第一篇：北京大學(xué)在百年講堂開幕演講稿

一生有愛，創(chuàng)業(yè)成功

有些青年朋友很坦白地承認(rèn)自己對(duì)財(cái)富的追求，在合法的經(jīng)營范圍內(nèi)，“能否賺到錢”成為衡量創(chuàng)業(yè)者的普遍認(rèn)定的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。在現(xiàn)場(chǎng)嘉賓們的眼中，人們對(duì)財(cái)富的需求是光明正大的，但創(chuàng)業(yè)時(shí)不能夠財(cái)富當(dāng)先、財(cái)富至上。黃總從自己的親身經(jīng)歷出發(fā)，建議大學(xué)生創(chuàng)業(yè)一定要找一個(gè)自己熱愛的職業(yè)，學(xué)習(xí)、工作也是如此?！皠?chuàng)業(yè)本身不是目的，為事業(yè)而創(chuàng)業(yè)才是根本的目的。如果沒有真正愛的對(duì)象，就去結(jié)婚，會(huì)成功嗎?用一生去追求事業(yè)，能不成功嗎?”張總說，身邊很多年輕人把創(chuàng)業(yè)理解為“很快地掙到很多的錢”，不同時(shí)代的人對(duì)創(chuàng)業(yè)有不同的理解，但真正的創(chuàng)業(yè)者目標(biāo)不是很快地掙很多的錢，而是應(yīng)該“想自己的價(jià)值，自己人生實(shí)現(xiàn)的方式?！?/p>

創(chuàng)業(yè)案例受質(zhì)疑

小賀同學(xué)曾獲2007年度北京大學(xué)河合創(chuàng)業(yè)基金第一名，現(xiàn)在成立公司主營文化T恤服飾B2C在線直銷，通過對(duì)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)上流行熱點(diǎn)事件進(jìn)行深入挖掘，開發(fā)面向中高檔市場(chǎng)的潮流T恤和帽衫等產(chǎn)品。小賀同學(xué)將獲獎(jiǎng)項(xiàng)目帶到了論壇，作為案例請(qǐng)教現(xiàn)場(chǎng)嘉賓，沒想到卻遭到了嘉賓們的質(zhì)疑：“缺少核心競(jìng)爭力”、“誰都可以復(fù)制”、“以后你趕不上時(shí)髦怎么辦”、“被別人超越怎么辦”、“做品牌是爬山不是漫游”、“做好失敗的準(zhǔn)備”、“對(duì)產(chǎn)品的定位不要過高”等等。盡管小賀同學(xué)對(duì)創(chuàng)業(yè)項(xiàng)目銷售模式、推廣模式作了解釋，仍擋不住嘉賓們不斷潑來的冷水。論壇結(jié)束后，小賀同學(xué)經(jīng)過認(rèn)真思考，覺得這些不同的看法言之有理，非常感謝嘉賓們提出了寶貴建議。

創(chuàng)業(yè)，忘記自己是北大學(xué)生

成功企業(yè)家對(duì)名校大學(xué)生有什么看法?周總說：“名校名號(hào)對(duì)大學(xué)生成功求職有一定的作用”。凌總說：“能上北大肯定不是一般的人，可塑性強(qiáng)?！秉S總說：“有一段時(shí)間對(duì)名校的學(xué)生評(píng)價(jià)不高，認(rèn)為他們眼高手低，心態(tài)不好?！泵４髮W(xué)生創(chuàng)業(yè)有沒有優(yōu)勢(shì)?周總說，企業(yè)家和投資者是理性的，不會(huì)非常偏重學(xué)校的名號(hào)，更關(guān)注個(gè)人在工作中的表現(xiàn)。凌總說，不是頂著桂冠就可以一步成功的，最重要的還是要勤奮，踏實(shí)做人踏實(shí)做事，只要勤奮就一定能夠成功。黃總說，建議如果可能，可先隱瞞北大身份，如果老想自己是北大的、是名校畢業(yè)的，很多事不去干，別人對(duì)你的要求會(huì)更苛刻。身為北大畢業(yè)的創(chuàng)業(yè)者，張總更是一個(gè)鮮活的例子，“投資者不會(huì)因?yàn)槟惝厴I(yè)于哪所學(xué)校而對(duì)你有更多的偏愛。請(qǐng)打消這個(gè)念頭，忘記自己是北大的學(xué)生。讓北大成為你唯一的驕傲么，那太糟糕了，那你是北大的恥辱?！?/p>

花絮：郭濤樂開了花

東南衛(wèi)視歡樂校園行活動(dòng)每到自由提問環(huán)節(jié)，總會(huì)出現(xiàn)同學(xué)們踴躍提問、一問難求的狀況，在北京大學(xué)創(chuàng)業(yè)論壇現(xiàn)場(chǎng)，更出現(xiàn)了大學(xué)生爭搶話筒的場(chǎng)面，前一個(gè)同學(xué)問題剛提出，嘉賓還沒來得及回答，就有另一位同學(xué)搶過話筒馬上提問。一位女生抓住好不容易獲得的提問機(jī)會(huì)，卻只說了一句震動(dòng)全場(chǎng)的話：“主持人郭濤老師幽默、詼諧，我很喜歡您!”最佳提問獎(jiǎng)揭曉，嘉賓張總以這位女生“勇敢的表白”為理由贈(zèng)她最佳提問獎(jiǎng)，可把郭濤樂壞了，盛贊北大女生：“北大的女生真有品味!”

第二篇：百年暨南素質(zhì)教育文化講堂

“許霆案”的反思

4月17日晚七點(diǎn)半，北京大學(xué)法學(xué)院賀衛(wèi)方教授做客百年暨南文化素質(zhì)教育講堂，在國際會(huì)議廳為我們奉上一場(chǎng)題為“‘許霆案’審理的啟示”的精彩講座。講座上，賀教授分別從法律制度的確定性、司法與傳媒的關(guān)系、判例法體系建立的可能性三個(gè)方面闡述了他對(duì)此案件的見解，他深入淺出的分析、旁征博引的說理以及幽默風(fēng)趣的語言引得在場(chǎng)觀眾熱烈的掌聲。

賀教授認(rèn)為首要啟示是重視法律制度的確定性。他從語言構(gòu)造開始說起，說“法律概念處于不清晰狀態(tài)，會(huì)導(dǎo)致人民處于不安定不可預(yù)知的狀態(tài)”。聯(lián)系案件來說，他認(rèn)為司法者該深入解讀立法者的意圖，“法官對(duì)法律的解讀得使法律仍能有效調(diào)整已變化了的社會(huì)關(guān)系”。

而對(duì)于司法與傳媒的關(guān)系，賀教授用“唇齒相依、唇寒齒亡”八個(gè)字來形容。通過對(duì)眾多案例的分析，賀教授希望傳媒能夠“像一面鏡子，無所謂價(jià)值偏好地反應(yīng)各方的聲音”，維護(hù)好司法的獨(dú)立性。

最后，賀教授表示，現(xiàn)在我們進(jìn)入判例時(shí)代，法律不能因地域或時(shí)間的差異而不統(tǒng)一，人們的命運(yùn)“不能取決于偶然的因素”。我們要從制度上去努力，要“駕馭自己的命運(yùn)”。

讓我們來重溫一下事情的經(jīng)過。

2006年4月21日晚10時(shí)，被告人許霆來到廣州天河區(qū)黃埔大道某銀行的ATM取款機(jī)取款。結(jié)果取出1000元后，銀行卡賬戶里只被扣1元，許霆先后取款171筆，合計(jì)17.5萬元。許霆潛逃一年后被抓獲，以盜竊罪被判無期徒刑。許父對(duì)一審判決不服，籌錢20萬準(zhǔn)備繼續(xù)上訴。他認(rèn)為，“這就像路邊撿了別人的錢一樣―――就算花了別人多給的錢，還了不就沒事了嘛，怎么是秘密竊取，又怎么非法占有了呢？”

一石激起千層浪，立刻有專家、網(wǎng)友組成兩派陣營——挺霆方與倒霆方進(jìn)行激辯。倒霆方認(rèn)為許霆惡意取款構(gòu)成盜竊罪，判重刑無不妥！而挺霆方則認(rèn)為許霆惡意取款不是盜竊，是不當(dāng)?shù)美?，并且量型過重！雙方就問題的關(guān)鍵點(diǎn):ATM機(jī)是否是金融機(jī)構(gòu)？銀行是否有責(zé)任？許霆惡取款是否構(gòu)成盜竊罪？許霆案是否量刑適當(dāng)？是民事還是刑事責(zé)任進(jìn)行了討論。最終，廣東省高級(jí)人民法院對(duì)此

1案采取了不公開審判的方式，由三名法官組成合議庭進(jìn)行書面審理，并最終作出了“發(fā)回重審”的裁定。2008年3月31日，廣州中院以盜竊罪判處許霆有期徒刑五年，罰金兩萬，追討其取出的173826元。對(duì)于這樣的判決結(jié)果，許霆父親許彩亮表示十分不滿意，他認(rèn)為許霆并沒有犯罪，只是存在過錯(cuò)，所以不應(yīng)該受到這么重的量刑，而是應(yīng)該無罪釋放。

筆者認(rèn)為，這個(gè)案件反映了我國現(xiàn)有的多種問題。

其一，法律不完善。對(duì)有爭議的幾個(gè)關(guān)鍵的支撐點(diǎn)不能給出明確的解釋，造成很難決定是依據(jù)民法還是依據(jù)刑法判決。從無期徒刑到5年有期徒刑，這個(gè)量的變化，就集中反映了這一點(diǎn)。

其二，辦案人員基于何種理由給予審判結(jié)果的不公開性。中院的判決書僅提出不接受辯護(hù)人的意見，這是一種相當(dāng)粗暴、強(qiáng)權(quán)的判定。從公眾知情權(quán)和雙方平等的角度來說，連個(gè)理由都不給是不合適的。

案件適用民法還是刑法，涉及到幾個(gè)關(guān)鍵的支撐點(diǎn)，對(duì)這些支撐點(diǎn)進(jìn)行判斷匯總，最終才能決定適用哪種法律最合適，不管是采用哪種法律，都應(yīng)該給出一種合理、復(fù)雜的推論或解釋。但是這些，在現(xiàn)在的判決書上都看不到。

其三，銀行體制并不完善。銀行方三天后才發(fā)現(xiàn)是許霆取走的17.5萬元，說明銀行制度存在極大的漏洞。另外，銀行工作失誤中少給客戶錢時(shí)“錢幣當(dāng)面點(diǎn)清，出門概不負(fù)責(zé)”的態(tài)度與多給客戶錢時(shí)的態(tài)度形成鮮明對(duì)比，絲毫體現(xiàn)不出平等。

筆者認(rèn)為，應(yīng)做好如下工作。

一、完善法律制度。目前適用的《刑法》與《關(guān)于審理盜竊案件具體應(yīng)用法律若干問題的解釋》分別發(fā)布于1997年和1998年，以10年前的罪刑標(biāo)尺來衡量今天的犯罪行為，實(shí)在不符合社會(huì)實(shí)際。盜竊金融機(jī)構(gòu)只有無期徒刑或死刑兩檔刑罰，一條杠杠，上下就是天壤之別。這種嚴(yán)格的規(guī)范主義，顯然違背了罪刑相適應(yīng)原則。

二、規(guī)范銀行系統(tǒng)。廣州商業(yè)銀行恒福路支行ATM機(jī)管理中心的一名工作人員表示，“ATM機(jī)系統(tǒng)的生產(chǎn)和維護(hù)一直都是由廣電運(yùn)通公司負(fù)責(zé)的，我們只負(fù)責(zé)加鈔。”對(duì)于記者追問，為何三天后才發(fā)現(xiàn)是許霆取走的17.5萬元，該工作人員稱，“那是周末，大家都在休息。”這些都表明了銀行系統(tǒng)的不規(guī)范性。

三、加大法律宣傳力度。不少公民還是知法甚少的，相信不知法的公民對(duì)于這樣天上掉餡餅的事情還是不愿意錯(cuò)過的。建議在類似自助行業(yè)中醒目的地方加設(shè)法律提示，以保證公民知法守法。

四、ATM機(jī)實(shí)行定時(shí)檢查。鑒于ATM機(jī)的特殊性，其生產(chǎn)單位應(yīng)定期對(duì)ATM機(jī)進(jìn)行檢查。并且減少周期。把好質(zhì)量關(guān)。這樣才能盡量避免失誤，造成不必要的損失。

有論者認(rèn)為，這是司法的勝利，一審并非不合法，但合法的判決未必是公正的判決，法律人是戴著鐐銬的舞者，需要在規(guī)則的約束下求得平衡之美；也有論者認(rèn)為，這是媒體的勝利，窮追不舍的的媒體終于讓法院明白了輿論監(jiān)督的力量，許霆的代理律師楊振平明白無誤地告訴記者：“從去年12月許霆因惡意取款被判處無期徒刑以來，國內(nèi)媒體給予高度關(guān)注和廣泛討論，輿論監(jiān)督起到很大作用，重審判決本身說明了問題，這個(gè)也是媒體的力量，輿論監(jiān)督的力量?！?/p>

但讓人疑惑的是，面對(duì)許霆從無期改判五年的結(jié)果，法院的解釋更多是體現(xiàn)在“特案特判”上。因?yàn)槿绻鶕?jù)本案具體的犯罪事實(shí)、犯罪情節(jié)和對(duì)于社會(huì)的危害程度，如果依據(jù)法定量刑幅度就低判處其無期徒刑，仍不符合罪責(zé)刑相適應(yīng)原則。于是，以“逐級(jí)請(qǐng)示”方式經(jīng)廣東省最高法院直至最高法院。如果聯(lián)系到被稱為“云南許霆”的青年何鵬之案，無法不讓人懷疑，司法在面對(duì)民意的時(shí)候就能是否真正做到了獨(dú)立？因?yàn)椋矽i案和許霆案性質(zhì)類似，但正如在許霆案上旁聽的何鵬父母所言：“我兒子與許霆一樣，可許霆多么幸運(yùn)，他不還錢只坐5年牢，而我的兒子還了錢了還要判無期徒刑”。為此，他們到處上訪，但至今無果。而在許霆案之前，因?yàn)槿鄙倜襟w的關(guān)照，幾乎無人知曉何鵬案。既然此前有過類似案例，為何此案特殊？

除此之外，從無期徒刑到五年有期徒刑，落差實(shí)在太大，令人有些兒戲之感：法律可以轉(zhuǎn)圜的空間實(shí)在是太大了。正因如此，許霆案的重審結(jié)果出來之后，此前幾乎和媒體意見一致的民意發(fā)生了些頗具反諷意味的轉(zhuǎn)向，在網(wǎng)絡(luò)意見的表達(dá)中，有很多人開始認(rèn)為許霆被判得太輕。中國法學(xué)會(huì)刑法研究會(huì)會(huì)長、北京師范大學(xué)法學(xué)院院長趙秉志教授甚至直言：“5年的量刑似乎過輕，10年以上的尺度更為合適?！庇行┤碎_始探究媒體的責(zé)任，認(rèn)為媒體過度干預(yù)了司法行為，影響案件判決的公正性與獨(dú)立性。

不管如何，毫無疑問的是，只要我們將“獨(dú)立”作為司法的高貴品質(zhì)并孜孜

以求，法院的判決結(jié)果應(yīng)該受到每個(gè)人的尊重，法官是法律世界的國王。但顯而易見的是，司法和媒體在許霆案中都需要進(jìn)行反思。

在面對(duì)媒體狂轟亂炸的意見時(shí)，司法究竟該如何保持自身的獨(dú)立性？如何在以媒體為代表的民意中求得法律價(jià)值和社會(huì)輿論之間的平衡？更何況，在一個(gè)媒體聲音多元化的時(shí)代，也沒有完全一致的所謂“社會(huì)輿論”，即使善意回應(yīng)民間聲音，也不應(yīng)該只回應(yīng)居于主導(dǎo)地位的強(qiáng)勢(shì)聲音?！疤匕柑嘏小惫倘痪哂胁豢芍靡傻姆蓛r(jià)值和邏輯正義，但媒體只要足夠關(guān)注，法院就“特案特判”，就無法逃脫司法屈于輿論壓力的嫌疑。在過去幾年中，亦不乏這樣的案例。

此外，以民意代表自居的媒體，也應(yīng)該反思自己的行為是否妨礙了司法獨(dú)立？自己的做法是否違背了基本的法律準(zhǔn)則？全國人大代表、廣州市律師協(xié)會(huì)秘書長陳舒女士的話令人深思，說起不久前在香港發(fā)生與許霆類似的案件。她表示：“與廣州這邊不同的是，香港的法院可以發(fā)出禁令不讓媒體對(duì)沒有判決的案件進(jìn)行談?wù)?，更不用說媒體可以在法庭里面拍照，因?yàn)樗痉ㄊ仟?dú)立的，而我們卻不僅可以在法庭內(nèi)對(duì)被告人進(jìn)行拍照，還能肆意揣測(cè)法院結(jié)果”。雖然我們的法院不能發(fā)出禁令讓媒體閉嘴，但媒體是否也應(yīng)該檢點(diǎn)自己的行為，其扮演拯救者的角色是否也應(yīng)該退場(chǎng)？

時(shí)至今日，轉(zhuǎn)型之下的中國社會(huì)，面對(duì)的問題越來越復(fù)雜，處于特殊位置的社會(huì)主體，由于它們的邊界不清晰，而可以最大限度地調(diào)動(dòng)資源，甚至不惜跨越灰色地帶，營造有利于自己的賣點(diǎn)，用以吸引公眾的眼球。但需要指出的是，這會(huì)使得事情更加復(fù)雜。司法與媒體，這兩個(gè)具有特殊性質(zhì)的社會(huì)主體，都應(yīng)該堅(jiān)守自身的邊界，越界出擊的結(jié)果，會(huì)使社會(huì)主體的邊界劃分越發(fā)混沌。法律的歸法律，媒體的歸媒體，才會(huì)真正抵達(dá)司法獨(dú)立與輿論監(jiān)督的終點(diǎn)。正是從這角度講，許霆案雖然告一段落，但此后的討論或許較此前的輿論一邊倒更有社會(huì)意義和長遠(yuǎn)價(jià)值，應(yīng)該從中探討的深度問題需要持續(xù)開掘。

許霆案所帶來的紛繁爭議從某個(gè)意義上說,爭論的意義甚至超過了案件本身。由個(gè)案啟示,我們應(yīng)該盡可能地完善法律制度, 讓這樣的爭議少之又少, 唯此法律的嚴(yán)肅性、權(quán)威性才能得到保證。

第三篇：克林頓在北京大學(xué)的英文演講稿

pRESIDENT CLINTON:

Thank you Chairmen Ren, Vice president Chi, Vice Minister Wei.We are delighted to be here today with a very large American delegation, including the First Lady and our daughter, who is a student at Stanford, one of the schools with which Beijing University has a relationship.We have six members of the United States Congress;the Secretary of State;Secretary of Commerce;the Secretary of Agriculture;the Chairman of our Council of Economic Advisors;Senator Sasser, our Ambassador;the National Security Advisor and my Chief of Staff, among others.I say that to illustrate the importance that the United States places on our relationship with China.I would like to begin by congratulating all of you, the students, the faculty, the administrators, on celebrating the centennial year of your university.Gongxi, Beida.As I'm sure all of you know, this campus was once home to Yenching University which was founded by American missionaries.Many of its wonderful buildings were designed by an American architect.Thousands of Americans students and professors have come here to study and teach.We feel a special kinship with you.I am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important respect from another important occasion 79 years ago.In June of 1919, the first president of Yenching University, John Leighton Stuart, was set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very grounds.At the appointed hour, he appeared, but no students appeared.They were all out leading the May 4th Movement for China's political and cultural renewal.When I read this, I hoped that when I walked into the auditorium today, someone would be sitting here.And I thank you for being here, very much.Over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than 20,000 students.Your graduates are spread throughout China and around the world.You have built the largest university library in all of Asia.Last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study, including half of your math and science majors.And in this anniversary year, more than a million people in China, Asia, and beyond have logged on to your web site.At the dawn of a new century, this university is leading China into the future.I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a strong partnership between China and the United States.The American people deeply admire China for its thousands of years of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and the arts, to science and technology.We remember well our strong partnership in World War II.Now we see China at a moment in history when your glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and the even greater promise of your future.Just three decades ago, China was virtually shut off from the world.Now, China is a member of more than 1,000 international organizations--enterprises that affect everything from air travel to agricultural development.You have opened your nation to trade and investment on a large scale.Today, 40,000 young Chinese study in the United States, with hundreds of thousands more learning in Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.Your social and economic transformation has been even more remarkable, moving from a closed command economic system to a driving, increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and outside China, to vote in village elections, to own a home, choose a job, attend a better school.As a result you have lifted literally hundreds of millions of people from poverty.per capita income has more than doubled in the last decade.Most Chinese people are leading lives they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.Of course, these changes have also brought disruptions in settled patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your environment.Once every urban Chinese was guaranteed employment in a state enterprise.Now you must compete in a job market.Once a Chinese worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in Beijing.Now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity of the rest of the world.For those who lack the right training and skills and support, this new world can be daunting.In the short-term, good, hardworking people--some, at least will find themselves unemployed.And, as all of you can see, there have been enormous environmental and economic and health care costs to the development pattern and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years--from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and water shortage.In the face of these challenges new systems of training and social security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your economy while improving the environment.Everything I know about the intelligence, the ingenuity, the enterprise of the Chinese people and everything I have heard these last few days in my discussions with president Jiang, prime Minister Zhu and others give me confidence that you will succeed.As you build a new China, America wants to build a new relationship with you.We want China to be successful, secure and open, working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world.I know there are those in China and the United States who question whether closer relations between our countries is a good thing.But everything all of us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off working together than apart.The late Deng Xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts.At the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear.The distance between our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking.Where once an American clipper ship took months to cross from China to the United States.Today, technology has made us all virtual neighbors.From laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes, an information revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all closer together.Ideas, information, and money cross the planet at the stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater understanding among peoples of different histories and different cultures.But we also know that this greater openness and faster change mean that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move inside them--the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and severe economic dislocation.No nation can isolate itself from these problems, and no nation can solve them alone.We, especially the younger generations of China and the United States, must make common cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new century of brilliant possibilities.In the 21st century--your century--China and the United States will face the challenge of security in Asia.On the Korean peninsula, where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a permanent peace and a future freer of nuclear weapons.On the Indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world is moving away from nuclear danger, India and pakistan risk sparking a new arms race.We are now pursuing a common strategy to move India and pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve their differences.In the 21st century, your generation must face the challenge of stopping the spread of deadlier nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons.In the wrong hands or the wrong places, these weapons can threaten the peace of nations large and small.Increasingly, China and the United States agree on the importance of stopping proliferation.That is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the worlds most dangerous weapons.In the 21st century, your generation will have to reverse the international tide of crime and drugs.Around the world, organized crime robs people of billions of dollars every year and undermines trust in government.America knows all about the devastation and despair that drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods.With borders on more than a dozen countries, China has become a crossroad for smugglers of all kinds.Last year, president Jiang and I asked senior Chinese and American law enforcement officials to step up our cooperation against these predators, to stop money from being laundered, to stop aliens from being cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies from being undermined by counterfeiting.Just this month, our drug enforcement agency opened an office in Beijing, and soon Chinese counternarcotics experts will be working out of Washington.In the 21st century, your generation must make it your mission to ensure that today's progress does not come at tomorrow's expense.China's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe--the cost is not only environmental, it is also serious in terms of the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on economic growth.Environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as national.For example, in the near future, if present energy use patterns persist, China will overtake the United States as the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, the gases which are the principal cause of global warming.If the nations of the world do not reduce the gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century there is a serious risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and social fabric of nations.We must work together.We Americans know from our own experience that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment.We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.Building on the work that our Vice president, Al Gore, has done previously with the Chinese government, president Jiang and I are working together on ways to bring American clean energy technology to help improve air quality and grow the Chinese economy at the same time.Today we do not seek to impose our vision on others, but we are convinced that certain rights are universal--not American rights or European rights or rights for developed nations, but the birthrights of people everywhere, now enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights--the right to be treated with dignity;the right to express one's opinions, to choose one's own leaders, to associate freely with others, and to worship, or not, freely, however one chooses.In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of Independence and our third president, Thomas Jefferson, said then that “all eyes are opening to the rights of man.” I believe that in this time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote those words, all eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.Over the past two decades, a rising tide of freedom has lifted the lives of millions around the world, sweeping away failed dictatorial systems in the Former Soviet Union, throughout Central Europe;ending a vicious cycle of military coups and civil wars in Latin America;giving more people in Africa the chance to make the most of their hard-won independence.And from the philippines to South Korea, from Thailand to Mongolia, freedom has reached Asia's shores, powering a surge of growth and productivity.Economic security also can be an essential element of freedom.It is recognized in the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights.In China, you have made extraordinary strides in nurturing that liberty, and spreading freedom from want, to be a source of strength to your people.Incomes are up, poverty is down;people do have more choices of jobs, and the ability to travel--the ability to make a better life.But true freedom includes more than economic freedom.In America, we believe it is a concept which is indivisible.Over the past four days, I have seen freedom in many manifestations in China.I have seen the fresh shoots of democracy growing in the villages of your heartland.I have visited a village that chose its own leaders in free elections.I have also seen the cell phones, the video players, the fax machines carrying ideas, information and images from all over the world.I've heard people speak their minds and I have joined people in prayer in the faith of my own choosing.In all these ways I felt a steady breeze of freedom.The question is, where do we go from here? How do we work together to be on the right side of history together? More than 50 years ago, Hu Shi, one of your great political thinkers and a teacher at this university, said these words: “Now some people say to me you must sacrifice your individual freedom so that the nation may be free.But I reply, the struggle for individual freedom is the struggle for the nation's freedom.The struggle for your own character is the struggle for the nation's character.”

We Americans believe Hu Shi was right.We believe and our experience demonstrates that freedom strengthens stability and helps nations to change.One of our founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin, once said, “Our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults.” Now, if that is true, there are many days in the United States when the president has more friends than anyone else in America.（Laughter.）But it is so.In the world we live in, this global information age, constant improvement and change is necessary to economic opportunity and to national strength.Therefore, the freest possible flow of information, ideas, and opinions, and a greater respect for divergent political and religious convictions will actually breed strength and stability going forward.It is, therefore, profoundly in your interest, and the world's, that young Chinese minds be free to reach the fullness of their potential.That is the message of our time and the mandate of the new century and the new millennium.I hope China will more fully embrace this mandate.For all the grandeur of your history, I believe your greatest days are still ahead.Against great odds in the 20th century China has not only survived, it is moving forward dramatically.Other ancient cultures failed because they failed to change.China has constantly proven the capacity to change and grow.Now, you must re-imagine China again for a new century, and your generation must be at the heart of China's regeneration.The new century is upon us.All our sights are turned toward the future.Now your country has known more millennia than the United States has known centuries.Today, however, China is as young as any nation on Earth.This new century can be the dawn of a new China, proud of your ancient greatness, proud of what you are doing, prouder still of the tomorrows to come.It can be a time when the world again looks to China for the vigor of its culture, the freshness of its thinking, the elevation of human dignity that is apparent in its works.It can be a time when the oldest of nations helps to make a new world.The United States wants to work with you to make that time a reality.Thank you very much.（Applause.）

第四篇：周杰倫在北京大學(xué)的演講演講稿

周杰倫在北京大學(xué)百年講堂的演講--《你可以不平凡》

各位北大的同學(xué)們，你們好嗎！好?。ㄓ^眾歡呼）

站在這個(gè)舞臺(tái)開講，真的是不簡單，算是成功了哦。（掌聲）

人都要有夢(mèng)想，其實(shí)我跟大家一樣啊，我覺得自己就是非常平凡，只是學(xué)了點(diǎn)音樂而已。學(xué)了這些音樂呢，最后能夠站在這個(gè)舞臺(tái)演講，也不容易啊。因?yàn)槲覜]有考上大學(xué)，但是我卻跟你們演講（周杰倫笑），你們會(huì)不會(huì)覺得有點(diǎn)奇怪？

不會(huì)?。ㄓ^眾歡呼）

方文山也才讀過小學(xué)而已。不過他寫的東西卻能夠到教材里面。這時(shí)候是不是該來點(diǎn)掌聲?。浚ㄕ坡?，歡呼）

所以我覺得厲害的人，我覺得不平凡的人，并不是書要念的多好，我覺得他要有一技之長。本身呢，也要聽媽媽的話，尊師重道。那時(shí)候她（周杰倫媽媽）也很希望我可以考上音樂系，然后讀大學(xué)。我大概考了兩次吧。可能我不是讀書的料，而且我又很愛打球，所以也不知道自己心里是怎么搞得，可能就是有一種運(yùn)動(dòng)細(xì)胞吧（周杰倫笑）。

那其實(shí)我現(xiàn)在講的這些，都是我未來成功的一些關(guān)鍵，你想一想年輕時(shí)候，如果我被好好的關(guān)在那邊，我沒有去打球，我現(xiàn)在怎么拍《大灌籃》是吧？（掌聲）

如果那時(shí)候沒有學(xué)琴，我現(xiàn)在怎么拍《不能說的秘密》對(duì)吧？（掌聲）那個(gè)時(shí)候如果不喜歡看這些武術(shù)的電影，我怎么拍《青蜂俠》對(duì)吧？（掌聲）這些呢，都不是父母讓你去學(xué)的，你是有自發(fā)性的，你喜歡這樣的東西。所以，我覺得人要有一技之長呢，比學(xué)歷更重要。這個(gè)是我一直在跟這些小朋友講的。講到學(xué)生的階段，因?yàn)榻裉焓窃趯W(xué)校嘛。其實(shí)我是一個(gè)蠻愛面子的人，我覺得。相信大家都看得出來，一個(gè)很好勝的人。我講一個(gè)很簡單的例子：搭公車，大家有這樣的經(jīng)驗(yàn)吧，就是人很多的時(shí)候，被擠到最后，然后被公車們夾到，有沒有這種感覺？有吧。但是我卻是那種痛也不會(huì)說出來的。因?yàn)榍懊孀脦讉€(gè)學(xué)姐。我想說，等到下一站，反正公車們自動(dòng)會(huì)打開吧。結(jié)果它下一站竟然沒有給我停下來。于是，我就只好默默的跟學(xué)姐說，不好意思，你可不可以跟公車司機(jī)說一下，我的手被夾到了（觀眾笑）。后來想一想，我覺得公車司機(jī)一定很納悶，學(xué)姐她們也很納悶，為什么在第一站的時(shí)候不講，在第二站第三站的時(shí)候才說。這代表說我是一個(gè)很怎么樣的人？很愛面子。愛面子呢，又好勝，但是我覺得這卻幫助了我在現(xiàn)在的演藝圈在現(xiàn)在的生活環(huán)境。因?yàn)?，我告訴自己，絕不能輸，永遠(yuǎn)都要在第一。這時(shí)候應(yīng)該要來點(diǎn)掌聲，是吧？（掌聲）

我剛剛在講這些我學(xué)生時(shí)代的生活，學(xué)生時(shí)代，其實(shí)那時(shí)候我沒有考上大學(xué)，后來我就去寫歌了，在我還沒有出道的時(shí)候呢，寫著《蝸牛》這首歌，相信大家都聽過吧？

那時(shí)候呢，也算是蟻居。不是蟻居在天臺(tái)，是蟻居在錄音室，后來被吳宗憲給發(fā)掘。那應(yīng)該是三天他希望我要寫十幾首歌曲，這是他給我的一個(gè)功課，然后他從里面挑選歌曲去用。所以那時(shí)候都會(huì)很期待自己的歌曲被錄用，只有這樣你才有錢，你才可以拿回家給爸媽。所以那個(gè)時(shí)候，我自己也給自己一個(gè)期許，就是一定要賺到錢，然后好好的讓家人過好生活，所以這是我寫歌的一個(gè)重點(diǎn)，其中之一個(gè)原因；另外一個(gè)原因是因?yàn)?，我覺得父母在我小的時(shí)候，他們花費(fèi)太多的金錢，學(xué)費(fèi)，讓我學(xué)鋼琴，所以我要彌補(bǔ)回去。那時(shí)候就是有一個(gè)信念就是，不能讓自己的父母失望，在你這個(gè)生活當(dāng)中，你一個(gè)人，其實(shí)老實(shí)講，有時(shí)候我是走不下去的，因?yàn)槲也]有兄弟姐妹。那在寫歌的時(shí)候認(rèn)識(shí)到劉畊宏，他在那個(gè)時(shí)候呢，已經(jīng)是歌手了，而我還蟻居在他的錄音室，給我衣服穿，給我吃的，并沒有給我車子，但是他卻載我到處游玩，享受他的人生。然后帶他朋友給我認(rèn)識(shí)有。

一天，吳宗憲說：“你這些歌好像都不錯(cuò)，但是沒有人可以唱耶！”公司簽來另外一位音樂總監(jiān)楊峻榮，后來他聽到我的歌，他說：“你這些歌曲別人不用干脆你自己唱唱看好了?！比缓竽菚r(shí)候我有個(gè)念頭想說：“嗯，是當(dāng)歌手么？不可能吧？”所以我沒想那么多，我就把自己的歌唱一唱。然后有一天，有個(gè)唱片公司的表演，有很多藝人，有很多大老板要來看，那時(shí)候我就很緊張，這時(shí)候我不知道該唱什么歌曲。那唱《黑色幽默》好了（音樂。。）

當(dāng)時(shí)真的是唱的黑色幽默，因?yàn)閯u宏說，他就推薦我說：“你唱這個(gè)歌，這個(gè)歌很有你的味道，你可以像以前的情歌都是非常嚴(yán)肅的，哪有這么奇怪的歌詞?！蔽艺f：“但是來的唱片公司是老外，他聽得懂么？”然后畊宏說：”反正你唱的也不清楚，反正他也不知道你唱什么（觀眾笑）。這個(gè)旋律好就好了?！拔蚁胝f也對(duì)，所以我第一遍這樣唱完之后，臺(tái)下完全沒什么反應(yīng)。我想說，這怎么回事？畊宏說，你唱的太小聲了。然后畊宏默默地，我后來才知道，他們讓我唱第二次的原因是因?yàn)楫u宏默默的去告訴工作人員說，再給我一次機(jī)會(huì)。（掌聲）第二次呢，我就好好的唱。于是有機(jī)會(huì)發(fā)片了，那時(shí)候第一首主打歌《可愛女人》?！犊蓯叟恕肪瓦@樣出來了，當(dāng)時(shí)的同公司的師姐徐若瑄來拍的這個(gè)第一支MV，那時(shí)候呢，覺得蠻特別就是：“哎喲，這個(gè)師姐當(dāng)時(shí)是女神呢，來拍MV，這真的假的？”，當(dāng)時(shí)會(huì)有這樣的感覺。那后來呢，她竟然說：“可以教我彈鋼琴嗎？”我才發(fā)現(xiàn)，學(xué)鋼琴是對(duì)的。（掌聲）

當(dāng)時(shí)寫的歌曲是給其他歌手唱，后來我的第一張專輯的歌曲，幾乎都是寫給別人唱?jiǎng)e人不要的，我重新拿來唱，所以有了《雙節(jié)棍》這些歌曲（掌聲）

所以我也很感謝當(dāng)時(shí)沒有用我歌曲的那些歌手，現(xiàn)在不知道到哪里去了，沒有，開玩笑（觀眾笑）。所以呢，我也不能停下來，我繼續(xù)在往前走，為的是什么？為的是我的歌迷朋友們。你們沒有看錯(cuò)人，對(duì)?。ㄕ坡暎?/p>

然后那時(shí)候出了幾張唱片，然后去了幾個(gè)頒獎(jiǎng)典禮，慢慢的，對(duì)于這個(gè)獎(jiǎng)項(xiàng)，其實(shí)一開始就非常的看重。誰不想得獎(jiǎng)，對(duì)不對(duì)？有一次帶了外婆去參加頒獎(jiǎng)典禮，我覺得至少一項(xiàng)，上臺(tái)可以講話吧，對(duì)不對(duì)？可以感謝我的外婆，結(jié)果什么都沒有。那時(shí)候就非常的，老實(shí)講非常的不爽。但是我沒有表現(xiàn)在臉上，因?yàn)槟莻€(gè)攝影機(jī)在拍你嘛，你還是要很開心的很大氣的為大家鼓掌嘛。那我就覺得，原來演藝圈是這么的虛假。（掌聲）

于是呢，我就把它寫了一首歌曲叫做《外婆》（音樂）。一方面我是在攻擊這個(gè)攻擊當(dāng)天的不爽，為什么沒有讓我得獎(jiǎng)，讓外婆難過；另外是覺得自己很不孝，所以也寫了像打狗仔罵狗仔的歌曲，像《四面楚歌》這樣。這些歌曲可能引起不了太多的共鳴，因?yàn)榭赡芎芏嗳藳]有遇到狗仔，很多人不知道狗仔這么討厭。慢慢的回歸，我覺得必須要給一些正能量，所以我就沒有再寫這些有的沒的歌了。那寫了《夢(mèng)想啟動(dòng)》，《稻香》。

那時(shí)候我想說這么多的歌手，我要怎么樣去不一樣。所有的歐美的這些饒舌歌手，他們的歌詞充滿著暴力，他們的音樂很重，反差很大。我喜歡做反差很大的東西，那就是中國風(fēng)了。中國風(fēng)呢，其實(shí)老實(shí)講特別難寫，因?yàn)樗挥形迓曇綦A，你要怎么樣跟別人不一樣？那我就想說，我這種嗓音，咬字不清可不可以來中國風(fēng)一下？于是呢，先寫了這個(gè)《東風(fēng)破》，我想大家都還熟悉吧？（音樂）

然后拍了《黃金甲》之后呢，也感謝這個(gè)張藝謀導(dǎo)演。他說：“我有聽過你的這個(gè)《東風(fēng)破》，不然來一個(gè)跟這個(gè)《黃金甲》有關(guān)的你覺得怎么樣？”那時(shí)候我寫了兩首歌，一個(gè)是《黃金甲》，肯定大家比較沒有聽過，大家聽到的都是《菊花臺(tái)》對(duì)不對(duì)？果然，張導(dǎo)比較喜歡《菊花臺(tái)》，所以用它作為了片尾曲。那這歌，也讓很多的歌迷朋友的爸爸媽媽也認(rèn)識(shí)了我。那也因此，很多差不多我蠻常遇到四五十歲，五六十歲，還有一些老奶奶說：我喜歡聽你的《菊花臺(tái)》。我才知道，其實(shí)聽我歌的年齡層次是這么的廣泛，所以我終于找到自己的特色，每張專輯要有個(gè)中國風(fēng)。所以這對(duì)于一個(gè)歌手來講，你看累不累？其實(shí)非常累，因?yàn)槟阋牒芏?；然后，你寫了十首歌曲，你還要拍十支MV。為什么，因?yàn)槲以趯懨渴赘璧臅r(shí)候，我的畫面都已經(jīng)在頭腦里了，所以我必須把它拍出來。交給別人來拍，不信任別人，這就是我自己相信自己的地方（掌聲）

所以，先拍了第一支MV。但是，是拿我的師弟當(dāng)做白老鼠，來試驗(yàn)一下。拍完他們的MV我看一下覺得：哎 好像不錯(cuò)。我才來拍自己的MV（觀眾笑），于是我拍了第一支MV之后，拍了第二支MV，拍了十支MV，拍了二十支MV，到現(xiàn)在累計(jì)，我覺得應(yīng)該有七八十支MV了。這些MV呢，其實(shí)都是一個(gè)經(jīng)驗(yàn)，為什么？因?yàn)槲蚁氘?dāng)導(dǎo)演，所以我不斷的在練習(xí)。這MV當(dāng)中有好的，有不好的，你們覺得怎么樣？（掌聲）

你們其實(shí)現(xiàn)在還是學(xué)生的時(shí)代，現(xiàn)在講這個(gè)會(huì)不會(huì)好像太遠(yuǎn)了，其實(shí)不會(huì)，因?yàn)槟銈円紤]到未來。所以我才會(huì)寫一首歌，叫做《聽媽媽的話》。告訴從前的自己，因?yàn)槟菚r(shí)候很喜歡周潤發(fā)，周潤發(fā)拍了一部片叫《賭神》，那也是為什么我喜歡變魔術(shù)的原因，是吧？所以呢，我寫了一首歌，從未來告訴以前的自己，你會(huì)遇到周潤發(fā)，因?yàn)樗麜?huì)演《黃金甲》當(dāng)上了你爸，所以賭神未來會(huì)是你爸爸，懂了吧？（觀眾笑）

那時(shí)候聽的流行歌曲是張學(xué)友的歌，其實(shí)我開始寫歌就是因?yàn)椤段莿e》開始。我就想說，有一天一定要寫歌給他。果然，張學(xué)友唱了我的歌曲，而且還跟他一起同臺(tái)表演，我就代表說自己不平凡了（掌聲）。

這些都是在我音樂的領(lǐng)域，我覺得我已經(jīng)成功了。在電影方面，拍《不能說的秘密》大家看過吧？那我一直在想，怎樣的愛情可以變得不一樣，然后穿梭時(shí)空這個(gè)電影情節(jié)我覺得非常特別。所以我利用了鋼琴的速度來想象成是時(shí)光機(jī)，所以我覺得人要有想象力，因?yàn)楹芏嗳擞X得我很天馬行空的亂想東西，其實(shí)到時(shí)候做出來大家都是會(huì)嚇一跳。這些工作人員往往會(huì)覺得：“什么，你講的劇本我覺得很奇怪，怎么鋼琴彈得快變成時(shí)光機(jī)這樣的”，拍出來，大家是不是嚇一跳了，是不是了？沒錯(cuò)。（掌聲）

然后，在這邊鼓勵(lì)大家就是，找尋自己的那一點(diǎn)跟大家的不一樣，去把它放大。

今天的演講到此結(jié)束，謝謝?。ㄕ坡暎?/p>

第五篇：克林頓在北京大學(xué)的英文演講稿

克林頓在北京大學(xué)的英文演講稿

PRESIDENT CLINTON:

Thank you.Thank you, President Chen, Chairmen Ren, Vice President Chi, Vice Minister Wei.We are delighted to be here today with a very large American delegation, including the First Lady and our daughter, who is a student at Stanford, one of the schools with which Beijing University has a relationship.We have six members of the United States Congress;the Secretary of State;Secretary of Commerce;the Secretary of Agriculture;the Chairman of our Council of Economic Advisors;Senator Sasser, our Ambassador;the National Security Advisor and my Chief of Staff, among others.I say that to illustrate the importance that the United States places on our relationship with China.I would like to begin by congratulating all of you, the students, the faculty, the administrators, on celebrating the centennial year of your university.Gongxi, Beida.(Applause.)

As I'm sure all of you know, this campus was once home to Yenching University which was founded by American missionaries.Many of its wonderful buildings were designed by an American architect.Thousands of Americans students and professors have come here to study and teach.We feel a special kinship with you.I am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important respect from another important occasion 79 years ago.In June of 1919, the first president of Yenching University, John Leighton Stuart, was set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very grounds.At the appointed hour, he appeared, but no students appeared.They were all out leading the May 4th Movement for China's political and cultural renewal.When I read this, I hoped that when I walked into the auditorium today, someone would be sitting here.And I thank you for being here, very much.(Applause.)

Over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than 20,000 students.Your graduates are spread throughout China and around the world.You have built the largest university library in all of Asia.Last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study, including half of your math and science majors.And in this anniversary year, more than a million people in China, Asia, and beyond have logged on to your web site.At the dawn of a new century, this university is leading China into the future.I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a strong partnership between China and the United States.The American people deeply admire China for its thousands of years of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and the arts, to science and technology.We remember well our strong partnership in World War II.Now we see China at a moment in history when your glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and the even greater promise of your future.Just three decades ago, China was virtually shut off from the world.Now, China is a member of more than 1,000 international organizations--enterprises that affect everything from air travel to agricultural development.You have opened your nation to trade and investment on a large scale.Today, 40,000 young Chinese study in the United States, with hundreds of thousands more learning in Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.Your social and economic transformation has been even more remarkable, moving from a closed command economic system to a driving, increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and outside China, to vote in village elections, to own a home, choose a job, attend a better school.As a result you have lifted literally hundreds of millions of people from poverty.Per capita income has more than doubled in the last decade.Most Chinese people are leading lives they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.Of course, these changes have also brought disruptions in settled patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your environment.Once every urban Chinese was guaranteed employment in a state enterprise.Now you must compete in a job market.Once a Chinese worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in Beijing.Now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity of the rest of the world.For those who lack the right training and skills and support, this new world can be daunting.In the short-term, good, hardworking people--some, at least will find themselves unemployed.And, as all of you can see, there have been enormous environmental and economic and health care costs to the development pattern and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years--from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and water shortage.In the face of these challenges new systems of training and social security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your economy while improving the environment.Everything I know about the intelligence, the ingenuity, the enterprise of the Chinese people and everything I have heard these last few days in my discussions with President Jiang, Prime Minister Zhu and others give me confidence that you will succeed.As you build a new China, America wants to build a new relationship with you.We want China to be successful, secure and open, working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world.I know there are those in China and the United States who question whether closer relations between our countries is a good thing.But everything all of us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off working together than apart.The late Deng Xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts.At the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear.The distance between our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking.Where once an American clipper ship took months to cross from China to the United States.Today, technology has made us all virtual neighbors.From laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes, an information revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all closer together.Ideas, information, and money cross the planet at the stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater understanding among peoples of different histories and different cultures.But we also know that this greater openness and faster change mean that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move inside them--the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and severe economic dislocation.No nation can isolate itself from these problems, and no nation can solve them alone.We, especially the younger generations of China and the United States, must make common cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new century of brilliant possibilities.In the 21st century--your century--China and the United States will face the challenge of security in Asia.On the Korean Peninsula, where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a permanent peace and a future freer of nuclear weapons.On the Indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world is moving away from nuclear danger, India and Pakistan risk sparking a new arms race.We are now pursuing a common strategy to move India and Pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve their differences.In the 21st century, your generation must face the challenge of stopping the spread of deadlier nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons.In the wrong hands or the wrong places, these weapons can threaten the peace of nations large and small.Increasingly, China and the United States agree on the importance of stopping proliferation.That is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the worlds most dangerous weapons.In the 21st century, your generation will have to reverse the international tide of crime and drugs.Around the world, organized crime robs people of billions of dollars every year and undermines trust in government.America knows all about the devastation and despair that drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods.With borders on more than a dozen countries, China has become a crossroad for smugglers of all kinds.Last year, President Jiang and I asked senior Chinese and American law enforcement officials to step up our cooperation against these predators, to stop money from being laundered, to stop aliens from being cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies from being undermined by counterfeiting.Just this month, our drug enforcement agency opened an office in Beijing, and soon Chinese counternarcotics experts will be working out of Washington.In the 21st century, your generation must make it your mission to ensure that today's progress does not come at tomorrow's expense.China's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe--the cost is not only environmental, it is also serious in terms of the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on economic growth.Environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as national.For example, in the near future, if present energy use patterns persist, China will overtake the United States as the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, the gases which are the principal cause of global warming.If the nations of the world do not reduce the gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century there is a serious risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and social fabric of nations.We must work together.We Americans know from our own experience that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment.We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.Building on the work that our Vice President, Al Gore, has done previously with the Chinese government, President Jiang and I are working together on ways to bring American clean energy technology to help improve air quality and grow the Chinese economy at the same time.But I will say this again--this is not on my remarks--your generation must do more about this.This is a huge challenge for you, for the American people and for the future of the world.And it must be addressed at the university level, because political leaders will never be willing to adopt environmental measures if they believe it will lead to large-scale unemployment or more poverty.The evidence is clear that does not have to happen.You will actually have more rapid economic growth and better paying jobs, leading to higher levels of education and technology if we do this in the proper way.But you and the university, communities in China, the United States and throughout the world will have to lead the way.(Applause.)

In the 21st century your generation must also lead the challenge of an international financial system that has no respect for national borders.When stock markets fall in Hong Kong or Jakarta, the effects are no longer local;they are global.The vibrant growth of your own economy is tied closely, therefore, to the restoration of stability and growth in the Asia Pacific region.China has steadfastly shouldered its responsibilities to the region and the world in this latest financial crisis--helping to prevent another cycle of dangerous devaluations.We must continue to work together to counter this threat to the global financial system and to the growth and prosperity which should be embracing all of this region.In the 21st century, your generation will have a remarkable opportunity to bring together the talents of our scientists, doctors, engineers into a shared quest for progress.Already the breakthroughs we have achieved in our areas of joint cooperation--in challenges from dealing with spina bifida to dealing with extreme weather conditions and earthquakes--have proved what we can do together to change the lives of millions of people in China and the United States and around the world.Expanding our cooperation in science and technology can be one of our greatest gifts to the future.In each of these vital areas that I have mentioned, we can clearly accomplish so much more by walking together rather than standing apart.That is why we should work to see that the productive relationship we now enjoy blossoms into a fuller partnership in the new century.If that is to happen, it is very important that we understand each other better, that we understand both our common interest and our shared aspirations and our honest differences.I believe the kind of open, direct exchange that President Jiang and I had on Saturday at our press conference--which I know many of you watched on television--can both clarify and narrow our differences, and, more important, by allowing people to understand and debate and discuss these things can give a greater sense of confidence to our people that we can make a better future.From the windows of the White House, where I live in Washington, D.C., the monument to our first President, George Washington, dominates the skyline.It is a very tall obelisk.But very near this large monument there is a small stone which contains these words: The United States neither established titles of nobility and royalty, nor created a hereditary system.State affairs are put to the vote of public opinion.This created a new political situation, unprecedented from ancient times to the present.How wonderful it is.Those words were not written by an American.They were written by Xu Jiyu, governor of Fujian Province, inscribed as a gift from the government of China to our nation in 1853.I am very grateful for that gift from China.It goes to the heart of who we are as a people--the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the freedom to debate, to dissent, to associate, to worship without interference from the state.These are the ideals that were at the core of our founding over 220 years ago.These are the ideas that led us across our continent and onto the world stage.These are the ideals that Americans cherish today.As I said in my press conference with President Jiang, we have an ongoing quest ourselves to live up to those ideals.The people who framed our Constitution understood that we would never achieve perfection.They said that the mission of America would always be “to form a more perfect union”--in other words, that we would never be perfect, but we had to keep trying to do better.The darkest moments in our history have come when we abandoned the effort to do better, when we denied freedom to our people because of their race or their religion, because there were new immigrants or because they held unpopular opinions.The best moments in our history have come when we protected the freedom of people who held unpopular opinion, or extended rights enjoyed by the many to the few who had previously been denied them, making, therefore, the promises of our Declaration of Independence and Constitution more than faded words on old parchment.Today we do not seek to impose our vision on others, but we are convinced that certain rights are universal--not American rights or European rights or rights for developed nations, but the birthrights of people everywhere, now enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights--the right to be treated with dignity;the right to express one's opinions, to choose one's own leaders, to associate freely with others, and to worship, or not, freely, however one chooses.In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of Independence and our third President, Thomas Jefferson, said then that “all eyes are opening to the rights of man.” I believe that in this time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote those words, all eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.Over the past two decades, a rising tide of freedom has lifted the lives of millions around the world, sweeping away failed dictatorial systems in the Former Soviet Union, throughout Central Europe;ending a vicious cycle of military coups and civil wars in Latin America;giving more people in Africa the chance to make the most of their hard-won independence.And from the Philippines to South Korea, from Thailand to Mongolia, freedom has reached Asia's shores, powering a surge of growth and productivity.Economic security also can be an essential element of freedom.It is recognized in the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights.In China, you have made extraordinary strides in nurturing that liberty, and spreading freedom from want, to be a source of strength to your people.Incomes are up, poverty is down;people do have more choices of jobs, and the ability to travel--the ability to make a better life.But true freedom includes more than economic freedom.In America, we believe it is a concept which is indivisible.Over the past four days, I have seen freedom in many manifestations in China.I have seen the fresh shoots of democracy growing in the villages of your heartland.I have visited a village that chose its own leaders in free elections.I have also seen the cell phones, the video players, the fax machines carrying ideas, information and images from all over the world.I've heard people speak their minds and I have joined people in prayer in the faith of my own choosing.In all these ways I felt a steady breeze of freedom.The question is, where do we go from here? How do we work together to be on the right side of history together? More than 50 years ago, Hu Shi, one of your great political thinkers and a teacher at this university, said these words: “Now some people say to me you must sacrifice your individual freedom so that the nation may be free.But I reply, the struggle for individual freedom is the struggle for the nation's freedom.The struggle for your own character is the struggle for the nation's character.”

We Americans believe Hu Shi was right.We believe and our experience demonstrates that freedom strengthens stability and helps nations to change.One of our founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin, once said, “Our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults.” Now, if that is true, there are many days in the United States when the President has more friends than anyone else in America.(Laughter.)But it is so.In the world we live in, this global information age, constant improvement and change is necessary to economic opportunity and to national strength.Therefore, the freest possible flow of information, ideas, and opinions, and a greater respect for divergent political and religious convictions will actually breed strength and stability going forward.It is, therefore, profoundly in your interest, and the world's, that young Chinese minds be free to reach the fullness of their potential.That is the message of our time and the mandate of the new century and the new millennium.I hope China will more fully embrace this mandate.For all the grandeur of your history, I believe your greatest days are still ahead.Against great odds in the 20th century China has not only survived, it is moving forward dramatically.Other ancient cultures failed because they failed to change.China has constantly proven the capacity to change and grow.Now, you must re-imagine China again for a new century, and your generation must be at the heart of China's regeneration.The new century is upon us.All our sights are turned toward the future.Now your country has known more millennia than the United States has known centuries.Today, however, China is as young as any nation on Earth.This new century can be the dawn of a new China, proud of your ancient greatness, proud of what you are doing, prouder still of the tomorrows to come.It can be a time when the world again looks to China for the vigor of its culture, the freshness of its thinking, the elevation of human dignity that is apparent in its works.It can be a time when the oldest of nations helps to make a new world.The United States wants to work with you to make that time a reality.Thank you very much.(Applause.)