第一篇：紀(jì)念美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪遇刺——肯尼迪家族的傳奇故事

肯尼迪家族的傳奇故事

肯尼迪家族是從愛爾蘭來美國的移民后裔。1848年一個(gè)名叫帕特里克·肯尼迪的窮苦愛爾蘭人乘船漂洋過海來到美國的波士頓。他的兒子帕特里克·約瑟夫很會(huì)做生意，酒館生意日漸興隆。之后便開始涉足政治，競(jìng)選州議會(huì)議員成功后他又娶了富有的酒店老板的女兒瑪麗為妻，生下了兒子約瑟夫·肯尼迪。帕特里克·約瑟夫很有遠(yuǎn)見，為了讓孩子接受最好的教育，他把兒子送進(jìn)了哈佛大學(xué)。

一從哈佛大學(xué)畢業(yè)，約瑟夫·肯尼迪選擇了銀行業(yè)作為生財(cái)?shù)姆较?。在父親的支持下他成為一家銀行的董事長，并自稱為是全美國最年輕的銀行董事長。在積聚了幾億美元的資產(chǎn)后，約瑟夫開始留心政治活動(dòng)。1937年羅斯福任命他出任駐英國大使。這對(duì)一個(gè)愛爾蘭天主教徒的后裔來說以前是連想都不敢想的事。但是，約瑟夫雖然精于賺錢，在政治上還很笨拙，當(dāng)了不到三年外交官就被召回國。

望子成龍

肯尼迪家族有一個(gè)長久懷有的夢(mèng)想：總統(tǒng)之夢(mèng)，這個(gè)家族中一定要有人成為美國的總統(tǒng)。約瑟夫有一次在教堂里祈禱時(shí)就暗暗發(fā)誓：我已登上了財(cái)富的最高峰，我要讓兒子登上權(quán)力的最高峰。他們夫婦有９個(gè)孩子，在政治上有潛力的自然是４個(gè)男孩。這４個(gè)男孩是大兒子小約瑟夫·肯尼迪、二兒子約翰·肯尼迪、三兒子羅伯特·肯尼迪、四兒子愛德華·肯尼迪。

在父親的心目中，四個(gè)兒子中最有資格成為總統(tǒng)的是大兒子小約瑟夫。但無情的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)打碎了他的如意算盤。在對(duì)德戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中小約瑟夫參軍成為飛行員，1944年奉命去炸毀納粹德國的Ｖ－１飛彈發(fā)射架。在執(zhí)行任務(wù)時(shí)，他駕駛的飛機(jī)因故障在英國上空爆炸，他和副駕駛被炸得粉身碎骨。這是以后多災(zāi)多難的肯尼迪家族所遇到的第一個(gè)災(zāi)難。

在長子遇難后，家中的希望更多地寄托在二兒子約翰·肯尼迪身上。按照約翰·肯尼迪后來的說法，“我的哥哥約瑟夫是一家中從政的當(dāng)然人選。如果他活著，我會(huì)繼續(xù)當(dāng)作家。如果我死了，我弟弟會(huì)當(dāng)參議員。如果他出事，我的另一個(gè)弟弟會(huì)為我們?nèi)ジ?jìng)選?！弊映懈笜I(yè)，弟承兄業(yè)，就像一幅前仆后繼的從政序列圖。

約翰·肯尼迪政治上最大的成功是在1960年當(dāng)選美國總統(tǒng)。他的父親約瑟夫是實(shí)現(xiàn)總統(tǒng)夢(mèng)的總策劃、總導(dǎo)演，他拿出大量的金錢調(diào)動(dòng)新聞界、出版界，狂轟濫炸般地宣傳他的兒子。他兒子終于成為美國歷史上最年輕的總統(tǒng)。在約翰·肯尼迪組閣時(shí)，老父親讓他把弟弟羅伯特安排到內(nèi)閣中去，羅伯特如愿以償?shù)氐玫搅怂痉ú块L一職。這是肯尼迪家族政治上的巔峰時(shí)刻。遇刺之謎

在當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)沒多久，杰奎琳為新總統(tǒng)生了個(gè)兒子，他就是小約翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪。肯尼迪總統(tǒng)在飛機(jī)上得到這個(gè)喜訊，一時(shí)沉浸在中年得子和入主白宮的雙重喜悅之中。時(shí)間過得真快，不到三年肯尼迪又要為競(jìng)選連任奔忙。1963年11月22日，他們夫婦到達(dá)拉斯城為連任拉選票。中午12點(diǎn)30分，從街旁一座大樓射出的子彈擊中了肯尼迪的頭部，打碎了他的腦殼，肯尼迪被刺身亡。

災(zāi)難接踵而至

肯尼迪總統(tǒng)遇刺后，擔(dān)任司法部長的羅伯特·肯尼迪成了肯尼迪家族的當(dāng)家人。1968年羅伯特決定參加總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選，肯尼迪家族似乎有可能再產(chǎn)生一位總統(tǒng)。不幸的是再一次公眾集會(huì)上，有個(gè)年輕人對(duì)他頭部開槍，羅伯特死在醫(yī)院中。兇手是個(gè)叫瑟漢的巴勒斯坦難民，他討厭羅伯特強(qiáng)烈的親猶傾向。

三個(gè)哥哥死于非命，愛德華·肯尼迪頎果僅存。但在1969年7月發(fā)生的一件意外事件斷送了他的前程。一天晚上他開車帶著漂亮的金發(fā)姑娘科佩克內(nèi)小姐回旅館，在過一座小橋時(shí)汽車沖入河中。愛德華逃生，姑娘卻死在車中，而且愛德華報(bào)案還很不及時(shí)。這一事件損害了肯尼迪家族的名譽(yù)，也使得愛德華不得不放棄競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)。

本來這個(gè)家族最后的希望都寄托在小約翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪身上。他儀表堂堂，很有人緣，有在政治上振興肯尼迪家族的實(shí)力?？墒切〖s翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪死在了空難事故中，這差不多是斷絕了肯尼迪家族最后的指望?；蛟S多災(zāi)多難的肯尼迪家族只能把重新崛起的希望寄托在下一代的身上。

第二篇：肯尼迪有關(guān)馬丁路德金遇刺的講話

Remarks on the Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on April 4, 1968 Ladies and Gentlemen，I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you could you lower those signs, please?-I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world;and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings.He died in the cause of that effort.In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.For those of you who are black-considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible-you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization-black(兩極化，分化)people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another.Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend(理解，包容), and replace that violence(暴力，暴行), that stain of bloodshed(留血)that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion(同情，憐惜)and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling.I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus.And he once wrote:

“Even in our sleep，pain which cannot forget

falls drop by drop upon the heart，until, in our own despair，against our will，comes wisdom

through the awful grace of God.”

What we need in the United States is not division(分裂，分開);what we need in the United States is not hatred;what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness(非法行為，違法行為), but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King-yeah, it's true-but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love-a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country.We will have difficult times.We've had difficult times in the past.And we will have difficult times in the future.It is not the end of violence;it is not the end of lawlessness;and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide忍受

Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world.Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people，Thank you very much，就馬丁·路德·金遇刺事件評(píng)論

發(fā)表干1968年4月4日 女士們、先生們：

今天晚上，我打算只占用大家大概幾分鐘的時(shí)間。因?yàn)槲矣幸粋€(gè)非常讓人悲傷的噩耗要告訴大家--能不能把那些牌子放低一點(diǎn)--我有一個(gè)令人萬分悲痛的噩耗要告訴大家，我想，對(duì)于我們?nèi)w美國公民，對(duì)于全世界熱愛和平的人民而言，這是一個(gè)令人扼腕的噩耗。這個(gè)噩耗就是：就在今天晚上，馬丁·路德·金博士在田納西州的孟菲斯市被槍殺身亡。

馬丁·路德·金將其一生奉獻(xiàn)給人類的關(guān)愛及正義事業(yè)。他的生命消逝于他為之努力的這項(xiàng)事業(yè)中。在這艱難困苦的日子里，在美國艱難困苦的時(shí)期，也許最應(yīng)該問的問題是：我們身置其中的到底是個(gè)什么樣的國家，我們又希望朝何方向前行。

對(duì)于你們當(dāng)中的黑人同胞而言--考慮到有明顯的證據(jù)證實(shí)：的確有白人須為這樁暗殺負(fù)責(zé)--你們心中一定充滿著痛苦、仇恨以及復(fù)仇的欲望。

我們的國家可以朝兩極分化更 為嚴(yán)重的方向前行--黑人與黑人站在一起，白人與白人站在一起，彼此之間充滿仇恨。又或者我們作出努力，就像馬丁·路德·金曾經(jīng)做的那樣，力圖相互理解、相互包容、從而將暴力及染滿我們土地的斑斑血跡取而代之，并且竭盡所能地去諒解、同情和關(guān)愛。

對(duì)于因?yàn)榇舜翁炖聿蝗莸陌禋⒍呄蛴趯?duì)所有白人充滿仇恨及懷疑的黑人同胞們，我要說的是，我的心情和你們的是一樣的。我也曾有一個(gè)家庭成員被殺害，而他也恰是被白人殺的。

但我們一定要作出努力，力圖達(dá)成理解，并擺脫美國現(xiàn)今如此困難的時(shí)勢(shì)。

我最喜歡的詩，我最喜愛的詩人是埃斯庫羅斯，他曾寫道：

即使我們?cè)诤ㄋ校杂胁荒芡鼌s的痛

點(diǎn)點(diǎn)滴滴地墜落心頭，直到，在我們絕望的谷底，非我所愿地，通過上帝威嚴(yán)優(yōu)雅的面容，長出智慧之花。

我們美國需要的不是隔離，我們美國需要的不是仇恨，我們美國需要的不是暴力和無法無天，而是關(guān)愛和智慧，還有惺惺相惜，以及對(duì)那些仍在我們國家中受著苦難--不論他們是白人還是黑人--的民眾的秉持正義的心。

所以，我希望大家今天晚上回家后，為馬丁·路德·金的家人作禱告--我真心如此希望--同時(shí)更重要的是為我們所有人都深愛的祖國作一次禱告，為我剛才所提到的理解和仁義作一次禱告。

我們可以在這個(gè)國家安居樂業(yè)，但我們也將會(huì)有艱難時(shí)刻。過去我們經(jīng)歷過困苦時(shí)期，將來我們?nèi)钥赡茉庥銎D難困苦。因此，暴力還會(huì)出現(xiàn)，目無法紀(jì)依然存在，社會(huì)秩序混亂仍在持續(xù)。

我們國家的大多數(shù)白人和大多數(shù)的黑人都希望和平共處，希望生活質(zhì)量得到提高，希望棲息在這片大陸上的所有民眾都能享有公正。

讓我們致力于許多年前希臘人所描述的偉大事業(yè)當(dāng)中吧：馴服人類的野蠻之心，讓世界上的生活文明起來。讓我們致力于此吧，也讓我們衷心為我們的國家和人民作一次禱告。

非常感謝你們!

第三篇：英語演講+肯尼迪宣布馬丁路德金遇刺

Robert F.Kennedy: Remarks on the Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.“Ladies and Gentlemen...Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee”

Ladies and Gentlemen: I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you--Could you lower those signs, please?--I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world;and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings.He died in the cause of that effort.In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.For those of you who are black--considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible--you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization--black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another.Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling.I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to

understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus.And he once wrote:

“Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart,until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom through the awful grace of God.”

What we need in the United States is not division;what we need in the United States is not hatred;what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King--yeah, it's true--but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love--a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country.We will have difficult times.We've had difficult times in the past.And we will have difficult times in the future.It is not the end of violence;it is not the end of lawlessness;and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world.Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.Thank you very much.

第四篇：8美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說(1961年)

1961年美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說

Inaugural Address of John F.Kennedy

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人

約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講

星期五,1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲埃x了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言?，F(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭(zhēng)論。這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時(shí)期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個(gè)國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落——為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

對(duì)那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無在而下勝；我們?nèi)绻制鐚?duì)立，就會(huì)一事無成——因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔?zhēng)吵下休、四分五裂時(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對(duì)那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權(quán)力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。

對(duì)世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭(zhēng)的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時(shí)間——之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的，自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法保全少數(shù)富人。

對(duì)我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證——在爭(zhēng)取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對(duì)國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們?cè)谝黄?，反?duì)在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

聯(lián)合國是主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，是我們?cè)趹?zhàn)爭(zhēng)手段大大超過和平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我們重申予以支持；防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場(chǎng)所；加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù)；擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對(duì)那些想與我們作時(shí)的國家，我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力 量，把全人類卷人到預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭?，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)下會(huì)使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰——發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻在爭(zhēng)著改變那制止人類發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的不移定的恐怖均勢(shì)。因此，讓我們雙方重新開始——雙方都要牢記。禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠(yuǎn)有侍于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國家的絕對(duì)控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發(fā)深梅，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令——“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由?！?/p>

如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一種新的均勢(shì)，而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界，在這個(gè)世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切下可能在第一個(gè)一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在第一個(gè)一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對(duì)國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號(hào)角已再次吹響——不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器，不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭(zhēng)的重任，年復(fù)一年，“從希望中得到歡樂，在苦難中保持堅(jiān)韌”，去反對(duì)人類共同的敵人——專制、貧困、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身。

為反對(duì)這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎？你們?cè)敢鈪⒓舆@一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能力你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要間美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應(yīng)該要求我們現(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞，歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切的說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。1949年美國總統(tǒng)杜魯門就職演說

Inaugural Address of Harry S.Truman

THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor which the American people have conferred upon me.I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you.I ask for your encouragement and your support.The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past.Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race.The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history.The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears.In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning.We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good.We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression.We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life.Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind.Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone.People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none.We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations.We have consistently advocated and relied upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history.The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind.We have beaten back despair and defeatism.We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty.Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice.We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people.We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness.We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program.We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery.We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume.Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area.Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter.Each country participating in these arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery.Their food is inadequate.They are victims of disease.Their economic life is primitive and stagnant.Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques.The material resources which we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited.But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples the benefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help them realize their aspirations for a better life.And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needing development.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources in this undertaking.Their contributions will be warmly welcomed.This should be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through the United Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable.It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, and labor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrial activity in other nations and can raise substantially their standards of living.Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled to benefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in the interest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into these developments.The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place in our plans.What we envisage is a program of development based on the concepts of democratic fair-dealing.All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from a constructive program for the better use of the world's human and natural resources.Experience shows that our commerce with other countries expands as they progress industrially and economically.Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace.And the key to greater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modern scientific and technical knowledge.Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselves can the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is the right of all people.Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoples of the world into triumphant action, not only against their human oppressors, but also against their ancient enemies--hunger, misery, and despair.On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to help create the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom and happiness for all mankind.If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it is clear that we must have continued prosperity in this country and we must keep ourselves strong.Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda--who desire truth and sincerity.We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and more nations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate in growing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose us will abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of the world in a just settlement of international differences.Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and new responsibilities.They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, and our concept of liberty.But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and our firmness of resolve.With God's help, the future of mankind will be assured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針

哈里-杜魯門 就職演講

星期四,1949年1月20日

我國歷史上的各個(gè)時(shí)期都面臨過特殊的挑戰(zhàn)。我們現(xiàn)在面臨的挑戰(zhàn)和過去面臨的任何挑戰(zhàn)一樣嚴(yán)重，今天不僅標(biāo)志著一屆新政府的起點(diǎn)，而且標(biāo)志著一個(gè)新時(shí)期的開始。對(duì)我們來說，對(duì)整個(gè)世界來說，這個(gè)時(shí)期特是個(gè)多事之秋，也許還將是決定性的歲月。也許命運(yùn)注定我們要去體驗(yàn)，或者在更大程度上是去促成人類漫長歷史中的一個(gè)重大轉(zhuǎn)折。本世紀(jì)上半葉的特點(diǎn)是，人權(quán)遭到史無前例的粗暴踐踏，并經(jīng)歷了歷史上最可怕的兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我們這個(gè)時(shí)代最迫切的需要是學(xué)會(huì)和睦相處。

世界各國人民都懷著忐忑不安的心情面對(duì)著未來，他們既充滿希望又滿腹憂慮。在這疑慮的時(shí)刻，他們比以往任何時(shí)候更期待著合眾國的善意、力量以及明智的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。

因此，我們審時(shí)度勢(shì)，利用這一時(shí)機(jī)向全世界宣布指導(dǎo)我們生活的信念的基本原則，向所有的民族宜布我們的目標(biāo)。

在今后幾年，我們的和平自由綱領(lǐng)將著重于四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針。

第一，我們將繼續(xù)堅(jiān)定不移地支持聯(lián)合國及其有關(guān)機(jī)構(gòu)，繼續(xù)尋求各種方法來加強(qiáng)這些機(jī)構(gòu)的權(quán)威和增加這些機(jī)構(gòu)的效率。今天，不少新的國家正在成立，正在民主原則的指引下向自治方向邁進(jìn)，我們相信，聯(lián)合國將因這些新國家而得到加強(qiáng)。

第二，我們將繼續(xù)執(zhí)行我們制定的世界經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興計(jì)劃。

這意味著我們必須首先全力支持歐洲復(fù)興計(jì)劃。對(duì)于世界復(fù)興中這一重大事業(yè)的成功，我們充滿了信心。我們相信，通過這項(xiàng)工作，我們的伙伴將再一次取得自給國家的地位。此外，我們還必須執(zhí)行為減少世界貿(mào)易壁壘、增加世界貿(mào)易額而制定的計(jì)劃。經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興與和平本身都取決于世界貿(mào)易的增加。

第三，我們要加強(qiáng)熱愛自由的國家的力量，以抵御侵略的威脅。

我們和許多國家一起，正在為增加北大西洋地區(qū)的安全面起草一項(xiàng)共同協(xié)議。這種協(xié)議將根據(jù)聯(lián)合國憲章的規(guī)定，采取集體防御協(xié)定的形式。

我們已經(jīng)根據(jù)里約熱內(nèi)盧公約為西半球建立了這樣一個(gè)防御同盟。

這些協(xié)議的主要目的是明確表示自由國家抵抗來自任何地方的武裝進(jìn)攻的共同決心。參加這些協(xié)議的每個(gè)國家必須為共同防御貢獻(xiàn)出全部力量。

如果我們能預(yù)先充分地表明，任何影響到我們國家安全的武裝進(jìn)攻必將遭到強(qiáng)大的抵抗，那么武裝進(jìn)攻也許就永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)發(fā)生。

我希望關(guān)于北大西洋安全計(jì)劃的條約不久將呈送參議院。

此外，我們還將向在維護(hù)和平與安全時(shí)同我們進(jìn)行合作的自由國家，提供軍事顧問和軍事裝備。

第四，我們必須著手?jǐn)M定一項(xiàng)大膽的新計(jì)劃，使不發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)的進(jìn)步與發(fā)展能受益于我們的先進(jìn)的科學(xué)和發(fā)達(dá)的工業(yè)。

全世界半數(shù)以上的人口正瀕臨悲慘的境地，他們食不果腹、疾患加身。他們的經(jīng)濟(jì)生活原始落后，滯綴不振。無論對(duì)于他們自己還是對(duì)于比較繁榮的地區(qū)來說，他們的貧困既是一種阻礙又是一種威脅。

人類有史以來第一次掌握了能解除這些人苦難的知識(shí)和技術(shù)。

合眾國在工業(yè)和科學(xué)技術(shù)發(fā)展方面居各國之首。盡管我們用來援助其他國家人民的物質(zhì)資源是有限的，但我們?cè)诩夹g(shù)知識(shí)方面的資源卻是無法估量的，是不斷增長和用之不竭的。

我認(rèn)為，為了幫助各愛好和平民族實(shí)現(xiàn)他們對(duì)美好生活的愿望，我們應(yīng)該使他們受惠于我們豐富的技術(shù)知識(shí)。同時(shí)，我們還應(yīng)該和其他國家合作，支持對(duì)急待開發(fā)的地區(qū)進(jìn)行投資。

我們的目標(biāo)應(yīng)該是幫助世界上各個(gè)自由民族通過他們自己的努力，生產(chǎn)更多的食物，更多的衣物，更多的建筑材料，以及更多的機(jī)器來減輕他們的負(fù)擔(dān)。

我們吁請(qǐng)其他國象匯集他們的技術(shù)力量以進(jìn)行這項(xiàng)工作。我們熱烈歡迎他們作出貢獻(xiàn)。這應(yīng)該是一種合作事業(yè)，所有國家通過聯(lián)合國及其專門機(jī)構(gòu)在任何可行的方面為此共同工作。這必須是在世界范圍內(nèi)為實(shí)現(xiàn)和平、繁榮和自由而作出的努力。

在我國企業(yè)、私人資本、農(nóng)業(yè)和勞工等方面的協(xié)作下，這一計(jì)劃能夠極大促進(jìn)其他國家的工業(yè)活動(dòng)，從實(shí)質(zhì)上提高他們的生活水平。

這種新的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展必須加以規(guī)劃和控制，從而使被開發(fā)地區(qū)的人民有所得益。在保證投資者利益的同時(shí)，必須兼顧人民的利益，因?yàn)樵谶@些經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展中傾注著人民的才智和勞動(dòng)。

在我們的計(jì)劃中，剝削他國利潤的老牌帝國主義沒有立足之地。我們擬定的是一個(gè)以民主的公平交易的概念為基礎(chǔ)的發(fā)展規(guī)劃。

所有國家，包括我國在內(nèi)，將極大地受益于為更合理地使用世界上的人力資源和自然資源而制定的一項(xiàng)建設(shè)性計(jì)劃。經(jīng)驗(yàn)證明，我們同其他國家的貿(mào)易將隨著這些國家在工業(yè)和經(jīng)濟(jì)上的發(fā)展而擴(kuò)大。

提高生產(chǎn)是繁榮與和平的關(guān)鍵，而提高生產(chǎn)的關(guān)鍵是更廣泛、更積極地運(yùn)用現(xiàn)代科學(xué)技術(shù)知識(shí)。

人類大家庭只有通過幫助最不幸的成員自助，才能享受體面的、令人滿意的生活，而所有人郁有權(quán)過上這樣的生活。

只有民主政治才能產(chǎn)生生機(jī)勃勃的力量，以激勵(lì)世界人民不僅為反抗人類的壓迫者，而且壓力反抗人類古老的敵人——饑餓、貧困、失望——而斗爭(zhēng)。

根據(jù)這四項(xiàng)主要的行動(dòng)方針，我們希望有助于創(chuàng)造各種條件，最終實(shí)現(xiàn)個(gè)人自由和全人類的幸福。

1933年美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演說

First Inaugural Address of Franklin D.Roosevelt

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933

I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory.I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunken to fantastic levels;taxes have risen;our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce;the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money;it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit;and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance;without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation asks for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it.We must act and act quickly.Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.There are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other;that we can not merely take but we must give as well;that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good.This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

富蘭克林-羅斯福 第一次就職演講

星期六,1933年3月4日

我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，會(huì)像我國目前形勢(shì)所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話?，F(xiàn)在正是但白、勇敢地說出實(shí)話，說出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻，我們不必畏首畏尾，不著老實(shí)實(shí)面對(duì)我國今天的情況，這個(gè)偉大的國家會(huì)一如既住地堅(jiān)持下去，它會(huì)復(fù)興和繁榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念：我們唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一種莫明其妙的、喪失理智的、毫無根據(jù)的恐懼，它會(huì)把轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻，坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時(shí)刻，大家會(huì)再次給予同樣的支持。我和你們都要以這種槽神，來面對(duì)我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質(zhì)方面的。價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了，我們的支付能力下降了；各級(jí)政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿(mào)易過程中遭到了凍結(jié)；工業(yè)企業(yè)枯萎的落葉到處可見；農(nóng)場(chǎng)主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路；千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流。

更重要的是，大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生育問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動(dòng)換取微薄的報(bào)酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會(huì)否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)。但是，我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)槿狈ξ镔Y。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲災(zāi)害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安，比起他們經(jīng)歷過的險(xiǎn)阻，我們?nèi)源罂筛械叫牢?。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種情景的時(shí)候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因?yàn)橹髟兹祟愇镔Y交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了，他們固執(zhí)己見而又無能為力，因而已經(jīng)認(rèn)定失敗，并撒手不管了，貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑，將受到輿論法庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈和理智的唾棄。

幸福并不在于單純地占有主錢；幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創(chuàng)造性努力時(shí)的激情。務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來的喜悅和激勵(lì)，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們真正的夭命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù)，那么，我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的。認(rèn)識(shí)到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的，我們就會(huì)拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè)人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。來衡量公職和高級(jí)政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念，我們必須制止銀行界和企業(yè)界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當(dāng)行為，難怪信心在減弱，因?yàn)樵鰪?qiáng)信心只有靠誠實(shí)、榮譽(yù)感、神圣的責(zé)任感，忠實(shí)地加以維護(hù)和無私地履行職責(zé)，而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。

但是，復(fù)興不僅僅要求改變倫理觀念。這個(gè)國家要求行動(dòng)起來，現(xiàn)在就行動(dòng)起來。

根據(jù)憲法賦予我的職責(zé)、我準(zhǔn)備提出一些措施，而一個(gè)受災(zāi)世界上的受災(zāi)國家也許需要這些措施。對(duì)于這些措施，以及國會(huì)根據(jù)本身的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和智慧可能制訂的其他類似措施，我將在憲法賦予我的權(quán)限內(nèi)，設(shè)法迅速地予以采納。

但是，如果國會(huì)拒不采納這兩條路線中的一條，如果國家緊急情況依然如故，我將下回避我所面臨的明確的盡責(zé)方向。我將要求國會(huì)準(zhǔn)許我使用唯一剩下的手殷來應(yīng)付危機(jī)——向非常情況開戰(zhàn)的廣泛的行政 權(quán)，就像我們真的遭到外敵人侵時(shí)授予我那樣的廣泛權(quán)力。

對(duì)大家寄予我的信任，我一定報(bào)以時(shí)代所要求的勇氣和獻(xiàn)身精神，我會(huì)竭盡全力。

讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識(shí)，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的國標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安。

我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民并沒有失敗。他們?cè)诶щy中表達(dá)了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動(dòng)。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈(zèng)。

在此舉國奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請(qǐng)求上帝賜福。愿上帝保佑我們大家和每一個(gè)人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。

第五篇：kennedy 肯尼迪家族介紹

August 27, 2009

EDITORIAL

Senator Edward Kennedy

Three decades ago, Senator Edward Moore Kennedy ruined his last hope to be elected to the White House when a television interviewer asked him why he wanted to be president.He could not articulate an answer, offering instead a rambling, empty response that persuaded his party that he may not really have wanted or been suited for the job that his brother John had held and to which his brother Robert had aspired.Yet as so often happened in an extraordinary life that careened from success to misfortune and scandal and back to success again, this bumbling moment worked to Mr.Kennedy’s advantage and, as it turned out, to the even greater advantage of the nation as a whole.Having failed in his insurgent challenge to President Jimmy Carter, Mr.Kennedy was finally free to focus with passion and political craft on his more natural calling as one of the master legislators and great reformers in the modern Senate.The record Mr.Kennedy leaves after 46 years can only be envied by his peers as they join the nation in mourning his passing after a 15-month fight against brain cancer — a record firmly anchored in Mr.Kennedy’s insistence that politics be grasped and administered through the prism of human needs.Together with a hard-won mastery of parliamentary intricacies, and a willingness to reach across party lines to win crucial votes, Mr.Kennedy’s unwavering taproot liberalism left a robust legacy: signature laws and reforms on civil rights, the judiciary, refugees, social welfare, foreign policy(he was one of 23 senators to vote against authorizing the Iraq invasion), voting rights, job training, public education and the minimum wage.Last year, in his bittersweet adieu before the Democratic convention, the senator stirred his party to act on what he called “the cause of my life” — quality health care as a fundamental right of American citizenship.The fate of Senator Kennedy’s cause remains in the hands of a conflicted Congress and President Obama, the Democratic candidate whom Mr.Kennedy dared to champion when other party leaders hesitated.And while his leadership will be missed in the intricate legislative warfare ahead, it would be a fitting tribute if his death could resolve for the better an issue too long in doubt.Mr.Kennedy’s life was burdened with personal tragedy, including the assassinations of two brothers, and personal embarrassment, mostly

self-inflicted.He was pronounced finished 40 years ago after Mary Jo Kopechne drowned in a car the senator drove off a bridge on Chappaquiddick Island off Martha’s Vineyard.But Massachusetts voters stuck with him, and in the last 15 years Mr.Kennedy seemed to get a much firmer grip on his personal life, not least in an effort to set a better example as the patriarch of the Kennedy clan.“I recognize my own shortcomings,” he conceded in 1991, knowing that they will not be erased from the pages of history.But neither will his spirit, his devotion to helping Americans in need and his belief that politics, not always a savory calling, can make a real difference.His mantra, forged in tragedy, and expressed most eloquently to the Democratic National Convention when he abandoned his presidential quest in 1980, was simple and ennobling: “The work goes on, the cause endures, the hope still lives, and the dream shall never die.” In his final speeches, he explicitly handed on this mantra to President Obama.This article has been revised to reflect the following correction: Correction: January 3, 2010

An article last Sunday about the death of Edward M.Kennedy in August misstated the length of his tenure in the Senate.He served 47 years, not 46 years.(The error appeared in Mr.Kennedy’s obituary and another article, about memories of the Senator, on Aug.27, and also in an editorial that day.The error was repeated in an article on Aug.28 about how the Senate had changed during the time he served.)The article also referred incorrectly to the assassination of his brother President John F.Kennedy.The president was assassinated in 1963, the year after Edward Kennedy was elected to the Senate — not the same year.This article has been revised to reflect the following correction: Correction: January 10, 2010

An article on Dec.27 about the death of Edward M.Kennedy in August referred incorrectly to the assassination of his brother President John F.Kennedy, and a correction in this space last Sunday erroneously corrected the length of his tenure in the Senate.The president was assassinated in 1963, the year after Edward Kennedy was elected to the Senate — not the same year.And as the article correctly reported, Senator Kennedy served 46 years — not 47 as the correction said.(The correction also erred in stating that the length of tenure was incorrect in Mr.Kennedy’s obituary, in two other articles on Aug.27 and Aug.28 and in an editorial on Aug.28.All four correctly reported the tenure as 46 years.)