng)》上說(shuō)：“眾人啊！我確已從一男一女創(chuàng)造你們，我使你們成為許多民族和宗族，以便你們互相認(rèn)識(shí)?！? 《猶太法典》上說(shuō)：“所有教律都是為了促進(jìn)和平?！?/p>

《圣經(jīng)》上說(shuō)：“使人和睦的人有福了，因?yàn)樗麄儽胤Q為神的兒子?！? 世界上的人們必能和睦相處。這是上帝的遠(yuǎn)見。所以現(xiàn)在，也必須由我們?yōu)橹ΑＶx謝你們。愿上帝賜和平于汝。

第四篇：0906奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講全文

奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講全文

2009年6月4日，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在埃及開羅大學(xué)發(fā)表對(duì)伊斯蘭世界的重要講話。

新華社記者 張寧 攝

美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬本月4日在埃及開羅大學(xué)發(fā)表了演講。他希望同世界上15億穆斯林有一個(gè)“新的開始”，并呼吁結(jié)束周而復(fù)始的“懷疑和爭(zhēng)議”。他稱：“我來(lái)到這里是為了尋求美國(guó)同全球穆斯林世界建立一個(gè)新的開始。”此外，他還表示伊朗應(yīng)該保有和平利用核能的權(quán)利，但同時(shí)應(yīng)該更多地參與到核不擴(kuò)散協(xié)議中來(lái)。

以下是由白宮提供的奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講稿：

一、我來(lái)此地，就是要在美國(guó)和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種全新的開端。

我很榮幸來(lái)到開羅這座永恒的城市，并受到兩所卓越的院校的款待。過(guò)去一千年來(lái)，阿茲哈爾（Al-Azhar）就是伊斯蘭教義傳播過(guò)程中的一盞明燈；過(guò)去一個(gè)世紀(jì)，開羅大學(xué)則是埃及前進(jìn)的動(dòng)力。你們一起展現(xiàn)了傳統(tǒng)與發(fā)展之間的和諧。我對(duì)你們和埃及人民的盛情表示感激。我也很驕傲的帶來(lái)了美國(guó)人民的善意，以及美國(guó)穆斯林對(duì)你們的問(wèn)候：assalaamu alaykum（愿安拉賜您平安）。

我們于此刻相會(huì)，正值美國(guó)和全世界穆斯林的關(guān)系緊張，這種氣氛根植于歷史，與現(xiàn)在的政策爭(zhēng)論毫無(wú)關(guān)系。伊斯蘭與西方世界共存與合作已長(zhǎng)達(dá)幾個(gè)世紀(jì)，同時(shí)也存在沖突甚至宗教戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。就在最近，這種緊張關(guān)系得以升級(jí)，罪魁禍?zhǔn)装ǚ裾J(rèn)許多穆斯林擁有的權(quán)利和機(jī)會(huì)的殖民主義，以及政治冷戰(zhàn)。在冷戰(zhàn)中，穆斯林國(guó)家經(jīng)常被認(rèn)為是某些勢(shì)力的代理人，而自己的渴望卻被忽視。此外，由現(xiàn)代化和全球化帶來(lái)的巨大變化，也令許多穆斯林認(rèn)為西方對(duì)伊斯蘭傳統(tǒng)懷有敵意。

暴力極端主義者已經(jīng)在數(shù)目小但卻力量大的穆斯林中制造出了緊張局勢(shì)。2001年9月11日的襲擊以及極端主義者對(duì)平民那接連不斷的攻擊，這一切使我的國(guó)民不單單把穆斯林視作對(duì)美國(guó)和西方社會(huì)的威脅，也把穆斯林被視作是對(duì)人權(quán)的威脅。

但凡我們的關(guān)系是由彼此的所差異決定，我們就會(huì)縱容那些播種仇恨而非和平的人，那些挑起沖突而非平復(fù)沖突的人，然而，正是那些平復(fù)沖突的人才能夠使我們的人民達(dá)到正義和繁榮。這個(gè)猜疑和混亂的圈子必須得到終結(jié)。

我來(lái)此地，就是要在美國(guó)和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種全新的開端；這種開端建立在彼此的利益和相互的尊敬之上；建立在美國(guó)和穆斯林并非只能存一，不需要相互競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的觀點(diǎn)之上。恰恰相反，美國(guó)和穆斯林世界是相互交疊的，遵循著共同的價(jià)值觀：正義和發(fā)展的價(jià)值觀；以及寬容和人類尊嚴(yán)的價(jià)值觀。

誠(chéng)然，我知道變革不是在一夜之間發(fā)生的。沒(méi)有什么演說(shuō)可以消除多年的猜疑，同時(shí)，此時(shí)此刻的我也不能醫(yī)治在這一點(diǎn)上所有的沉疴。但是我已經(jīng)證明了一點(diǎn)：為了前進(jìn)，我們必須說(shuō)出自己的心里話，那些常常是在彼此在背后才會(huì)說(shuō)的話。我們必須學(xué)會(huì)傾聽彼此、互相學(xué)習(xí)、相互尊重；我們必須尋求共識(shí)。正如《可蘭經(jīng)》中所說(shuō)的，“感受安拉的存在，永遠(yuǎn)誠(chéng)實(shí)?！边@也是我一直在試著做到的一點(diǎn)——盡我所能地說(shuō)實(shí)話，謙恭地面對(duì)我們眼前的工作，牢牢地守住我的信念，相信這樣一點(diǎn)：作為人類之間我們共享的利益遠(yuǎn)比那些把我們分開的力量要強(qiáng)大得多。

此信仰部分根植于我自己的經(jīng)歷。我是個(gè)基督教徒，而我的父親來(lái)自一個(gè)肯尼亞家庭，世代都是穆斯林信徒。小時(shí)候，我在印度尼西亞生活過(guò)幾年，在黎明和黃昏都聽到azaan的呼喚。年輕時(shí)，我在芝加哥社區(qū)工作，在那里，許多人都從他們的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊嚴(yán)和平靜。

作為歷史專業(yè)的學(xué)生，我也知道文明對(duì)伊斯蘭教犯下的罪孽。是伊斯蘭教——在像艾資哈爾大學(xué)這樣的地方——展開幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的學(xué)習(xí)，為歐洲的文藝復(fù)興和啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)鋪平了道路。是穆斯林社區(qū)的創(chuàng)新開發(fā)了數(shù)學(xué)秩序；磁羅盤和航海工具；鋼筆和印刷技藝；使我們了解疾病如何傳播，又該如何治療。伊斯蘭文化為我們提供了宏偉的拱門和直插云霄的尖頂；永恒的詩(shī)歌和珍貴的音樂(lè)；優(yōu)雅的書法和平靜思考的地方?？v觀整個(gè)歷史，伊斯蘭已經(jīng)通過(guò)文字和實(shí)際行動(dòng)證明，宗教寬容和種族平等的可能性。

我知道，伊斯蘭也一直是美國(guó)歷史的一部分。第一個(gè)承認(rèn)我國(guó)的國(guó)家就是摩洛哥。1796年，我國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰?亞當(dāng)斯在簽署《黎波里條約》中寫道，“美國(guó)本身沒(méi)有反對(duì)法律、宗教或穆斯林寧?kù)o的敵意性質(zhì)。”建國(guó)以來(lái)，伊斯蘭信徒為美國(guó)的富裕做出了貢獻(xiàn)。他們?cè)谖覀兊膽?zhàn)爭(zhēng)中戰(zhàn)斗；為政府工作；主張公民權(quán)利；開創(chuàng)企業(yè)；在大學(xué)教書；在我們的競(jìng)技場(chǎng)表現(xiàn)突出；贏得諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)；建造我們最高的建筑，還點(diǎn)燃了奧運(yùn)火炬。最近第一位穆斯林-美國(guó)人被選入國(guó)會(huì)時(shí)，他宣誓捍衛(wèi)我們憲法所用的神圣《古蘭經(jīng)》，是我們的一位建國(guó)之父托馬斯?杰斐遜保存在自己私人圖書館中的。

在來(lái)到伊斯蘭教的發(fā)源地之前，我已經(jīng)在三個(gè)大洲上接觸過(guò)它。過(guò)去的經(jīng)歷使我堅(jiān)信，美國(guó)和伊斯蘭世界國(guó)家之間的合作關(guān)系必須建立在求同存異的基礎(chǔ)上。作為美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的總統(tǒng)，我覺(jué)得我有責(zé)任消除人們心中對(duì)伊斯蘭教存有的成見。

但同樣的原則也適用于穆斯林對(duì)美國(guó)的看法上。正如穆斯林并不粗魯一樣，美國(guó)也并非一個(gè)自私自利的國(guó)家。在人類所取得的所有進(jìn)步中，美國(guó)的貢獻(xiàn)是非常之大的。我們也是通過(guò)抗?fàn)幉炮A得了獨(dú)立。我們的建國(guó)理念是人人生而平等，數(shù)個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)，我們一直在為實(shí)現(xiàn)理想而斗爭(zhēng)，也為之拋灑過(guò)熱血——無(wú)論是在國(guó)內(nèi)，還是在全世界范圍內(nèi)。美國(guó)包容著多元的文化、吸引著來(lái)自世界各地的人，這一切都只為了實(shí)現(xiàn)一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的理念：合眾為一：“眾人戮力，只為一心”（E pluribus unum: “Out of many, one.”）。

過(guò)去的一切已經(jīng)證明，一個(gè)名叫巴拉克?侯賽因?奧巴馬的非裔美國(guó)人也能被選為美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。但我個(gè)人的經(jīng)歷并沒(méi)有那么獨(dú)特。雖然并非每個(gè)在美國(guó)的人都能實(shí)現(xiàn)心中理想，但對(duì)于每個(gè)踏上美國(guó)土地的人來(lái)說(shuō)，他們的夢(mèng)想都會(huì)得到尊重——現(xiàn)在，包括近700萬(wàn)在美國(guó)的穆斯林在內(nèi)的人都享受著比普通人更高的收入、更好的教育。

此外，美國(guó)的自由與實(shí)現(xiàn)宗教信仰自由密不可分。這就是美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的每一個(gè)州都有一所清真寺的原因，我們國(guó)土上有1200多所清真寺。這同樣也是美國(guó)政府致力于保護(hù)婦女和少女有權(quán)戴穆斯林頭巾的原因，誰(shuí)要是阻撓必將受到處罰。

因此毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)：伊斯蘭教是美國(guó)的一部分。我相信在美國(guó)這片土地堅(jiān)持真理，無(wú)論是什么人種、什么宗教或生活在何處，我們所有人都有共同的愿望——我們想要和平安寧的生活；我們想要接受教育和有尊嚴(yán)地工作；我們熱愛(ài)我們的家庭、社會(huì)和我們的神。這就是我們的共性。這就是我們?nèi)祟惖脑竿?/p>

當(dāng)然，認(rèn)識(shí)到人類的共性只是我們?nèi)蝿?wù)的開端。僅僅靠耍嘴皮子并不能滿足我們?nèi)嗣竦男枨?。只有?dāng)我們?cè)诮酉聛?lái)的幾年里大刀闊斧地行動(dòng)；只有當(dāng)我們懂得面對(duì)的是人類共同的挑戰(zhàn)、認(rèn)識(shí)到無(wú)法滿足這些需求就是損害是我們?nèi)w利益的時(shí)候，人民的需求才能得以滿足。

二、我們需要共同面對(duì)的問(wèn)題。

最近我們吸取到的經(jīng)驗(yàn)是，當(dāng)一個(gè)國(guó)家的金融體系削弱時(shí)，各地的繁榮也將受到打擊。當(dāng)一種新型流感感染了一個(gè)人，那么所有人都有危險(xiǎn)。當(dāng)一個(gè)國(guó)家推行核武器，那么所有國(guó)家遭到核武器襲擊的危險(xiǎn)性就提高了。當(dāng)極端分子在一片綿延的山區(qū)活動(dòng)，那么大洋彼岸的人也會(huì)陷入危險(xiǎn)之中。而無(wú)辜的波斯尼亞和達(dá)爾富爾人被屠殺，成為我們公德心上的污點(diǎn)。這就是在21世紀(jì)共享同一個(gè)世界的含義。這是作為人類我們對(duì)彼此的責(zé)任。

這是一個(gè)很難履行的責(zé)任。人類歷史經(jīng)常記錄著民族和部落為了實(shí)現(xiàn)他們 自己的利益而相互斗爭(zhēng)?？墒窃谶@個(gè)新的世紀(jì)，這種做法會(huì)弄巧成拙。因?yàn)槲覀兪窍嗷ヒ蕾嚨?，所以任何那一個(gè)國(guó)家或者組織的成員凌駕于其他人之上的行為必將失敗。因此，不管我們?cè)趺纯创^(guò)去，我們都不要束縛其中。我們的問(wèn)題必須通過(guò)合作解決，必須共同進(jìn)步。

那不意味著我們會(huì)忽略緊張局勢(shì)源頭。實(shí)際正好相反：我們必須正視這些緊張事件。因此，在這種精神指引下，讓我對(duì)一些具體的問(wèn)題盡可能清楚和明白的做出解釋，那就是，我相信我們最終必將共同面對(duì)。

我們必須面對(duì)的第一個(gè)問(wèn)題是各種形式的暴力極端主義。

我曾在安卡拉明確表示，美國(guó)目前沒(méi)有，也不會(huì)和伊斯蘭世界開戰(zhàn)。然而，我們對(duì)那些給我們的安全造成極大威脅的暴力極端主義分子不會(huì)手軟。這是因?yàn)槲覀儾粴g迎那些全世界各種信仰的人民都不歡迎的事情：濫殺無(wú)辜的男女和兒童。作為總統(tǒng)我有義務(wù)保護(hù)美國(guó)人民。

目前阿富汗的局勢(shì)表明了美國(guó)的目標(biāo)，我們需要為此共同努力。七年前，美國(guó)對(duì)抗基地組織和塔利班的行動(dòng)得到了國(guó)際社會(huì)的廣泛支持。在有些事情上面我們別無(wú)選擇，只能做出必要的行動(dòng)。我知道有些人對(duì)9/11事件有疑問(wèn)。但首先讓我們明確一點(diǎn)，基地組織在那一天殺死了大約3000人。這些受害者包括美國(guó)和其他國(guó)家的男女和兒童，這些無(wú)辜的人沒(méi)有做過(guò)任何傷害他人的事情。然而，基地組織選擇無(wú)情地殺害這些人，借此攻擊事件宣傳自己，即使現(xiàn)在仍堅(jiān)持大規(guī)模殺戮的理念。他們?cè)诟鲊?guó)都有分支機(jī)構(gòu)，并且正試圖擴(kuò)大勢(shì)力范圍。這些不是可以辯論的觀點(diǎn)，而是不容爭(zhēng)辯應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫教幚淼氖聦?shí)。

不犯錯(cuò)誤：我們不想讓我們的軍隊(duì)駐扎在阿富汗。我們不想在那里有軍事基地。失去美國(guó)的年輕人對(duì)我們來(lái)說(shuō)是痛苦難忍的。繼續(xù)這樣子的沖突代價(jià)太大，政治上也阻力重重。如果我們能夠自信的說(shuō)，阿富汗和巴基斯坦沒(méi)有堅(jiān)決要?dú)⑺辣M可能多的美國(guó)人的暴力極端主義分子，那我們將非常樂(lè)意將軍隊(duì)里面的每一個(gè)人帶回家。但是現(xiàn)在，還不行。

所以我們會(huì)參加46個(gè)國(guó)家的聯(lián)合部隊(duì)。盡管付出了代價(jià)，美國(guó)的承諾不會(huì)變?nèi)酢Ｕ娴?，我們中的任何一個(gè)都不應(yīng)該容忍這些極端分子。他們?cè)谀敲炊鄧?guó)家殺人。他們殺死了不同信仰的人們，而其中最多的就是穆斯林。他們的行為對(duì)于人權(quán)，國(guó)家的進(jìn)步，還有伊斯蘭都是難以想象的?！豆盘m經(jīng)》教導(dǎo)說(shuō)：如果殺了一個(gè)無(wú)辜者，那就好像殺死了全人類，而如果拯救了一個(gè)人，那就好像拯救了全人類。10億多人的持久的信念要比一部分人的狹隘的仇恨強(qiáng)大的多。與暴力極端主義分子的戰(zhàn)斗中，伊斯蘭不是其中的問(wèn)題的一部分，而是促進(jìn)和平的重要的一部分。

我們也知道，單單就軍事力量是不能解決在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的問(wèn)題的。所以我們計(jì)劃在未來(lái)的五年之內(nèi)，每年投資15億美元與巴基斯坦人們一起建造學(xué)校，醫(yī)院，道路，還有商業(yè)，還將投資數(shù)千萬(wàn)來(lái)幫助流離失所的人們。所以我們會(huì)提供28億多美元來(lái)幫助阿富汗發(fā)展他們的經(jīng)濟(jì)和輸送人們?nèi)粘Ｐ枰脑O(shè) 施。

同時(shí)我也想談?wù)勔晾说膯?wèn)題。與阿富汗不同，對(duì)伊拉克的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是個(gè)可選項(xiàng)，是否應(yīng)當(dāng)開戰(zhàn)在我國(guó)和全球各地都有巨大分歧。雖然我相信，伊拉克人民在擺脫薩達(dá)姆?侯賽因的暴政統(tǒng)治后比以前過(guò)的好，但是我也相信，伊拉克事件提醒美國(guó)在有可能的情況下，應(yīng)選擇通過(guò)外交手段和建立國(guó)際共識(shí)的方式解決我們的問(wèn)題。在此我想引用托馬斯?杰佛遜的話：“我希望我們的智慧可伴隨著我們的力量一起成長(zhǎng)，并同時(shí)教導(dǎo)我們，使用的力量越少意味著我們?cè)綇?qiáng)?！?/p>

今天，美國(guó)肩負(fù)著雙重責(zé)任：一是幫助伊拉克建立一個(gè)更美好的未來(lái)，二是把伊拉克交還給伊拉克人民。我已經(jīng)明確向伊拉克人民承諾，我們不會(huì)在伊拉克保留軍事基地，也不會(huì)爭(zhēng)奪其領(lǐng)土和資源。伊拉克是具有獨(dú)立主權(quán)的。這就是我下令在明年8月前撤走我們的作戰(zhàn)旅的原因。這也是我們履行我們和伊拉克民選政府的的協(xié)議。將于7月把作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)撤離主要城市，并且在2012年全部撤軍的原因。我們將幫助伊拉克建立自己的安全部隊(duì)并發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)。但是，我們只將作為維護(hù)伊拉克安全和統(tǒng)一的伙伴，并不會(huì)成為它的靠山。

最后，正如美國(guó)絕不容忍暴力極端主義分子，我們絕不會(huì)改變我們的原則。9/11對(duì)我國(guó)是一個(gè)巨大的創(chuàng)傷。由此引發(fā)的(對(duì)伊斯蘭世界的)恐懼和憤怒是可以理解的。但在某些情況下，這使我們的行為違背了我們的理想。我們正在采取切實(shí)行動(dòng)轉(zhuǎn)變方向。我已經(jīng)明確禁止美國(guó)政府使用酷刑，并已經(jīng)下令在明年初關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄。

因此美國(guó)在保護(hù)自己的時(shí)候，會(huì)尊重其他國(guó)家的主權(quán)和法規(guī)。而且我們將和也遭受威脅的穆斯林共同體一起這么做。極端分子越早被穆斯林世界孤立和拒絕，我們大家就會(huì)越早得到安全。

我們必須探討的第二個(gè)導(dǎo)致緊張局勢(shì)的主要源頭是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之間的情況。

眾所周知美國(guó)和以色列的緊密結(jié)合。這種結(jié)合是牢不可破的。它是基于文化和歷史的粘連，還有公認(rèn)的對(duì)猶太人家園的渴望，它根植在猶太民族悲慘的歷史里，不容否定。

全世界的猶太人被欺壓了幾千年，歐洲的反猶主義在一場(chǎng)空前的大屠殺中達(dá)到極致。明天我將訪問(wèn)布赫瓦爾德集中營(yíng)，它是猶太人被第三帝國(guó)奴役、折磨、射殺和關(guān)毒氣室屠殺的眾多集中營(yíng)里的一個(gè)。600萬(wàn)猶太人被屠殺－－比今天以色列國(guó)猶太人總?cè)丝谶€多。否定這些事實(shí)是毫無(wú)根據(jù)的、無(wú)知的、可惡的。以毀滅的言辭或重復(fù)關(guān)于猶太人的卑鄙的陳詞濫調(diào)來(lái)威脅以色列，是極端錯(cuò)誤的，而且只會(huì)喚起以色列人最慘痛的回憶，這將妨礙這個(gè)地區(qū)的人民得到本應(yīng)享有的和平。

另一方面，不可否認(rèn)，巴勒斯坦人民——穆斯林信徒和基督教徒——在尋求家園的過(guò)程中遭受了磨難。他們?nèi)淌芰肆嗄甑耐纯嗪?*。許多人在西方 的難民營(yíng)、在加沙以及周邊地區(qū)等待著他們從未享受過(guò)的和平安全的生活。他們每天都忍受著大大小小來(lái)自占領(lǐng)軍的屈辱。因此，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，巴勒斯坦人民的處境是難以忍受的。美國(guó)不會(huì)背棄巴勒斯坦人尋求尊嚴(yán)、機(jī)會(huì)和自己國(guó)家的合法愿望。

幾十年來(lái)，出現(xiàn)了一種僵局：兩國(guó)人民都有合法的愿望，每一個(gè)都飽含著痛苦的歷史，使得折中的希望渺茫。指指點(diǎn)點(diǎn)很容易——對(duì)巴勒斯坦人來(lái)說(shuō)，你可以指出其流離失所是以色列建國(guó)所致；而對(duì)以色列人來(lái)說(shuō)，你可以指出在其整個(gè)歷史中，它們?cè)诰硟?nèi)外不斷受到敵視和攻擊。如果我們只從單方面來(lái)看待這個(gè)沖突，我們就會(huì)迷失真理：唯一的解決辦法是滿足兩國(guó)雙方的愿望，即以色列人和巴勒斯坦人各自和平安全地生活。

這是符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美國(guó)的利益，也符合世界的利益。正因?yàn)槿绱?，我愿意付出這項(xiàng)任務(wù)所需要的全部耐心，身體力行地追求這一結(jié)果。當(dāng)事雙方已經(jīng)同意執(zhí)行路線圖的義務(wù)是明確的。為了和平的到來(lái)，他們以及我們大家該履行我們的責(zé)任了。

巴勒斯坦人必須放棄暴力。通過(guò)暴力和殺戮進(jìn)行抵抗是錯(cuò)誤的，也不會(huì)成功。作為奴隸的美國(guó)黑人遭受幾個(gè)世紀(jì)鞭笞和隔離羞辱。但是，并不是通過(guò)暴力贏得了全面平等的權(quán)力。美國(guó)建國(guó)的中心就是堅(jiān)持和平和堅(jiān)定的理想。從南非到南亞，從東歐到印度尼西亞的人們都能講述同樣的故事。這是含有一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單真理的故事：暴力是一條走不通的死路。向熟睡的孩子發(fā)射火箭，或在公交車上炸死一位老婦人，既不是勇敢，也不是力量的象征。這不是道德權(quán)威所提倡的，而是道德權(quán)威所摒棄的。

現(xiàn)在是時(shí)候讓巴勒斯坦人把精力集中在他們所能創(chuàng)立的事情上了。巴勒斯坦當(dāng)局必須發(fā)展其管理的能力，要建立服務(wù)于人民的體系。一些巴勒斯坦人確實(shí)支持哈馬斯，而他們也有自己的職責(zé)。要想發(fā)揮自己的作用，實(shí)現(xiàn)巴勒斯坦人的愿望，哈馬斯必須結(jié)束暴力、承認(rèn)過(guò)去的協(xié)議、承認(rèn)以色列的生存權(quán)。

與此同時(shí)，以色列人也必須承認(rèn)，正如以色列的生存權(quán)不可否認(rèn)一樣，巴勒斯坦人的生存權(quán)同樣不可否認(rèn)。美國(guó)不承認(rèn)繼續(xù)建設(shè)以色列定居點(diǎn)的合法性。這項(xiàng)建設(shè)違反了以前的協(xié)定，破壞了實(shí)現(xiàn)和平的努力。現(xiàn)在是這些定居點(diǎn)停建的時(shí)候了。

以色列同樣必須履行它的義務(wù)確保巴勒斯坦人民能夠生活、工作并發(fā)展自己的社會(huì)體制。就像加沙地帶摧毀巴勒斯坦居住區(qū)這樣的人道主義危機(jī)并不能保證以色列的安全；同時(shí)巴勒斯坦西岸地區(qū)也不會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)沒(méi)有和平的機(jī)會(huì)。改善巴勒斯坦人民的日常生活肯定是走向和平的必經(jīng)之路，而且以色列必須采取具體的行動(dòng)作出這種改善。

最后，阿拉伯國(guó)家必須認(rèn)識(shí)到“阿拉伯和平倡議”是一個(gè)重要的開端，而不是結(jié)束他們的責(zé)任。阿拉伯和以色列間的沖突不應(yīng)該再成為阿拉伯人民關(guān)注的焦點(diǎn)。相反，它必定會(huì)引發(fā)一場(chǎng)行動(dòng)幫助巴勒斯坦人民建立起維護(hù)他們國(guó)家的體 制，這個(gè)行動(dòng)也將使以色列得到合法承認(rèn)；這個(gè)行動(dòng)選擇的是發(fā)展，從而結(jié)束了過(guò)去那種適得其反的糾纏。

美國(guó)將調(diào)整與尋求和平國(guó)家之間的外交政策，并且會(huì)公開和以色列、巴勒斯坦以及阿拉伯國(guó)家私下里的談話內(nèi)容。我們不會(huì)強(qiáng)求和平。但是私下里，許多穆斯林都認(rèn)識(shí)到以色列不會(huì)消失。同樣，許多以色列人也認(rèn)識(shí)到需要有一個(gè)巴勒斯坦國(guó)的存在。眾所周知，現(xiàn)在使我們真正采取行動(dòng)的時(shí)候了。

人民流過(guò)的太多的眼淚，付出了太多的鮮血。我們大家為了目標(biāo)都有責(zé)任付出，為那一天，以色列和巴勒斯坦的母親們可以看著自己的孩子在免收恐懼的環(huán)境下長(zhǎng)大;為那一天，三個(gè)偉大信仰的共同圣地成為上帝希望的和平之地；為那一天，耶路撒冷成為安全之地，成為猶太人，基督徒和穆斯林共同永久的家園，亞伯拉罕的子孫能如伊斯拉的故事中描述的一般聚集一處和平生活，摩西、耶穌和默罕默德(愿主福安之)能夠一同參與祈禱。

第三個(gè)造成緊張局勢(shì)的原因是我們?cè)诤宋鋯?wèn)題上各國(guó)權(quán)利和責(zé)任的共同關(guān)注。

這一問(wèn)題是美國(guó)和伊朗伊斯蘭共和國(guó)緊張局勢(shì)的根源。多年來(lái)，伊朗已經(jīng)明確表示反對(duì)我國(guó)，而且事實(shí)上我們之前的確有動(dòng)蕩的過(guò)去。在冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期的中段，美國(guó)在推翻民選的伊朗政府上扮演了重要角色。伊朗伊斯蘭革命以來(lái)，伊朗持續(xù)劫持美國(guó)軍人和平民，并對(duì)他們使用暴力。這段歷史是眾所周知的。我已清楚地告訴伊朗的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和其人民，與其繼續(xù)陷于過(guò)去，不如向前邁進(jìn)，我的國(guó)家已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備好了?，F(xiàn)在的問(wèn)題不是伊朗反對(duì)什么，而是未來(lái)應(yīng)當(dāng)如何建設(shè)。

要克服幾十年的猜疑和不信任是困難的，但我們將憑借勇氣、正直和決心繼續(xù)前行。我們兩個(gè)國(guó)家之間會(huì)有很多議題需要探討，而且我們也原意在互相尊重的基礎(chǔ)上不附帶任何條件地推進(jìn)兩國(guó)的交流。然而對(duì)很顯然大家都關(guān)心的議題，比如核武器，我們已處在一個(gè)決定性時(shí)刻。這不只是簡(jiǎn)單地關(guān)系到美國(guó)的利益。它關(guān)系到防止在中東地區(qū)展開核軍備競(jìng)賽，那將導(dǎo)致這個(gè)地區(qū)以及全世界走向危險(xiǎn)之路。

我理解有人抗議有些國(guó)家有核武器有些沒(méi)有。沒(méi)有單獨(dú)哪一個(gè)國(guó)家有權(quán)挑選和指定那些國(guó)家可以擁有核武器。這也是我為何著重重申美國(guó)的義務(wù)，尋求一個(gè)無(wú)核的世界。而且任何國(guó)家，包括伊朗，如果他們遵照自己在核不擴(kuò)散條約下應(yīng)負(fù)的責(zé)任，就應(yīng)該有權(quán)使用以和平為目的的核能。這個(gè)義務(wù)是條約的核心所在，而且所有完全遵守條約的國(guó)家必須保持下去。我希望這個(gè)地區(qū)所有的國(guó)家都能共享這個(gè)目標(biāo)。

我要談的第四個(gè)議題是民主。

我知道，近幾年曾有關(guān)于發(fā)揚(yáng)民主政治的爭(zhēng)論，其中大多數(shù)都與伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)有關(guān)。在這里允許我澄清一下：一個(gè)國(guó)家不能也不應(yīng)該將一種政治系統(tǒng)強(qiáng)加于另一個(gè)國(guó)家。

然而，這并不能削弱我的承諾：政府應(yīng)該代表人民的意愿。每個(gè)國(guó)家以自己的方式致力于這一準(zhǔn)則，不同的方式又以國(guó)家傳統(tǒng)為基礎(chǔ)。美國(guó)并不認(rèn)為自己通曉對(duì)所有人都有利的方式，就像我們不能預(yù)知一場(chǎng)順利的選舉的結(jié)果一樣。但是我有一個(gè)非常堅(jiān)定的信念，人民在渴望某種東西：可以表達(dá)思想的能力，以及評(píng)論自己如何被統(tǒng)治的能力；對(duì)于法律中的信心，以及相應(yīng)的對(duì)于正義的貫徹；透明的、并且不會(huì)被奪走的政府；選擇生活的自由。這些不僅僅是美國(guó)人的想法，而是人權(quán)，也是我們不管在哪里都支持它的原因。

實(shí)現(xiàn)諾言的道路并不平坦，但非常清晰：保護(hù)這些權(quán)利的政府更加穩(wěn)固、成功和安全。鎮(zhèn)壓思想的方法絕不會(huì)讓思想消失。美國(guó)尊重所有愛(ài)好和平并合法的聲音響徹全球，即便我們可能不同意這些想法。而且，我們歡迎所有民選的、愛(ài)好和平的政府——倘若他們也受到自己人民的愛(ài)戴。

最后這一點(diǎn)很重要，因?yàn)橛行┤酥挥性诓徽莆諜?quán)力的時(shí)候才鼓吹民主，一旦上了臺(tái)，他們就毫不留情地壓制別人的權(quán)利。無(wú)論在何處，民治與民有的政府為所有掌權(quán)者設(shè)立一條單一的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)：你必須籍由贊成而非威壓而保有權(quán)利；你必須尊重少數(shù)群體的權(quán)利，并懷著寬容與妥協(xié)的精神參與其中；你必須將人民的利益和政治過(guò)程的合法決議置于自己的政黨之上。沒(méi)有這些內(nèi)容，單靠選舉無(wú)法帶來(lái)真正的民主。

我們需要共同討論的第五個(gè)問(wèn)題是宗教自由。

伊斯蘭教有著傲人的寬容傳統(tǒng)。在宗教裁判所時(shí)代，我們?cè)诎策_(dá)盧西亞和科多巴（Andalusia and Cordoba）的歷史中可以看到這一點(diǎn)；當(dāng)我童年在印度尼西亞的時(shí)候，親眼看到這一點(diǎn)，在那里，在一個(gè)穆斯林占絕大多數(shù)的國(guó)家，虔誠(chéng)的基督教徒可以自由地做禮拜。這是今天我們所需要的精神，每個(gè)國(guó)家的人民都應(yīng)當(dāng)可以自由地基于自己內(nèi)心和靈魂的信念選擇并堅(jiān)持自己的信仰。這種寬容對(duì)于宗教的興旺發(fā)達(dá)必不可少，但如今卻正受到多方挑戰(zhàn)。

在某些穆斯林當(dāng)中，有一種令人不安的傾向，那就是通過(guò)拒絕他人的信仰來(lái)衡量自己信仰的堅(jiān)定程度。我們必須支持豐富的宗教多樣性-無(wú)論是黎巴嫩的馬龍教派還是埃及的科普特教派。穆斯林當(dāng)中的錯(cuò)誤傾向也必須停止，我們看到，尤其在伊拉克，遜尼派和什葉派的分歧已經(jīng)導(dǎo)致了悲劇性的暴力沖突。

宗教信仰自由是人們能在一起生活的核心問(wèn)題，我們要永遠(yuǎn)對(duì)這一點(diǎn)保持關(guān)注。比如在美國(guó)，法規(guī)使得穆斯林很難履行自己的宗教義務(wù)。這就是為何我會(huì)承諾與美國(guó)的穆斯林一同工作，以來(lái)確保他們可以完成自己的扎卡特（天課）。

同樣，還有一點(diǎn)很重要，西方國(guó)家應(yīng)避免僅憑自身好惡妨而礙到穆斯林民眾的宗教修行，比如，討論穆斯林婦女應(yīng)有的穿著。我們不能假借自由之名來(lái)掩飾自己的敵意，對(duì)宗教進(jìn)行攻擊。的確，信任會(huì)將我們帶到一起。這就是我們?cè)诿绹?guó)建立將基督教、伊斯蘭教和猶太教的信徒帶到一起的公共機(jī)構(gòu)工程的原因所在。我們歡迎像沙特阿拉伯 國(guó)王易卜拉欣的不同宗教間的對(duì)話，我們歡迎像土耳其領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層的不同文明聯(lián)盟。在全球領(lǐng)域，我們可以把對(duì)話轉(zhuǎn)在不同信仰之間的機(jī)構(gòu)內(nèi)進(jìn)行，因此這種橋梁才能讓不同信仰的人們沖破彼此的隔膜。--不論是對(duì)非洲的抵抗瘧疾行動(dòng)還是在對(duì)自然災(zāi)害后提供的援助上。

我要說(shuō)的第六點(diǎn)是關(guān)于婦女的權(quán)利。

現(xiàn)在讓我澄清一下：女性平等問(wèn)題絕不僅僅是伊斯蘭世界的問(wèn)題。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉國(guó)和印度尼西亞，我們已經(jīng)看到這些穆斯林占多數(shù)的國(guó)家選出了女性領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。同時(shí)，在美國(guó)生活的很多方面，以及在全球各國(guó)，爭(zhēng)取女性平等的斗爭(zhēng)還在繼續(xù)。

我們的女兒也能像我們的兒子那樣為社會(huì)做出同樣的貢獻(xiàn)，并且允許所有人（男人和女人）發(fā)揮自己最大的潛力，將會(huì)推動(dòng)我們的共同繁榮。我不認(rèn)為女性為了平等必須做出和男性一樣的選擇，并且我尊重那些生活中選擇傳統(tǒng)角色的女性。但是這應(yīng)該由女性自己決定。正因?yàn)槿绱?，美?guó)將和所有穆斯林占多數(shù)的國(guó)家一道，幫助減少女孩文盲，并且通過(guò)小額貸款幫助人們實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的夢(mèng)想，幫助年輕女性追求自己的職業(yè)生涯。

最后，我想談?wù)劷?jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展和機(jī)會(huì)。

在教育方面，我們將擴(kuò)大互換學(xué)生項(xiàng)目，并且增加獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，就像當(dāng)年把家父帶到美國(guó)的那筆獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，同時(shí)鼓勵(lì)更多美國(guó)人來(lái)穆斯林地區(qū)學(xué)習(xí)。而且我們還將為有前途的穆斯林學(xué)生安排在美國(guó)的實(shí)習(xí)機(jī)會(huì)；為全世界的教師和學(xué)生投資聯(lián)網(wǎng)在線學(xué)習(xí)項(xiàng)目；創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的在線網(wǎng)絡(luò)，以便一個(gè)遠(yuǎn)在堪薩斯州的孩子能和身處開羅的同齡人即時(shí)通訊。

在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展方面，我們將創(chuàng)立一種新的商業(yè)志愿者團(tuán)體，和以穆斯林為主體的國(guó)家的商業(yè)組織合作。而且我還將在今年召開企業(yè)家峰會(huì)，來(lái)確定我們將如何加深美國(guó)、穆斯林國(guó)家和全世界范圍內(nèi)的商業(yè)領(lǐng)袖、創(chuàng)業(yè)者和企業(yè)家之間的紐帶關(guān)系。

在科學(xué)和技術(shù)方面，我們將在以穆斯林為主的國(guó)家推行一個(gè)新的基金來(lái)支持他們的科技發(fā)展，并幫助把科技理念轉(zhuǎn)化到市場(chǎng)上去，以便創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。我們還將在非洲、中東和東南亞開設(shè)優(yōu)秀科技中心，并任命新的科學(xué)特使來(lái)合作開展項(xiàng)目，包括發(fā)展新能源、創(chuàng)造環(huán)保的工作崗位、數(shù)字化唱片、清潔飲用水和引入新農(nóng)作物。今天我還宣布了一項(xiàng)新的全球性措施，計(jì)劃和伊斯蘭會(huì)議組織共同努力消除腦灰質(zhì)炎疾病。我們還將拓展和穆斯林團(tuán)體的合作來(lái)促進(jìn)兒童和孕婦的健康。

三、讓美國(guó)與穆斯林世界攜手前進(jìn)

所有這些事情都必須通過(guò)合作完成。美國(guó)人民已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備好了，在全球范圍內(nèi)與其他市民、政府一起，與社區(qū)組織、宗教領(lǐng)袖一起，與穆斯林世界的企業(yè)一 起，幫助人民追求更好的生活。

我所描述的問(wèn)題并不是很容易能解決的。但是，為了我們尋求的世界，我們有責(zé)任攜起手來(lái)，使得在這個(gè)世界上，極端分子不再威脅我們的人民，美國(guó)的士兵們都回到家鄉(xiāng)；使得在這個(gè)世界上，以色列和巴勒斯坦的人民都可以在自己的土地上安全生活，核能源都被和平的使用；使得在這個(gè)世界上，政府為人民服務(wù)，諸神的子孫的權(quán)利都得到尊重。這些是我們的共同利益。這是我們所尋求的世界。但是，只有我們一起努力才能做到。

我知道有很多人，既有穆斯林也有非穆斯林，對(duì)我們有疑問(wèn)，質(zhì)疑我們是否能夠建立新的開端。一些急性子的人點(diǎn)燃了怒火阻擋了我們前進(jìn)的道路。有人告訴我們，這樣的努力并不值得，人民注定會(huì)有反對(duì)的聲音，文明之間注定會(huì)發(fā)生沖突。有更多的人只是懷疑是否真能產(chǎn)生變化。有如此多的擔(dān)心，如此多的不信任。但是，如果選擇被過(guò)去束縛，我們將永遠(yuǎn)無(wú)法向前邁進(jìn)。我尤其要強(qiáng)調(diào)的是，各國(guó)各信仰的年輕人們，你們比其他任何人都有能力來(lái)改變這個(gè)世界。

我們每個(gè)人都只能在這世界上停留一瞬。在這有限的時(shí)間里，我們到底是要彼此排斥，還是要共同努力、不停地尋求共識(shí)，為了我們子孫的未來(lái)和全體人類的尊嚴(yán)而奮斗。

發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)比結(jié)束它們更容易；責(zé)備他人比審視自我更容易；挑剔別人比尋求共識(shí)更容易。但我們不僅要去做容易做到的事，更要去做正確的事。每種宗教都遵守著同樣一條原則——己所不欲，勿施于人。這一真理超越了國(guó)界和種族——它自古就存在著；它也不為黑人、白人抑或褐色人種所獨(dú)有；它更不是基督徒、穆斯林或猶太人的專利。它是自文明之始就跳動(dòng)著的信仰，至今仍存在于億萬(wàn)人的心中。是它讓人們對(duì)他人充滿了信心，今天，也正是它把我?guī)У搅诉@里。

我們有能力改造世界，但在我們立志要開創(chuàng)一項(xiàng)事業(yè)的同時(shí)，也必須銘記我們所受過(guò)的教誨。

《古蘭經(jīng)》上說(shuō)：“眾人啊！我確已從一男一女創(chuàng)造你們，我使你們成為許多民族和宗族，以便你們互相認(rèn)識(shí)。”

《猶太法典》上說(shuō)：“所有教律都是為了促進(jìn)和平?！?/p>

《圣經(jīng)》上說(shuō)：“使人和睦的人有福了，因?yàn)樗麄儽胤Q為神的兒子?！?/p>

世界上的人們必能和睦相處。這是上帝的遠(yuǎn)見。所以現(xiàn)在，也必須由我們?yōu)橹ΑＶx謝你們。

愿上帝賜和平于汝。

奧巴馬前往埃及訪問(wèn) 將在開羅大學(xué)發(fā)表演講

http://004km.cn 2009年06月04日18:44 中國(guó)廣播網(wǎng)

中廣網(wǎng)北京6月4日消息（記者張加寧）據(jù)中國(guó)之聲《央廣新聞》16時(shí)35分報(bào)道，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬今天離開沙特，前往埃及訪問(wèn)。下面連線中國(guó)之聲國(guó)際新聞編輯張加寧了解一下詳細(xì)情況。奧巴馬就職以來(lái)，首次中東之旅為什么會(huì)選擇沙特和埃及呢？

奧巴馬首次中東之行特意避開以色列 想對(duì)以施加壓力

記者：可以說(shuō)沙特和埃及是兩個(gè)和美國(guó)最為緊密的阿拉伯關(guān)系，這表明奧巴馬政府再次強(qiáng)調(diào)美國(guó)和沙特、埃及兩個(gè)國(guó)家傳統(tǒng)盟友的地位，沙特是中東的超級(jí)大國(guó)，與伊拉克、伊朗都是相鄰的，經(jīng)濟(jì)上是世界上最大的石油出口國(guó)，政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)上都于美國(guó)有最緊密的聯(lián)系。埃及長(zhǎng)期以來(lái)是阿拉伯世界的領(lǐng)袖，對(duì)于巴以的一些問(wèn)題有很重大的影響，奧巴馬非常清楚無(wú)論中東局勢(shì)怎么變化，只要保證美國(guó)與沙特和埃及的關(guān)系處于最好的狀態(tài)，美國(guó)載在中東的影響就能繼續(xù)下去。另外是為了扮演中立調(diào)節(jié)人的形象，奧巴馬首次中東之行特意避開以色列，沒(méi)有訪問(wèn)以色列也是象征性的對(duì)以色列施加一些壓力，迫使他們?cè)诎鸵詻_突上做出一些讓步。很值得注意，奧巴馬是臨時(shí)決定在5月26、27號(hào)將首站定在沙特，然后是埃及。有媒體認(rèn)為這個(gè)變動(dòng)可能也是和朝鮮的核實(shí)驗(yàn)有關(guān)。朝鮮再次進(jìn)行核實(shí)驗(yàn)可能會(huì)極大刺激伊朗核實(shí)驗(yàn)的發(fā)展，這也是美國(guó)最為擔(dān)心的，如果伊朗有這方面的舉動(dòng)，以色列也會(huì)采取一些比較強(qiáng)硬的措施。所以，和這個(gè)可能有關(guān)系。

奧巴馬調(diào)整美國(guó)對(duì)中東的政策 障礙重重

主持人：奧巴馬目前的中東政策面臨哪些難題呢？

記者：可以說(shuō)奧巴馬上臺(tái)之后，一開始著手調(diào)整美國(guó)的中東政策，他上任四個(gè)多月了，中東政策的成效并不是非常大，還是有很多障礙的。第一個(gè)是以色列總理不接受兩國(guó)方案。另外，我們看到雖然美軍決定逐步的撤軍，但是現(xiàn)在伊拉克暴力事件明顯的增多，也有方面透露說(shuō)是否真的能夠完全從伊拉克撤軍？另外一方面，美國(guó)和伊朗是互相有一些隔空喊話的行為，真正的面對(duì)面的對(duì)話沒(méi)有實(shí)現(xiàn)。再一個(gè)，我們可以看出，反恐重點(diǎn)從伊拉克轉(zhuǎn)移到阿富汗和巴基斯坦。但是 現(xiàn)在打擊塔利班武裝沒(méi)有取得明顯的戰(zhàn)果。反而我們看到巴基斯坦境內(nèi)的恐怖暴力事件是增多的。還有很多的難民問(wèn)題，所以，在中東方面還是有很多的難題的。

奧巴馬將在開羅大學(xué)發(fā)表演講 拉丹先發(fā)制人播錄音講話

主持人：奧巴馬今天晚些時(shí)間會(huì)在開羅大學(xué)發(fā)表演講。外界對(duì)他在開羅大學(xué)的演講肯定有些期待，反正現(xiàn)在伊朗的態(tài)度是表示十分痛恨美國(guó)，請(qǐng)你介紹一下其他國(guó)家的反應(yīng)？

記者：從美國(guó)自己來(lái)說(shuō)，奧巴馬還是比較清醒的，他說(shuō)不能對(duì)演講希望過(guò)高，這只是與以色列事件展開更廣闊對(duì)話的第一步，美國(guó)的一些媒體也說(shuō)奧巴馬不會(huì)說(shuō)一些具體的政策或者是戰(zhàn)略，還是象征意義比較大。美國(guó)馬里蘭大學(xué)的一項(xiàng)民意調(diào)查顯示，埃及民眾的反美出現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)化的趨向，他們也不太相信美國(guó)在中東地區(qū)的政策會(huì)有大的變化，另外一方面我看到奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講之前，開羅的一支樂(lè)隊(duì)為奧巴馬創(chuàng)造一首歌曲。特別是《和平土地》希望這次奧巴馬之行給阿拉伯世界帶來(lái)和平的曙光。另外，我們可以看到奧巴馬抵達(dá)沙特阿拉伯的時(shí)候，基地組織頭目本拉登在一些錄音中譴責(zé)奧巴馬的穆斯林政策，他說(shuō)的話，就是說(shuō)奧巴馬還是執(zhí)著與前任布什總統(tǒng)的老路，美國(guó)應(yīng)該做好準(zhǔn)備承擔(dān)穆斯林政策帶來(lái)的后果。

主持人：好的，謝謝你的報(bào)道，再見。

記者：再見。

第五篇：奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講全中英

新的開端－奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講全文（中英文）

2009年06月04日

美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬本月4日在埃及開羅大學(xué)發(fā)表了演講。他希望同世界上15億穆斯林有一個(gè)“新的開始”，并呼吁結(jié)束周而復(fù)始的“懷疑和爭(zhēng)議”。他稱：“我來(lái)到這里是為了尋求美國(guó)同全球穆斯林世界建立一個(gè)新的開始。”此外，他還表示伊朗應(yīng)該保有和平利用核能的權(quán)利，但同時(shí)應(yīng)該更多地參與到核不擴(kuò)散協(xié)議中來(lái)。以下是由白宮提供的奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講稿：

一、我來(lái)此地，就是要在美國(guó)和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種全新的開端。

我很榮幸來(lái)到開羅這座永恒的城市，并受到兩所卓越的院校的款待。過(guò)去一千年來(lái)，阿茲哈爾（Al-Azhar）就是伊斯蘭教義傳播過(guò)程中的一盞明燈；過(guò)去一個(gè)世紀(jì)，開羅大學(xué)則是埃及前進(jìn)的動(dòng)力。你們一起展現(xiàn)了傳統(tǒng)與發(fā)展之間的和諧。我對(duì)你們和埃及人民的盛情表示感激。我也很驕傲的帶來(lái)了美國(guó)人民的善意，以及美國(guó)穆斯林對(duì)你們的問(wèn)候：assalaamu alaykum（愿安拉賜您平安）。

我們于此刻相會(huì)，正值美國(guó)和全世界穆斯林的關(guān)系緊張，這種氣氛根植于歷史，與現(xiàn)在的政策爭(zhēng)論毫無(wú)關(guān)系。伊斯蘭與西方世界共存與合作已長(zhǎng)達(dá)幾個(gè)世紀(jì)，同時(shí)也存在沖突甚至宗教戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。就在最近，這種緊張關(guān)系得以升級(jí)，罪魁禍?zhǔn)装ǚ裾J(rèn)許多穆斯林擁有的權(quán)利和機(jī)會(huì)的殖民主義，以及政治冷戰(zhàn)。在冷戰(zhàn)中，穆斯林國(guó)家經(jīng)常被認(rèn)為是某些勢(shì)力的代理人，而自己的渴望卻被忽視。此外，由現(xiàn)代化和全球化帶來(lái)的巨大變化，也令許多穆斯林認(rèn)為西方對(duì)伊斯蘭傳統(tǒng)懷有敵意。

暴力極端主義者已經(jīng)在數(shù)目小但卻力量大的穆斯林中制造出了緊張局勢(shì)。2001年9月11日的襲擊以及極端主義者對(duì)平民那接連不斷的攻擊，這一切使我的國(guó)民不單單把穆斯林視作對(duì)美國(guó)和西方社會(huì)的威脅，也把穆斯林被視作是對(duì)人權(quán)的威脅。

但凡我們的關(guān)系是由彼此的所差異決定，我們就會(huì)縱容那些播種仇恨而非和平的人，那些挑起沖突而非平復(fù)沖突的人，然而，正是那些平復(fù)沖突的人才能夠使我們的人民達(dá)到正義和繁榮。這個(gè)猜疑和混亂的圈子必須得到終結(jié)。

我來(lái)此地，就是要在美國(guó)和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種全新的開端；這種開端建立在彼此的利益和相互的尊敬之上；建立在美國(guó)和穆斯林并非只能存一，不需要相互競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的觀點(diǎn)之上。恰恰相反，美國(guó)和穆斯林世界是相互交疊的，遵循著共同的價(jià)值觀：正義和發(fā)展的價(jià)值觀；以及寬容和人類尊嚴(yán)的價(jià)值觀。

誠(chéng)然，我知道變革不是在一夜之間發(fā)生的。沒(méi)有什么演說(shuō)可以消除多年的猜疑，同時(shí)，此時(shí)此刻的我也不能醫(yī)治在這一點(diǎn)上所有的沉疴。但是我已經(jīng)證明了一點(diǎn)：為了前進(jìn)，我們必須說(shuō)出自己的心里話，那些常常是在彼此在背后才會(huì)說(shuō)的話。我們必須學(xué)會(huì)傾聽彼此、互相學(xué)習(xí)、相互尊重；我們必須尋求共識(shí)。正如《可蘭經(jīng)》中所說(shuō)的，“感受安拉的存在，永遠(yuǎn)誠(chéng)實(shí)?！边@也是我一直在試著做到的一點(diǎn)——盡我所能地說(shuō)實(shí)話，謙恭地面對(duì)我們眼前的工作，牢牢地守住我的信念，相信這樣一點(diǎn)：作為人類之間我們共享的利益遠(yuǎn)比那些把我們分開的力量要強(qiáng)大得多。

此信仰部分根植于我自己的經(jīng)歷。我是個(gè)基督教徒，而我的父親來(lái)自一個(gè)肯尼亞家庭，世代都是穆斯林信徒。小時(shí)候，我在印度尼西亞生活過(guò)幾年，在黎明和黃昏都聽到azaan的呼喚。年輕時(shí)，我在芝加哥社區(qū)工作，在那里，許多人都從他們的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊嚴(yán)和平靜。

作為歷史專業(yè)的學(xué)生，我也知道文明對(duì)伊斯蘭教犯下的罪孽。是伊斯蘭教——在像艾資哈爾大學(xué)這樣的地方——展開幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的學(xué)習(xí)，為歐洲的文藝復(fù)興和啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)鋪平了道路。是穆斯林社區(qū)的創(chuàng)新開發(fā)了數(shù)學(xué)秩序；磁羅盤和航海工具；鋼筆和印刷技藝；使我們了解疾病如何傳播，又該如何治療。伊斯蘭文化為我們提供了宏偉的拱門和直插云霄的尖頂；永恒的詩(shī)歌和珍貴的音樂(lè)；優(yōu)雅的書法和平靜思考的地方?？v觀整個(gè)歷史，伊斯蘭已經(jīng)通過(guò)文字和實(shí)際行動(dòng)證明，宗教寬容和種族平等的可能性。

我知道，伊斯蘭也一直是美國(guó)歷史的一部分。第一個(gè)承認(rèn)我國(guó)的國(guó)家就是摩洛哥。1796年，我國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰·亞當(dāng)斯在簽署《黎波里條約》中寫道，“美國(guó)本身沒(méi)有反對(duì)法律、宗教或穆斯林寧?kù)o的敵意性質(zhì)?！苯▏?guó)以來(lái)，伊斯蘭信徒為美國(guó)的富裕做出了貢獻(xiàn)。他們?cè)谖覀兊膽?zhàn)爭(zhēng)中戰(zhàn)斗；為政府工作；主張公民權(quán)利；開創(chuàng)企業(yè)；在大學(xué)教書；在我們的競(jìng)技場(chǎng)表現(xiàn)突出；贏得諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)；建造我們最高的建筑，還點(diǎn)燃了奧運(yùn)火炬。最近第一位穆斯林-美國(guó)人被選入國(guó)會(huì)時(shí)，他宣誓捍衛(wèi)我們憲法所用的神圣《古蘭經(jīng)》，是我們的一位建國(guó)之父托馬斯·杰斐遜保存在自己私人圖書館中的。

在來(lái)到伊斯蘭教的發(fā)源地之前，我已經(jīng)在三個(gè)大洲上接觸過(guò)它。過(guò)去的經(jīng)歷使我堅(jiān)信，美國(guó)和伊斯蘭世界國(guó)家之間的合作關(guān)系必須建立在求同存異的基礎(chǔ)上。作為美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的總統(tǒng)，我覺(jué)得我有責(zé)任消除人們心中對(duì)伊斯蘭教存有的成見。

但同樣的原則也適用于穆斯林對(duì)美國(guó)的看法上。正如穆斯林并不粗魯一樣，美國(guó)也并非一個(gè)自私自利的國(guó)家。在人類所取得的所有進(jìn)步中，美國(guó)的貢獻(xiàn)是非常之大的。我們也是通過(guò)抗?fàn)幉炮A得了獨(dú)立。我們的建國(guó)理念是人人生而平等，數(shù)個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)，我們一直在為實(shí)現(xiàn)理想而斗爭(zhēng)，也為之拋灑過(guò)熱血——無(wú)論是在國(guó)內(nèi)，還是在全世界范圍內(nèi)。美國(guó)包容著多元的文化、吸引著來(lái)自世界各地的人，這一切都只為了實(shí)現(xiàn)一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的理念：合眾為一：“眾人戮力，只為一心”（E pluribus unum: “Out of many, one.”）。

過(guò)去的一切已經(jīng)證明，一個(gè)名叫巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬的非裔美國(guó)人也能被選為美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。但我個(gè)人的經(jīng)歷并沒(méi)有那么獨(dú)特。雖然并非每個(gè)在美國(guó)的人都能實(shí)現(xiàn)心中理想，但對(duì)于每個(gè)踏上美國(guó)土地的人來(lái)說(shuō)，他們的夢(mèng)想都會(huì)得到尊重——現(xiàn)在，包括近700萬(wàn)在美國(guó)的穆斯林在內(nèi)的人都享受著比普通人更高的收入、更好的教育。

此外，美國(guó)的自由與實(shí)現(xiàn)宗教信仰自由密不可分。這就是美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的每一個(gè)州都有一所清真寺的原因，我們國(guó)土上有1200多所清真寺。這同樣也是美國(guó)政府致力于保護(hù)婦女和少女有權(quán)戴穆斯林頭巾的原因，誰(shuí)要是阻撓必將受到處罰。

因此毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)：伊斯蘭教是美國(guó)的一部分。我相信在美國(guó)這片土地堅(jiān)持真理，無(wú)論是什么人種、什么宗教或生活在何處，我們所有人都有共同的愿望——我們想要和平安寧的生活；我們想要接受教育和有尊嚴(yán)地工作；我們熱愛(ài)我們的家庭、社會(huì)和我們的神。這就是我們的共性。這就是我們?nèi)祟惖脑竿?/p>

當(dāng)然，認(rèn)識(shí)到人類的共性只是我們?nèi)蝿?wù)的開端。僅僅靠耍嘴皮子并不能滿足我們?nèi)嗣竦男枨蟆Ｖ挥挟?dāng)我們?cè)诮酉聛?lái)的幾年里大刀闊斧地行動(dòng)；只有當(dāng)我們懂得面對(duì)的是人類共同的挑戰(zhàn)、認(rèn)識(shí)到無(wú)法滿足這些需求就是損害是我們?nèi)w利益的時(shí)候，人民的需求才能得以滿足。

二、我們需要共同面對(duì)的問(wèn)題。

最近我們吸取到的經(jīng)驗(yàn)是，當(dāng)一個(gè)國(guó)家的金融體系削弱時(shí)，各地的繁榮也將受到打擊。當(dāng)一種新型流感感染了一個(gè)人，那么所有人都有危險(xiǎn)。當(dāng)一個(gè)國(guó)家推行核武器，那么所有國(guó)家遭到核武器襲擊的危險(xiǎn)性就提高了。當(dāng)極端分子在一片綿延的山區(qū)活動(dòng)，那么大洋彼岸的人也會(huì)陷入危險(xiǎn)之中。而無(wú)辜的波斯尼亞和達(dá)爾富爾人被屠殺，成為我們公德心上的污點(diǎn)。這就是在21世紀(jì)共享同一個(gè)世界的含義。這是作為人類我們對(duì)彼此的責(zé)任。

這是一個(gè)很難履行的責(zé)任。人類歷史經(jīng)常記錄著民族和部落為了實(shí)現(xiàn)他們自己的利益而相互斗爭(zhēng)。可是在這個(gè)新的世紀(jì)，這種做法會(huì)弄巧成拙。因?yàn)槲覀兪窍嗷ヒ蕾嚨?，所以任何那一個(gè)國(guó)家或者組織的成員凌駕于其他人之上的行為必將失敗。因此，不管我們?cè)趺纯创^(guò)去，我們都不要束縛其中。我們的問(wèn)題必須通過(guò)合作解決，必須共同進(jìn)步。

那不意味著我們會(huì)忽略緊張局勢(shì)源頭。實(shí)際正好相反：我們必須正視這些緊張事件。因此，在這種精神指引下，讓我對(duì)一些具體的問(wèn)題盡可能清楚和明白的做出解釋，那就是，我相信我們最終必將共同面對(duì)。

我們必須面對(duì)的第一個(gè)問(wèn)題是各種形式的暴力極端主義。

我曾在安卡拉明確表示，美國(guó)目前沒(méi)有，也不會(huì)和伊斯蘭世界開戰(zhàn)。然而，我們對(duì)那些給我們的安全造成極大威脅的暴力極端主義分子不會(huì)手軟。這是因?yàn)槲覀儾粴g迎那些全世界各種信仰的人民都不歡迎的事情：濫殺無(wú)辜的男女和兒童。作為總統(tǒng)我有義務(wù)保護(hù)美國(guó)人民。

目前阿富汗的局勢(shì)表明了美國(guó)的目標(biāo)，我們需要為此共同努力。七年前，美國(guó)對(duì)抗基地組織和塔利班的行動(dòng)得到了國(guó)際社會(huì)的廣泛支持。在有些事情上面我們別無(wú)選擇，只能做出必要的行動(dòng)。我知道有些人對(duì)9/11事件有疑問(wèn)。但首先讓我們明確一點(diǎn)，基地組織在那一天殺死了大約3000人。這些受害者包括美國(guó)和其他國(guó)家的男女和兒童，這些無(wú)辜的人沒(méi)有做過(guò)任何傷害他人的事情。然而，基地組織選擇無(wú)情地殺害這些人，借此攻擊事件宣傳自己，即使現(xiàn)在仍堅(jiān)持大規(guī)模殺戮的理念。他們?cè)诟鲊?guó)都有分支機(jī)構(gòu)，并且正試圖擴(kuò)大勢(shì)力范圍。這些不是可以辯論的觀點(diǎn)，而是不容爭(zhēng)辯應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫教幚淼氖聦?shí)。

不犯錯(cuò)誤：我們不想讓我們的軍隊(duì)駐扎在阿富汗。我們不想在那里有軍事基地。失去美國(guó)的年輕人對(duì)我們來(lái)說(shuō)是痛苦難忍的。繼續(xù)這樣子的沖突代價(jià)太大，政治上也阻力重重。如果我們能夠自信的說(shuō)，阿富汗和巴基斯坦沒(méi)有堅(jiān)決要?dú)⑺辣M可能多的美國(guó)人的暴力極端主義分子，那我們將非常樂(lè)意將軍隊(duì)里面的每一個(gè)人帶回家。但是現(xiàn)在，還不行。

所以我們會(huì)參加46個(gè)國(guó)家的聯(lián)合部隊(duì)。盡管付出了代價(jià)，美國(guó)的承諾不會(huì)變?nèi)?。真的，我們中的任何一個(gè)都不應(yīng)該容忍這些極端分子。他們?cè)谀敲炊鄧?guó)家殺人。他們殺死了不同信仰的人們，而其中最多的就是穆斯林。他們的行為對(duì)于人權(quán)，國(guó)家的進(jìn)步，還有伊斯蘭都是難以想象的?！豆盘m經(jīng)》教導(dǎo)說(shuō)：如果**一個(gè)無(wú)辜者，那就好像殺死了全人類，而如果拯救了一個(gè)人，那就好像拯救了全人類。10億多人的持久的信念要比一部分人的狹隘的仇恨強(qiáng)大的多。與暴力極端主義分子的戰(zhàn)斗中，伊斯蘭不是其中的問(wèn)題的一部分，而是促進(jìn)和平的重要的一部分。

我們也知道，單單就軍事力量是不能解決在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的問(wèn)題的。所以我們計(jì)劃在未來(lái)的五年之內(nèi)，每年投資15億美元與巴基斯坦人們一起建造學(xué)校，醫(yī)院，道路，還有商業(yè)，還將投資數(shù)千萬(wàn)來(lái)幫助流離失所的人們。所以我們會(huì)提供28億多美元來(lái)幫助阿富汗發(fā)展他們的經(jīng)濟(jì)和輸送人們?nèi)粘Ｐ枰脑O(shè)施。

同時(shí)我也想談?wù)勔晾说膯?wèn)題。與阿富汗不同，對(duì)伊拉克的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是個(gè)可選項(xiàng)，是否應(yīng)當(dāng)開戰(zhàn)在我國(guó)和全球各地都有巨大分歧。雖然我相信，伊拉克人民在擺脫薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因的暴政統(tǒng)治后比以前過(guò)的好，但是我也相信，伊拉克事件提醒美國(guó)在有可能的情況下，應(yīng)選擇通過(guò)外交手段和建立國(guó)際共識(shí)的方式解決我們的問(wèn)題。在此我想引用托馬斯·杰佛遜的話： “我希望我們的智慧可伴隨著我們的力量一起成長(zhǎng)，并同時(shí)教導(dǎo)我們，使用的力量越少意味著我們?cè)綇?qiáng)。”

今天，美國(guó)肩負(fù)著雙重責(zé)任：一是幫助伊拉克建立一個(gè)更美好的未來(lái)，二是把伊拉克交還給伊拉克人民。我已經(jīng)明確向伊拉克人民承諾，我們不會(huì)在伊拉克保留軍事基地，也不會(huì)爭(zhēng)奪其領(lǐng)土和資源。伊拉克是具有獨(dú)立主權(quán)的。這就是我下令在明年8月前撤走我們的作戰(zhàn)旅的原因。這也是我們履行我們和伊拉克民選政府的的協(xié)議。將于7月把作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)撤離主要城市，并且在2012年全部撤軍的原因。我們將幫助伊拉克建立自己的安全部隊(duì)并發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)。但是，我們只將作為維護(hù)伊拉克安全和統(tǒng)一的伙伴，并不會(huì)成為它的靠山。

最后，正如美國(guó)絕不容忍暴力極端主義分子，我們絕不會(huì)改變我們的原則。9/11對(duì)我國(guó)是一個(gè)巨大的創(chuàng)傷。由此引發(fā)的(對(duì)伊斯蘭世界的)恐懼和憤怒是可以理解的。但在某些情況下，這使我們的行為違背了我們的理想。我們正在采取切實(shí)行動(dòng)轉(zhuǎn)變方向。我已經(jīng)明確禁止美國(guó)政府使用酷刑，并已經(jīng)下令在明年初關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄。

因此美國(guó)在保護(hù)自己的時(shí)候，會(huì)尊重其他國(guó)家的主權(quán)和法規(guī)。而且我們將和也遭受威脅的穆斯林共同體一起這么做。極端分子越早被穆斯林世界孤立和拒絕，我們大家就會(huì)越早得到安全。

我們必須探討的第二個(gè)導(dǎo)致緊張局勢(shì)的主要源頭是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之間的情況。

眾所周知美國(guó)和以色列的緊密結(jié)合。這種結(jié)合是牢不可破的。它是基于文化和歷史的粘連，還有公認(rèn)的對(duì)猶太人家園的渴望，它根植在猶太民族悲慘的歷史里，不容否定。

全世界的猶太人被欺壓了幾千年，歐洲的反猶主義在一場(chǎng)空前的大屠殺中達(dá)到極致。明天我將訪問(wèn)布赫瓦爾德集中營(yíng)，它是猶太人被第三帝國(guó)奴役、折磨、射殺和關(guān)毒氣室屠殺的眾多集中營(yíng)里的一個(gè)。600萬(wàn)猶太人被屠殺－－比今天以色列國(guó)猶太人總?cè)丝谶€多。否定這些事實(shí)是毫無(wú)根據(jù)的、無(wú)知的、可惡的。以毀滅的言辭或重復(fù)關(guān)于猶太人的卑鄙的陳詞濫調(diào)來(lái)威脅以色列，是極端錯(cuò)誤的，而且只會(huì)喚起以色列人最慘痛的回憶，這將妨礙這個(gè)地區(qū)的人民得到本應(yīng)享有的和平。

另一方面，不可否認(rèn)，巴基斯坦人民——穆斯林信徒和基督教徒——在尋求家園的過(guò)程中遭受了磨難。他們?nèi)淌芰肆嗄甑耐纯嗪?*。許多人在西方的難民營(yíng)、在加沙以及周邊地區(qū)等待著他們從未享受過(guò)的和平安全的生活。他們每天都忍受著大大小小來(lái)自占領(lǐng)軍的屈辱。因此，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，巴基斯坦人民的處境是難以忍受的。美國(guó)不會(huì)背棄巴基斯坦人尋求尊嚴(yán)、機(jī)會(huì)和自己國(guó)家的合法愿望。

幾十年來(lái)，出現(xiàn)了一種僵局：兩國(guó)人民都有合法的愿望，每一個(gè)都飽含著痛苦的歷史，使得折中的希望渺茫。指指點(diǎn)點(diǎn)很容易——對(duì)巴基斯坦人來(lái)說(shuō)，你可以指出其流離失所是以色列建國(guó)所致；而對(duì)以色列人來(lái)說(shuō)，你可以指出在其整個(gè)歷史中，它們?cè)诰硟?nèi)外不斷受到敵視和攻擊。如果我們只從單方面來(lái)看待這個(gè)沖突，我們就會(huì)迷失真理：唯一的解決辦法是滿足兩國(guó)雙方的愿望，即以色列人和巴基斯坦人各自和平安全地生活。

這是符合以色列的利益，符合巴基斯坦的利益，符合美國(guó)的利益，也符合世界的利益。正因?yàn)槿绱?，我愿意付出這項(xiàng)任務(wù)所需要的全部耐心，身體力行地追求這一結(jié)果。當(dāng)事雙方已經(jīng)同意執(zhí)行路線圖的義務(wù)是明確的。為了和平的到來(lái)，他們以及我們大家該履行我們的責(zé)任了。

巴基斯坦人必須放棄暴力。通過(guò)暴力和殺戮進(jìn)行抵抗是錯(cuò)誤的，也不會(huì)成功。作為奴隸的美國(guó)黑人遭受幾個(gè)世紀(jì)鞭笞和隔離羞辱。但是，并不是通過(guò)暴力贏得了全面平等的權(quán)力。美國(guó)建國(guó)的中心就是堅(jiān)持和平和堅(jiān)定的理想。從南非到南亞，從東歐到印度尼西亞的人們都能講述同樣的故事。這是含有一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單真理的故事：暴力是一條走不通的死路。向熟睡的孩子發(fā)射火箭，或在公交車上炸死一位老婦人，既不是勇敢，也不是力量的象征。這不是道德權(quán)威所提倡的，而是道德權(quán)威所摒棄的。

現(xiàn)在是時(shí)候讓巴基斯坦人把精力集中在他們所能創(chuàng)立的事情上了。巴基斯坦當(dāng)局必須發(fā)展其管理的能力，要建立服務(wù)于人民的體系。一些巴基斯坦人確實(shí)支持哈馬斯，而他們也有自己的職責(zé)。要想發(fā)揮自己的作用，實(shí)現(xiàn)巴基斯坦人的愿望，哈馬斯必須結(jié)束暴力、承認(rèn)過(guò)去的協(xié)議、承認(rèn)以色列的生存權(quán)。

與此同時(shí)，以色列人也必須承認(rèn)，正如以色列的生存權(quán)不可否認(rèn)一樣，巴基斯坦人的生存權(quán)同樣不可否認(rèn)。美國(guó)不承認(rèn)繼續(xù)建設(shè)以色列定居點(diǎn)的合法性。這項(xiàng)建設(shè)違反了以前的協(xié)定，破壞了實(shí)現(xiàn)和平的努力。現(xiàn)在是這些定居點(diǎn)停建的時(shí)候了。

以色列同樣必須履行它的義務(wù)確保巴勒斯坦人民能夠生活、工作并發(fā)展自己的社會(huì)體制。就像加沙地帶摧毀巴勒斯坦居住區(qū)這樣的人道主義危機(jī)并不能保證以色列的安全；同時(shí)巴勒斯坦西岸地區(qū)也不會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)沒(méi)有和平的機(jī)會(huì)。改善巴勒斯坦人民的日常生活肯定是走向和平的必經(jīng)之路，而且以色列必須采取具體的行動(dòng)作出這種改善。

最后，阿拉伯國(guó)家必須認(rèn)識(shí)到“阿拉伯和平倡議”是一個(gè)重要的開端，而不是結(jié)束他們的責(zé)任。阿拉伯和以色列間的沖突不應(yīng)該再成為阿拉伯人民關(guān)注的焦點(diǎn)。相反，它必定會(huì)引發(fā)一場(chǎng)行動(dòng)幫助巴勒斯坦人民建立起維護(hù)他們國(guó)家的體制，這個(gè)行動(dòng)也將使以色列得到合法承認(rèn)；這個(gè)行動(dòng)選擇的是發(fā)展，從而結(jié)束了過(guò)去那種適得其反的糾纏。

美國(guó)將調(diào)整與尋求和平國(guó)家之間的外交政策，并且會(huì)公開和以色列、巴勒斯坦以及阿拉伯國(guó)家私下里的談話內(nèi)容。我們不會(huì)強(qiáng)求和平。但是私下里，許多穆斯林都認(rèn)識(shí)到以色列不會(huì)消失。同樣，許多以色列人也認(rèn)識(shí)到需要有一個(gè)巴勒斯坦國(guó)的存在。眾所周知，現(xiàn)在使我們真正采取行動(dòng)的時(shí)候了。

人民流過(guò)的太多的眼淚，付出了太多的鮮血。我們大家為了目標(biāo)都有責(zé)任付出，為那一天，以色列和巴勒斯坦的母親們可以看著自己的孩子在免收恐懼的環(huán)境下長(zhǎng)大;為那一天，三個(gè)偉大信仰的共同圣地成為上帝希望的和平之地；為那一天，耶路撒冷成為安全之地，成為猶太人，基督徒和穆斯林共同永久的家園，亞伯拉罕的子孫能如伊斯拉的故事中描述的一般聚集一處和平生活，摩西、耶穌和默罕默德(保佑他們)能夠一同參與祈禱。

第三個(gè)造成緊張局勢(shì)的原因是我們?cè)诤宋鋯?wèn)題上各國(guó)權(quán)利和責(zé)任的共同關(guān)注。

這一問(wèn)題是美國(guó)和伊朗伊斯蘭共和國(guó)緊張局勢(shì)的根源。多年來(lái)，伊朗已經(jīng)明確表示反對(duì)我國(guó)，而且事實(shí)上我們之前的確有動(dòng)蕩的過(guò)去。在冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期的中段，美國(guó)在推翻民選的伊朗政府上扮演了重要角色。伊朗伊斯蘭革命以來(lái)，伊朗持續(xù)劫持美國(guó)軍人和平民，并對(duì)他們使用暴力。這段歷史是眾所周知的。我已清楚地告訴伊朗的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和其人民，與其繼續(xù)陷于過(guò)去，不如向前邁進(jìn)，我的國(guó)家已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備好了?，F(xiàn)在的問(wèn)題不是伊朗反對(duì)什么，而是未來(lái)應(yīng)當(dāng)如何建設(shè)。

要克服幾十年的猜疑和不信任是困難的，但我們將憑借勇氣、正直和決心繼續(xù)前行。我們兩個(gè)國(guó)家之間會(huì)有很多議題需要探討，而且我們也原意在互相尊重的基礎(chǔ)上不附帶任何條件地推進(jìn)兩國(guó)的交流。然而對(duì)很顯然大家都關(guān)心的議題，比如核武器，我們已處在一個(gè)決定性時(shí)刻。這不只是簡(jiǎn)單地關(guān)系到美國(guó)的利益。它關(guān)系到防止在中東地區(qū)展開核軍備競(jìng)賽，那將導(dǎo)致這個(gè)地區(qū)以及全世界走向危險(xiǎn)之路。

我理解有人抗議有些國(guó)家有核武器有些沒(méi)有。沒(méi)有單獨(dú)哪一個(gè)國(guó)家有權(quán)挑選和指定那些國(guó)家可以擁有核武器。這也是我為何著重重申美國(guó)的義務(wù)，尋求一個(gè)無(wú)核的世界。而且任何國(guó)家，包括伊朗，如果他們遵照自己在核不擴(kuò)散條約下應(yīng)負(fù)的責(zé)任，就應(yīng)該有權(quán)使用以和平為目的的核能。這個(gè)義務(wù)是條約的核心所在，而且所有完全遵守條約的國(guó)家必須保持下去。我希望這個(gè)地區(qū)所有的國(guó)家都能共享這個(gè)目標(biāo)。

我要談的第四個(gè)議題是民主。

我知道，近幾年曾有關(guān)于發(fā)揚(yáng)民主政治的爭(zhēng)論，其中大多數(shù)都與伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)有關(guān)。在這里允許我澄清一下：一個(gè)國(guó)家不能也不應(yīng)該將一種政治系統(tǒng)強(qiáng)加于另一個(gè)國(guó)家。

然而，這并不能削弱我的承諾：政府應(yīng)該代表人民的意愿。每個(gè)國(guó)家以自己的方式致力于這一準(zhǔn)則，不同的方式又以國(guó)家傳統(tǒng)為基礎(chǔ)。美國(guó)并不認(rèn)為自己通曉對(duì)所有人都有利的方式，就像我們不能預(yù)知一場(chǎng)順利的選舉的結(jié)果一樣。但是我有一個(gè)非常堅(jiān)定的信念，人民在渴望某種東西：可以表達(dá)思想的能力，以及評(píng)論自己如何被統(tǒng)治的能力；對(duì)于法律中的信心，以及相應(yīng)的對(duì)于正義的貫徹；透明的、并且不會(huì)被奪走的政府；選擇生活的自由。這些不僅僅是美國(guó)人的想法，而是人權(quán)，也是我們不管在哪里都支持它的原因。

實(shí)現(xiàn)諾言的道路并不平坦，但非常清晰：保護(hù)這些權(quán)利的政府更加穩(wěn)固、成功和安全。鎮(zhèn)壓思想的方法絕不會(huì)讓思想消失。美國(guó)尊重所有愛(ài)好和平并合法的聲音響徹全球，即便我們可能不同意這些想法。而且，我們歡迎所有民選的、愛(ài)好和平的政府——倘若他們也受到自己人民的愛(ài)戴。

最后這一點(diǎn)很重要，因?yàn)橛行┤酥挥性诓徽莆諜?quán)力的時(shí)候才鼓吹民主，一旦上了臺(tái)，他們就毫不留情地壓制別人的權(quán)利。無(wú)論在何處，民治與民有的政府為所有掌權(quán)者設(shè)立一條單一的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)：你必須籍由贊成而非威壓而保有權(quán)利；你必須尊重少數(shù)群體的權(quán)利，并懷著寬容與妥協(xié)的精神參與其中；你必須將人民的利益和政治過(guò)程的合法決議置于自己的政黨之上。沒(méi)有這些內(nèi)容，單靠選舉無(wú)法帶來(lái)真正的民主。

我們需要共同討論的第五個(gè)問(wèn)題是宗教自由。

伊斯蘭教有著傲人的寬容傳統(tǒng)。在宗教裁判所時(shí)代，我們?cè)诎策_(dá)盧西亞和科多巴（Andalusia and Cordoba）的歷史中可以看到這一點(diǎn)；當(dāng)我童年在印度尼西亞的時(shí)候，親眼看到這一點(diǎn)，在那里，在一個(gè)穆斯林占絕大多數(shù)的國(guó)家，虔誠(chéng)的基督教徒可以自由地做禮拜。這是今天我們所需要的精神，每個(gè)國(guó)家的人民都應(yīng)當(dāng)可以自由地基于自己內(nèi)心和靈魂的信念選擇并堅(jiān)持自己的信仰。這種寬容對(duì)于宗教的興旺發(fā)達(dá)必不可少，但如今卻正受到多方挑戰(zhàn)。

在某些穆斯林當(dāng)中，有一種令人不安的傾向，那就是通過(guò)拒絕他人的信仰來(lái)衡量自己信仰的堅(jiān)定程度。我們必須支持豐富的宗教多樣性-無(wú)論是黎巴嫩的馬龍教派還是埃及的科普特教派。穆斯林當(dāng)中的錯(cuò)誤傾向也必須停止，我們看到，尤其在伊拉克，遜尼派和什葉派的分歧已經(jīng)導(dǎo)致了悲劇性的暴力沖突。

宗教信仰自由是人們能在一起生活的核心問(wèn)題，我們要永遠(yuǎn)對(duì)這一點(diǎn)保持關(guān)注。比如在美國(guó)，法規(guī)使得穆斯林很難履行自己的宗教義務(wù)。這就是為何我會(huì)承諾與美國(guó)的穆斯林一同工作，以來(lái)確保他們可以完成自己的扎卡特（天課）。

同樣，還有一點(diǎn)很重要，西方國(guó)家應(yīng)避免僅憑自身好惡妨而礙到穆斯林民眾的宗教修行，比如，討論穆斯林婦女應(yīng)有的穿著。我們不能假借自由之名來(lái)掩飾自己的敵意，對(duì)宗教進(jìn)行攻擊。的確，信任會(huì)將我們帶到一起。這就是我們?cè)诿绹?guó)建立將基督教、伊斯蘭教和猶太教的信徒帶到一起的公共機(jī)構(gòu)工程的原因所在。我們歡迎像沙特阿拉伯國(guó)王易卜拉欣的不同宗教間的對(duì)話，我們歡迎像土耳其領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層的不同文明聯(lián)盟。在全球領(lǐng)域，我們可以把對(duì)話轉(zhuǎn)在不同信仰之間的機(jī)構(gòu)內(nèi)進(jìn)行，因此這種橋梁才能讓不同信仰的人們沖破彼此的隔膜。--不論是對(duì)非洲的抵抗瘧疾行動(dòng)還是在對(duì)自然災(zāi)害后提供的援助上。

我要說(shuō)的第六點(diǎn)是關(guān)于婦女的權(quán)利。

現(xiàn)在讓我澄清一下：女性平等問(wèn)題絕不僅僅是伊斯蘭世界的問(wèn)題。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉國(guó)和印度尼西亞，我們已經(jīng)看到這些穆斯林占多數(shù)的國(guó)家選出了女性領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。同時(shí)，在美國(guó)生活的很多方面，以及在全球各國(guó)，爭(zhēng)取女性平等的斗爭(zhēng)還在繼續(xù)。

我們的女兒也能像我們的兒子那樣為社會(huì)做出同樣的貢獻(xiàn)，并且允許所有人（男人和女人）發(fā)揮自己最大的潛力，將會(huì)推動(dòng)我們的共同繁榮。我不認(rèn)為女性為了平等必須做出和男性一樣的選擇，并且我尊重那些生活中選擇傳統(tǒng)角色的女性。但是這應(yīng)該由女性自己決定。正因?yàn)槿绱耍绹?guó)將和所有穆斯林占多數(shù)的國(guó)家一道，幫助減少女孩文盲，并且通過(guò)小額貸款幫助人們實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的夢(mèng)想，幫助年輕女性追求自己的職業(yè)生涯。

最后，我想談?wù)劷?jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展和機(jī)會(huì)。

在教育方面，我們將擴(kuò)大互換學(xué)生項(xiàng)目，并且增加獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，就像當(dāng)年把家父帶到美國(guó)的那筆獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，同時(shí)鼓勵(lì)更多美國(guó)人來(lái)穆斯林地區(qū)學(xué)習(xí)。而且我們還將為有前途的穆斯林學(xué)生安排在美國(guó)的實(shí)習(xí)機(jī)會(huì)；為全世界的教師和學(xué)生投資聯(lián)網(wǎng)在線學(xué)習(xí)項(xiàng)目；創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的在線網(wǎng)絡(luò)，以便一個(gè)遠(yuǎn)在堪薩斯州的孩子能和身處開羅的同齡人即時(shí)通訊。

在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展方面，我們將創(chuàng)立一種新的商業(yè)志愿者團(tuán)體，和以穆斯林為主體的國(guó)家的商業(yè)組織合作。而且我還將在今年召開企業(yè)家峰會(huì)，來(lái)確定我們將如何加深美國(guó)、穆斯林國(guó)家和全世界范圍內(nèi)的商業(yè)領(lǐng)袖、創(chuàng)業(yè)者和企業(yè)家之間的紐帶關(guān)系。

在科學(xué)和技術(shù)方面，我們將在以穆斯林為主的國(guó)家推行一個(gè)新的基金來(lái)支持他們的科技發(fā)展，并幫助把科技理念轉(zhuǎn)化到市場(chǎng)上去，以便創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。我們還將在非洲、中東和東南亞開設(shè)優(yōu)秀科技中心，并任命新的科學(xué)特使來(lái)合作開展項(xiàng)目，包括發(fā)展新能源、創(chuàng)造環(huán)保的工作崗位、數(shù)字化唱片、清潔飲用水和引入新農(nóng)作物。今天我還宣布了一項(xiàng)新的全球性措施，計(jì)劃和伊斯蘭會(huì)議組織共同努力消除腦灰質(zhì)炎疾病。我們還將拓展和穆斯林團(tuán)體的合作來(lái)促進(jìn)兒童和孕婦的健康。

三、讓美國(guó)與穆斯林世界攜手前進(jìn)。

所有這些事情都必須通過(guò)合作完成。美國(guó)人民已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備好了，在全球范圍內(nèi)與其他市民、政府一起，與社區(qū)組織、宗教領(lǐng)袖一起，與穆斯林世界的企業(yè)一起，幫助人民追求更好的生活。

我所描述的問(wèn)題并不是很容易能解決的。但是，為了我們尋求的世界，我們有責(zé)任攜起手來(lái)，使得在這個(gè)世界上，極端分子不再威脅我們的人民，美國(guó)的士兵們都回到家鄉(xiāng)；使得在這個(gè)世界上，以色列和巴勒斯坦的人民都可以在自己的土地上安全生活，核能源都被和平的使用；使得在這個(gè)世界上，政府為人民服務(wù)，諸神的子孫的權(quán)利都得到尊重。這些是我們的共同利益。這是我們所尋求的世界。但是，只有我們一起努力才能做到。

我知道有很多人，既有穆斯林也有非穆斯林，對(duì)我們有疑問(wèn)，質(zhì)疑我們是否能夠建立新的開端。一些急性子的人點(diǎn)燃了怒火阻擋了我們前進(jìn)的道路。有人告訴我們，這樣的努力并不值得，人民注定會(huì)有反對(duì)的聲音，文明之間注定會(huì)發(fā)生沖突。有更多的人只是懷疑是否真能產(chǎn)生變化。有如此多的擔(dān)心，如此多的不信任。但是，如果選擇被過(guò)去束縛，我們將永遠(yuǎn)無(wú)法向前邁進(jìn)。我尤其要強(qiáng)調(diào)的是，各國(guó)各信仰的年輕人們，你們比其他任何人都有能力來(lái)改變這個(gè)世界。

我們每個(gè)人都只能在這世界上停留一瞬。在這有限的時(shí)間里，我們到底是要彼此排斥，還是要共同努力、不停地尋求共識(shí)，為了我們子孫的未來(lái)和全體人類的尊嚴(yán)而奮斗。

發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)比結(jié)束它們更容易；責(zé)備他人比審視自我更容易；挑剔別人比尋求共識(shí)更容易。但我們不僅要去做容易做到的事，更要去做正確的事。每種宗教都遵守著同樣一條原則——己所不欲，勿施于人。這一真理超越了國(guó)界和種族——它自古就存在著；它也不為黑人、白人抑或褐色人種所獨(dú)有；它更不是基督徒、穆斯林或猶太人的專利。它是自文明之始就跳動(dòng)著的信仰，至今仍存在于億萬(wàn)人的心中。是它讓人們對(duì)他人充滿了信心，今天，也正是它把我?guī)У搅诉@里。

我們有能力改造世界，但在我們立志要開創(chuàng)一項(xiàng)事業(yè)的同時(shí)，也必須銘記我們所受過(guò)的教誨。

《古蘭經(jīng)》上說(shuō)：“眾人?。∥掖_已從一男一女創(chuàng)造你們，我使你們成為許多民族和宗族，以便你們互相認(rèn)識(shí)?！?/p>

《猶太法典》上說(shuō)：“所有教律都是為了促進(jìn)和平?！?/p>

《圣經(jīng)》上說(shuō)：“使人和睦的人有福了，因?yàn)樗麄儽胤Q為神的兒子?！?/p>

世界上的人們必能和睦相處。這是上帝的遠(yuǎn)見。所以現(xiàn)在，也必須由我們?yōu)橹?。謝謝你們。愿上帝賜和平于汝。

President Barack Obama, Muslims, democracy, Middle East 04 June 2009 President Obama’s Remarks at Cairo University, Egypt Seeks a new beginning between U.S., Muslims based on mutual respect THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary(Cairo, Egypt)June 4, 2009 REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT ON A NEW BEGINNING Cairo University Cairo, Egypt 1:10 P.M.(Local)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much.Good afternoon.I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning;and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.(Applause.)

We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world--tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate.The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims.The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights.All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity.And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.Instead, they overlap, and share common principles--principles of justice and progress;tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors.There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other;to learn from each other;to respect one another;and to seek common ground.As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.”(Applause.)That is what I will try to do today--to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience.I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims.As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.It was Islam--at places like Al-Azhar--that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment.It was innovation in Muslim communities--(applause)--it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra;our magnetic compass and tools of navigation;our mastery of pens and printing;our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires;timeless poetry and cherished music;elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.(Applause.)

I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims.” And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers--Thomas Jefferson--kept in his personal library.(Applause.)

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed.That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.(Applause.)

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.(Applause.)Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.We were born out of revolution against an empire.We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words--within our borders, and around the world.We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum--“Out of many, one.”

Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.(Applause.)But my personal story is not so unique.The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores--and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.(Applause.)

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.(Applause.)

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations--to live in peace and security;to get an education and to work with dignity;to our families, our communities, and our God.These things we share.This is the hope of all humanity.Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people.These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead;and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean.When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.(Applause.)That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century.That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes--and, yes, religions--subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail.So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it.Our problems must be dealt with through partnership;our progress must be shared.(Applause.)

Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension.Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely.And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.In Ankara, I made clear that America is not--and never will be--at war with Islam.(Applause.)We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security--because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children.And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together.Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support.We did not go by choice;we went because of necessity.I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody.And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale.They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.These are not opinions to be debated;these are facts to be dealt with.Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan.We see no military--we seek no military bases there.It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women.It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can.But that is not yet the case.And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists.They have killed in many countries.They have killed people of different faiths--but more than any other, they have killed Muslims.Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as--it is as if he has killed all mankind.(Applause.)And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.(Applause.)The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism--it is an important part of promoting peace.Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.Let me also address the issue of Iraq.Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.(Applause.)Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: “I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.”

Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future--and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people--(applause)--I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.Iraq's sovereignty is its own.And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.(Applause.)We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy.But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles.Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.We are taking concrete actions to change course.I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.(Applause.)

So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.This bond is unbreakable.It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.Six million Jews were killed--more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful.Threatening Israel with destruction--or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews--is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people--Muslims and Christians--have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation.Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.They endure the daily humiliations--large and small--that come with occupation.So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.(Applause.)

For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.It's easy to point fingers--for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.(Applause.)

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires.(Applause.)The obligations--the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear.For peace to come, it is time for them--and all of us--to live up to our responsibilities.Palestinians must abandon violence.Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia;from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end.It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.That's not how moral authority is claimed;that's how it is surrendered.Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people.Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities.To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.(Applause.)This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.It is time for these settlements to stop.(Applause.)

And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security;neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.(Applause.)We cannot impose peace.But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.Too many tears have been shed.Too much blood has been shed.All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra--(applause)--as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.(Applause.)

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government.Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S.troops and civilians.This history is well known.Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve.There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.This is not simply about America's interests.It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.(Applause.)And any nation--including Iran--should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.(Applause.)

I know--I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people;the freedom to live as you choose.These are not just American ideas;they are human rights.And that is why we will support them everywhere.(Applause.)

Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments--provided they govern with respect for all their people.This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power;once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.(Applause.)So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion;you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we you!

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.(Applause.)The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition.I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.That is the spirit we need today.People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.The richness of religious diversity must be upheld--whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.(Applause.)And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit--for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.In fact, faith should bring us together.And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations.Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action--whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.The sixth issue--the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.(Applause.)I know –-I know--and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue.I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.(Applause.)And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead.Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.(Applause.)Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity--men and women--to reach their full potential.I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles.But it should be their choice.And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.(Applause.)

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities.In all nations--including America--this change can bring fear.Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities--those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.There need not be contradictions between development and tradition.Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures.The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development.But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century--(applause)--and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas.I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country.And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.(Applause.)At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities.And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America;invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world;and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries.And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs.We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops.Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio.And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.All these things must be done in partnership.Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments;community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek--a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home;a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes;a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.Those are mutual interests.That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together.I know there are many--Muslim and non-Muslim--who question whether we can forge this new beginning.Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort--that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash.Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur.There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years.But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country--you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort--a sustained effort--to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.It's easier to start wars than to end them.It's easier to blame others than to look inward.It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion--that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.(Applause.)This truth transcends nations and peoples--a belief that isn't new;that isn't black or white or brown;that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew.It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.The Holy Koran tells us: “O mankind!We have created you male and a female;and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.”

The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.”

The Holy Bible tells us: “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.”(Applause.)

The people of the world can live together in peace.We know that is God's vision.Now that must be our work here on Earth.Thank you.And may God's peace be upon you.Thank you very much.Thank you.(Applause.)

END

2:05 P.M.(Local)