第一篇：1801年美國總統(tǒng)托馬斯·杰斐遜第一次就職演說

朋友們，同胞們：

我聽從召喚出任我國最高行政職務(wù)，謹(jǐn)向在此集會的我國部分同胞當(dāng)面表達(dá)我的由衷謝意，感謝同胞們所一直欣悅地寄語我的厚愛和期望。我還要誠懇地奉告各位，我業(yè)已意識到這項任務(wù)非我的才干所能勝任，責(zé)任的重大和能力的欠缺，使我在赴任之時心中自然產(chǎn)生了焦慮和敬畏交織的感受。我國時一個新興的國家，地域遼闊，土地肥沃：各行各業(yè)的產(chǎn)品十分豐富，而且行銷世界各地，與那些自視強大和不顧他人權(quán)利的國家開展商業(yè)貿(mào)易；它正向著肉眼凡胎無法想見的命運迅猛前進(jìn)。每當(dāng)我想到這些超凡卓越的事情，看到我們這個可愛的國家從今天的局面和吉兆中所顯示的榮譽、幸福和種種希望，我就不由得收住自己的思緒，并且因為面對如此宏偉的事業(yè)而自慚形穢。的確，倘若不是今天在場的許多人使我意識到，我可以從憲法所設(shè)立的其他幾個最高政府部門找到智慧、美德和熱情的源泉，幫助我渡過一切難關(guān)，我真會徹底喪失信心。因此，從你們這些負(fù)責(zé)行使立法主權(quán)的先生們以及各位共事者那里，我充滿勇氣地期待能得到指導(dǎo)和支持，從而使我們能夠把穩(wěn)我們共同乘坐的這艘航船的舵柄，安然行使在這個沖突四起、擾攘不寧的世界。

在最近這次觀點的交鋒中，我們大家都熱烈討論和積極奔走，這種局面不免使那些不習(xí)慣于自由思考和自由表達(dá)、寫出自己想法的人感到很不自在；但現(xiàn)在這已由全國人民作出了決斷，并且根據(jù)憲法的規(guī)定公諸于眾，相信大家都會按照法律的意志對自己作出安排，為了我們共同的利益而團結(jié)一致和協(xié)同奮斗。同樣，大家也會在心中牢記一條神圣的原則：雖然多數(shù)人的意志在一切情況下都應(yīng)占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位，但這種意志既要正當(dāng)就必須首先合理；少數(shù)派也應(yīng)擁有平等的權(quán)利，公平的法律必須如此加以保護(hù)，如若侵犯即是壓迫。那么，同胞們，就讓我們同心同德地團結(jié)起來吧！讓我們在社會交往中恢復(fù)和睦和友情，如沒有和睦和友情，自由乃至生活本身就都成了毫無易趣的東西。讓我們再想一想，那種曾長期使人類流血受難的宗教不寬容，早已從我們的國土上廢除；但政治不寬容在橫暴、無恥和能夠造成的血腥、殘酷迫害方面，都不遜于宗教不寬容，如果對這種現(xiàn)象加以鼓勵，我們?nèi)匀粫@無多。歷史悠久的舊世界處于劇痛和痙攣當(dāng)中，發(fā)怒的人們在痛苦的掙扎，借助流血和殺戮來尋找自己失落已久的自由，這般滔天狂潮的沖擊所至，連我們這遙遠(yuǎn)而寧靜的海岸也在所不免，而不同的人對此的感受和懼怕也不盡相同，于是在有關(guān)安全的措施方面引發(fā)意見分歧，這原本不足為怪。但是，每一種意見的分歧都不是原則性的分歧。我們曾用不同的名稱稱呼信奉相同原則的兄弟。我們都是共和黨人，我們都是聯(lián)邦黨人。如果我們當(dāng)中有什么人想要解散我們的聯(lián)盟，或者想要改變其共和形式，那也不要去觸動他們，從而顯示他們也能安然無恙。由了這種安全，錯誤的意見也就能得到寬容，而任憑理性來自由地與之較量。我也確實指導(dǎo)，有些誠實的人擔(dān)心一個共和制的政府不可能變得很強大，而且現(xiàn)在這個政府就不夠強大；可是，一個誠實的愛國者，難道會根據(jù)這個作為世界最美好希望的政府體制由可能需要活力以圖自存這樣一種理論和幻想中的擔(dān)憂，而在這一成功實驗的高潮中將一種迄今一直保證我們享有自由和堅定立場的政府體制棄之如敝履嗎？我相信不會如此。相反，我認(rèn)為這種政府乃是世界上最強大的政府。我認(rèn)為唯有在這種體制下，每個人才會一旦聽到法律的召喚，便飛快地奔向法律的旗幟之下，把對公共秩序的侵害看成與自己切身利害相關(guān)的事情而加以迎頭痛擊。有時可以聽到一種說法，認(rèn)為人類是不能委以自治之責(zé)的。那么，難道他們就能被托以治理他人的重任嗎？難道我們從國王堆里找到過天使來統(tǒng)治他們嗎？這一問題就留待歷史來回答吧！

那么，就讓我們鼓足勇氣和滿懷信心，奉行我們自己的聯(lián)邦和共和的各項原則，深情地?fù)碜o(hù)聯(lián)盟和代議制政府吧！大自然和遼闊的海洋仁慈地把我們隔開，使我們沒有牽累于地球

上四分之一的地區(qū)所發(fā)生的那場毀滅性浩劫。我們心靈十分高尚，難以容忍別人的可恥行徑；我們擁有天賜的國土，地域之廣袤足以供千秋萬代的子孫享用；我們對自己的平等權(quán)利有著適當(dāng)?shù)囊庾R，這些權(quán)利包括運用自己的才能，占有自己的勞動所得，獲得同胞們給予的榮譽和信任，這種榮譽和信任并非得自出生門第，而是源于我們的行為及同胞們對此的看法；我們受到一種仁慈的宗教的教化，雖然實際信仰的方式各不相同，但均教人以誠實、忠信、節(jié)制、感恩和人類之愛；我們承認(rèn)并崇拜那主宰萬物的上帝，他以全部的神意顯示，他為人類在此獲得的幸福和將要得到的更大幸福而深感欣悅；我們享用所有這些福佑，還另外需要什么東西才能使我們成為一群幸福而繁榮的人民嗎？同胞們，確實還需要一種東西，那就是一個明智而節(jié)儉的政府。這個政府可以阻止人們自相殘殺，另一方面則任憑他們自由地處理勞動謀生和改善處境的活動，而且也不會從勞動者手中奪走他們掙來的面包。這乃是良好政府的要旨所在，也是使我們的吉祥好運臻于完善所不可或缺的東西。

同胞們，我即將履行我的各項職責(zé)，由于這些職責(zé)包含你們所珍視、所認(rèn)為寶貴的一切，因而，對我所理解的我國政府的各項基本原則，以及與之相應(yīng)的那些確定行政活動的規(guī)章，你們都應(yīng)當(dāng)有所了解。我將把話壓縮到最簡短的限度，只闡明那些一般性的原則，而不將其所有的限制都囊括無疑。這些原則包括：對所有人都平等相待和嚴(yán)守公正，而不問其宗教和政治上的地位與信仰如何；與世界各國和平相處、通商往來和友誠相待，但不與任何一國結(jié)成同盟；擁護(hù)各州政府的一切權(quán)利，以此作為處理我國內(nèi)部利益的最有效能的方式和對付反共和制傾向的最堅實屏障；維護(hù)聯(lián)邦政府的全部憲政活力，以此作為保證我國國內(nèi)太平和國外安全的可靠手段；謹(jǐn)慎細(xì)心地愛護(hù)人民的選舉權(quán)利，這是一種匡正流弊的溫和而安全的方法，而一旦沒有和平的補救措施可供采用時，就得用革命之劍斬除弊端；絕對承認(rèn)多數(shù)人作出的決定，這是所有共和國的一項關(guān)鍵性原則，反之則不會訴諸輿論而只有強制，此乃專制主義的關(guān)鍵原則和直接根源；建立一支紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明、訓(xùn)練有素的民兵，這乃是我們在和平時期最好的保障，一旦戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)，他們也可應(yīng)急，直到正規(guī)軍來替代他們；文官政府的權(quán)威高于軍方；節(jié)約政府開支以減輕勞工的負(fù)擔(dān)；誠實地償還我國的債務(wù)，神圣地維護(hù)公眾的信心；鼓勵農(nóng)業(yè)和商業(yè)，并把商業(yè)作為農(nóng)業(yè)的輔助；傳播知識，把一切流弊都交由大眾理智的法庭進(jìn)行裁斷；宗教信仰自由；出版自由；按照人身保護(hù)法保證個人人身自由，并由公正選出的陪審團審理案件。這些原則構(gòu)成了明亮的指路星辰，一直在我們前頭閃耀，曾引導(dǎo)我們經(jīng)歷了一個革命和改革的時代。我們賢智之士的智慧和英雄們的熱血，一直都傾注于實現(xiàn)這些原則，這些原則應(yīng)當(dāng)成為我們政治信仰的信條，成為教導(dǎo)我國民眾的課本，成為檢驗?zāi)切┪覀兯刨囌叩墓ぷ鞯脑嚱鹗?。倘若我們因一時糊涂或驚慌失措而偏離了這些原則，那就讓我們迅速調(diào)轉(zhuǎn)腳步，重新走上這條通向和平、自由和安全的唯一道路。

同胞們，我就要擔(dān)任你們委諸我的職務(wù)，我過去曾出任許多較低的職務(wù)，從這種經(jīng)歷中我業(yè)已見識了這一最偉大的職務(wù)所遇到的種種困難，因而我也懂得，一個并不完美的人在退休時很難獲得那種曾把他推向這一職位的聲望和好感。你們曾對我國那位首屈一指的偉大革命任務(wù)給予極大的信任，因為他為國家作出了卓越的貢獻(xiàn)，贏得了全國人民最衷心的愛戴，而且注定要在一部可信的歷史中占有最光輝的一頁。我無意奢求你們對我如此信任，我所有求于各位的信任，只要足以保證我堅定而有效地對你們的事務(wù)進(jìn)行合法治理，便于愿足以。我可能會由于判斷的缺失而經(jīng)常犯下錯誤。即便我是正確的，也可能被那些由于立場局限而無法看到全局的人認(rèn)為是錯誤的。我請求你們諒解我個人的失誤，因為我永遠(yuǎn)不會有意犯下這些錯誤；同時我也請求你們支持我反對他人的錯誤，這些人若能全面地看問題則不會對歐文橫加指責(zé)。投票的結(jié)果顯示你們對我過去的作為有所稱許，這令我深感欣慰。我今后的熱切希望則是，能夠保持那些事先給予我厚愛的人們的好評，并且獲得另外那些的稱道，因為

我會盡我所能為他們謀利益。總之，我要成為一個對所有人的幸福和自由有所幫助的人。

承蒙各位給予善意的愛護(hù)，我現(xiàn)在謹(jǐn)遵各位之命走向工作崗位，不論你們何時覺得自己有力量做出更好的選擇，我隨時都準(zhǔn)備辭去這一職位。愿主宰萬物的全能上帝，給我們指引一條最好的治國道路，使它通向美好的目的地，為你們帶來和平與繁榮。

第二篇：杰斐遜總統(tǒng)就職演說

Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address

First Inaugural Address

March 4, 180

1FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to

express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire.A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye--when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the

happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking.Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I shall find

resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties.To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those

associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think;but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good.All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable;that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression.Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore;that this should be more felt

and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety.But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle.We have called by different names brethren of the same principle.We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough;but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this

Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not.I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth.I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern.Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself.Can he, then, be trusted with the

government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government.Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe;too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others;possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation;entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them;enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter--with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens--a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to

regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned.This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its

Administration.I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations.Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political;peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none;the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies;the preservation of the General Government in

its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad;a jealous care of the right of election by the people--a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided;absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism;a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them;the supremacy of the civil over the military authority;economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened;the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith;encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid;the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason;freedom of religion;freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the

protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected.These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation.The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment.They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust;and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me.With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs.I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment.When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground.I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts.The approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make.And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.譯文：

同心同德地團結(jié)起來

托馬斯-杰斐遜 第一次就職演講

華盛頓,星期三,1801年3月4日

朋友們、同胞們：

我應(yīng)召擔(dān)任國家的最高行政長官，值此諸位同胞集會之時，我衷心感謝大家寄予我的厚愛，誠摯地說，我意識到這項任務(wù)非我能力所及，其責(zé)任之重大，本人能力之淺簿，自然使我就任時憂懼交加。一個沃野千里的新興國家，帶著豐富的工業(yè)產(chǎn)品跨海渡洋，同那些自恃強權(quán)、不顧公理的國家進(jìn)行貿(mào)易，向著世人無法預(yù)見的天命疾奔——當(dāng)我思考這些重大的目標(biāo)，當(dāng)我想到這個可愛的國家，其榮譽、幸福和希望都系于這個問題和今天的盛典，我就不敢再想下去，并面對這宏圖大業(yè)自慚德薄能鮮。確實，若不是在這里見到許多先生們在場，使我想起無論遇到什么困難，都可以向憲法規(guī)定的另一高級機構(gòu)尋找智慧、美德和熱忱的源泉，我一定會完全心灰意懶。因此，負(fù)有神圣的立法職責(zé)的先生們和各位有關(guān)人士，我鼓起勇氣期望你們給予指引和支持，使我們能夠在亂世紛爭中同舟共濟，安然航行。

在我們過去的意見交鋒中，大家熱烈討論，各展所長，這種緊張氣氛，有時會使不習(xí)慣于自由思想、不習(xí)慣于說出或?qū)懴伦约合敕ǖ娜烁械讲话玻坏缃?，這場爭論既已由全國的民意作出決定，而且根據(jù)憲法的規(guī)定予以公布，大家當(dāng)然會服從法律的意志，妥為安排，為共同的利益齊心協(xié)力，大家也會銘記這條神圣的原則；盡管在任何情況下，多數(shù)人的意志是起決定作用的，但這種意志必須合理才矚公正；少數(shù)人享有同等權(quán)利，這種權(quán)利必須同樣受到法律保護(hù)，如果侵犯，便是壓迫。因此，公民們，讓我們同心同德地團結(jié)起來。讓我們在社會交往中和睦如初、恢復(fù)友愛，如果沒有這些，自由，甚至生活本身都會索然寡味，讓我們再想一想，我們已經(jīng)將長期以來造成人類流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不寬容現(xiàn)象逐出國上，如果我們鼓勵某種政治上的不寬容，其專演、邪惡和可能造成的殘酷、血腥迫害均與此相仿，那么我們必將無所收獲。當(dāng)舊世界經(jīng)歷陣痛和騷動，當(dāng)憤怒的人掙扎著想通過流血、殺戮來尋求失去已人的自由，那波濤般的激情甚至也會沖擊這片遙遠(yuǎn)而寧靜的海岸；對此，人們的感觸和憂患不會一樣，因而對安全措施的意見就出現(xiàn)了分歧，這些都不足為奇。但是，各種意見分歧并不都是原則分歧。我們以不同的名字呼喚同一原則的兄弟。我們都是共和黨人，我們都是聯(lián)邦黨人，如果我們當(dāng)中有人想解散這個聯(lián)邦，或者想改變它的共和體制，那就讓他們不受干擾而作為對平安的紀(jì)念碑吧，因為有了平安，錯誤的意見就可得到寬容，理性就得以自由地與之抗?fàn)?。誠然，我知道，有些正直人士擔(dān)心共和制政府無法成為強有力的政府，擔(dān)心我們這個政府不夠堅強；但是，在實驗取得成功的高潮中，一個誠實的愛國者，難道會因為一種假設(shè)的和幻想的疑懼，就以為這個被世界寄予最大希望的政府可能需要力量才得以自存，因而就放棄這個迄今帶給我們自由和堅定的政府嗎？我相信下會。相反，我相信這是世界上最堅強的政府。我相信唯有在這種政府的治理下，每個人才會響應(yīng)法律的號召，奔向法律的旗幟下，像對待切身利益那樣，迎擊侵犯公共秩序的舉動：有時我們聽到一種說法：不能讓人們自己管理自己。那么，能讓他去管理別人嗎？或者?我們在統(tǒng)治人民的君王名單中發(fā)現(xiàn)了無使嗎？這個問題讓歷史來回答吧。

因此，讓我們以勇氣和信心，迫求我們自己的聯(lián)邦與共和原則，擁戴聯(lián)邦與代議制政府。我們受惠于大自然和大洋的阻隔，幸免于地球上四分之一地區(qū)發(fā)生的那場毀滅性浩動；

我們品格高尚，不能容忍他人的墮落； 們天賜良邦，其幅員足以容納子孫萬代；我們充分認(rèn)識到在發(fā)揮個人才干、以勤勞換取收入、受到同胞的尊敬與信賴上，大家享有平等的權(quán)利，但這種尊敬和信賴不是出于門第，而是出于我們的行為和同胞的評判；我們受到仁慈的宗教的啟迪，盡管教派不同，形式各異，但它們都教人以正直、忠誠、節(jié)制、恩義和仁愛；我們承認(rèn)和崇拜全能的上帝，而天意表明，他樂于使這里的人們得到幸福，今后還將得到更多的幸?！覀冇辛诉@些福祉，還需要什么才能夠使我們成為快樂而興旺的民族呢？公民們，我們還需要一件，那就是賢明而節(jié)儉的政府，它會制止人們相互傷害，使他們自由地管理自己的實業(yè)和進(jìn)步活動，它不會侵奪人們的勞動果實。這就是良好政府的集粹，這也是我們達(dá)到幸福圓滿之必需。

公民們，我即將履行職責(zé)，這些職責(zé)包括你們所珍愛的一切，因此，你們應(yīng)當(dāng)了解我所認(rèn)為的政府基

本原則是什么，確定其行政依據(jù)的原則又是什么。我將盡量扼要地加以敘述，只講一般原則，不講其種種限制。實行人人平等和真正的公平，而不論其宗教或政治上的地位或派別；同所有國家和平相處、商務(wù)往來、真誠友好，而下與任何國家結(jié)盟，維護(hù)備州政府的一切權(quán)利，將它們作為我國最有權(quán)能的內(nèi)政機構(gòu)，和抵御反共和趨勢的最可靠屏障；維持全國政府在憲制上的全部活力，將其作為國內(nèi)安定和國際安全的最后依靠；忠實地維護(hù)人民的選舉僅——將它作為一種溫和而穩(wěn)妥的矯正手段，對革命留下的、尚無和平補救辦法的種種弊端予以矯正；絕對同意多數(shù)人的決定，因為這是共和制的主要原則，反之，不訴諸輿論而訴諸武力乃是專制的主要原則和直接根源；建立一支訓(xùn)練有來的民兵，作為平時和戰(zhàn)爭初期的最好依靠，直到正規(guī)軍來接替；實行文職權(quán)高于軍職權(quán)；節(jié)約政府開支，減輕勞工負(fù)擔(dān)；誠實地償還債務(wù)，莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)政府信譽；鼓勵農(nóng)業(yè)，輔之以商業(yè)；傳播信息，以公眾理智力準(zhǔn)繩補偏救弊；實行宗教自由；實行出版自由和人身自由，根據(jù)人身保護(hù)法和公正選出陪審團進(jìn)行審判來保證人身自由。這些原則構(gòu)成了明亮的星座，它在我們的前方照閘，指引我們經(jīng)歷了革命和改革時朗，先皙的智慧和英雄的鮮血都曾為實現(xiàn)這些原則作出過奉獻(xiàn)，這些原則應(yīng)當(dāng)是我們的政治信條，公民教育的課本，檢驗我們所信曹的人的工作的試金石，如果我們因一時錯誤或驚恐而背日這些原則，那就讓我們趕緊回頭，重返這唯一通向和平、自由和安全的大道。

各位公民，我即將擔(dān)當(dāng)起你們委派給我的職務(wù)。根據(jù)我擔(dān)任許多較低職務(wù)的經(jīng)驗，我已經(jīng)意識到這是最艱巨的職務(wù)，圇此，我能夠預(yù)期，當(dāng)一個并非盡善盡奏的人從這個職位卸任時，很少能像就任時那樣深手眾望。我不敢奢皇大家如同信任我們第一位最偉大的革命元勛那樣對我高度信任，因為他的卓著勛勞使他最有資格受到全國的愛戳，使他在忠實的史書中占有汲輝煌的一頁，我只要求大家給我相當(dāng)?shù)男湃危谷俗阋詧远ǖ?、有效地依法管理大家的事?wù)。由于判斷有誤，我會常常犯錯誤。即使我是正確的，那些不是站在統(tǒng)籌全局的立場上看問題的人，也會常常認(rèn)為我是錯誤的，我請求你們寬容我自己犯的鍺誤，而這些錯誤決不是故意犯的，我請求你們支持我反對別人的錯誤，而這些人如果通盤考慮，也是決不會犯的。從投票結(jié)果來看，大家對我的過去甚為嘉許，這是我莫大的安慰；今后我所渴望的是，力求賜予我好評的各位能保持這種好評，在我職權(quán)范圍內(nèi)為其他各位效勞以博得他們的好評，并為所有同胞們的幸福和自由而盡力。

現(xiàn)在，我仰承各位的好意，恭順地就任此職，一旦你們覺得需要作出你們有權(quán)作出的更好的選擇，我便準(zhǔn)備辭去此職。愿主宰夭地萬物命運的上帝引導(dǎo)我們的機構(gòu)臻于完善，并為大家的和平與昌盛，賜給它一個值得贊許的結(jié)果。

第三篇：美國總統(tǒng)就職演說

奧巴馬

Hello, Chicago.If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled.Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states.We are, and always will be, the United States of America.It's the answer that led those who've been told for so long by so many to be cynical and fearful and doubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment change has come to America.A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen.McCain.Sen.McCain fought long and hard in this campaign.And he's fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves.He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine.We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader.I congratulate him;I congratulate Gov.Palin for all that they've achieved.And I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart, and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on the train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation's next first lady Michelle Obama.Sasha and Malia I love you both more than you can imagine.And you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the new White House.And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother's watching, along with the family that made me who I am.I miss them tonight.I know that my debt to them is beyond measure.To my sister Maya, my sister Alma, all my other brothers and sisters, thank you so much for all the support that you've given me.I am grateful to them.1 And to my campaign manager, David Plouffe, the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best--the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the United States of America.To my chief strategist David Axelrod who's been a partner with me every step of the way.To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to.It belongs to you.It belongs to you.I was never the likeliest candidate for this office.We didn't start with much money or many endorsements.Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington.It began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep.It drew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized and proved that more than two centuries later a government of the people, by the people, and for the people has not perished from the Earth.This is your victory.And I know you didn't do this just to win an election.And I know you didn't do it for me.You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead.For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime--two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after the children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage or pay their doctors' bills or save enough for their child's college education.There's new energy to harness, new jobs to be created, new schools to build, and threats to meet, alliances to repair.The road ahead will be long.Our climb will be steep.We may not get there in one year or even in one term.But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there.I promise you, we as a people will get there.There will be setbacks and false starts.There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president.And we know the government can't solve 2 every problem.But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face.I will listen to you, especially when we disagree.And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it's been done in America for 221 years--block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night.This victory alone is not the change we seek.It is only the chance for us to make that change.And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.It can't happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves but each other.Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people.Let's resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long.Let's remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House, a party founded on the values of self-reliance and individual liberty and national unity.Those are values that we all share.And while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, we are not enemies but friends.Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices.I need your help.And I will be your president, too.And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces, to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world, our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand

To those--to those who would tear the world down: We will defeat you.To those who seek peace and security: We support you.And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.3 That's the true genius of America: that America can change.Our union can be perfected.What we've already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations.But one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta.She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.She was born just a generation past slavery;a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky;when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons--because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America--the heartache and the hope;the struggle and the progress;the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes we can.When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose.Yes we can.When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved.Yes we can.She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.。

Yes we can.America, we have come so far.We have seen so much.But there is so much more to do.So tonight, let us ask ourselves--if our children should live to see the next century;if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

This is our chance to answer that call.This is our moment.This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids;to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace;to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one;that while we breathe, we hope.And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and 4 those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.Thank you.God bless you.And may God bless the United States of America.美國是一個任何事情都有可能發(fā)生的國家,對于這一點如果還有任何人心存懷疑,對民主的力量還表示疑慮的話,今晚就是對這一問題的最好回答。

這個答案早已經(jīng)印在了到處懸掛在學(xué)校和教堂的競選條幅上,人們隨處可見;這些人們已經(jīng)等待了三四個小時,對于他們當(dāng)中的大多數(shù),這是有生以來第一次經(jīng)歷這樣的過程,因為他們堅信這一時刻注定與眾不同,而這種不同便有可能源自他們所發(fā)出的聲音。

這個答案出自這些人之口,無論是青年還是老年,窮人還是富人,民主黨還是共和黨,黑人還是白人,拉丁裔、亞裔還是美國本土人,同性戀者還是異性戀者,殘疾人還是非殘疾人——他們向世界發(fā)出了這樣的信息——我們從來不分紅色之州和藍(lán)色之州,我們永遠(yuǎn)都是美利堅合眾國。

這個答案告訴了那些一直以來充滿焦慮、恐懼和懷疑的人們,我們可以將雙手放在歷史的轉(zhuǎn)折點上,將它再次帶向充滿希望的美好明天。

這一刻我們已經(jīng)等待了太久,但是今晚,由于我們在這一決定性的時刻所作出的選擇,美國便迎來了它嶄新的一刻。

我剛剛接到了來自麥凱恩議員的電話。他在這場漫長而艱難的選舉中一直努力著,而他為他所熱愛的國家所付出的努力甚至更加艱辛而久遠(yuǎn)。可能我們當(dāng)中的很多人甚至都無法想象,麥凱恩議員從何時便開始為我們的國家奉獻(xiàn)自己,而我們卻早已享受到了這位勇敢無私的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者為國家所做出的貢獻(xiàn)。對于他和佩林所付出的努力,我表示衷心的感謝,同時我也期待著,能夠和他們一同努力,共同實現(xiàn)我們這幾個月來所做出的承諾。

我要感謝我的競選伙伴,新當(dāng)選的美國副總統(tǒng)喬·拜登,這一路走來,他始終遵循著自己內(nèi)心深處的那個聲音,他始終代表著那些和他一起在斯克蘭頓街邊長大,一起坐著火車回到故鄉(xiāng)特拉華州的人們的聲音。

如果沒有過去這16年來摯友的支持,沒有穩(wěn)定的家庭和對生活的愛,沒有我們國家的下一位第一夫人,米歇爾·奧巴馬,今晚我將不可能站在這里。薩莎和瑪麗亞,我愛你們,你們已經(jīng)得到了一只新的小狗,它將和我們一起入住白宮。還有我的祖母,雖然她已經(jīng)不能和我們一起分享這一刻,但是我知道,她正和我的家人一起,注視著我,陪我經(jīng)歷著這一刻。我不會忘記,是他們養(yǎng)育我成人,今晚我是如此的想念他們,我知道,我所虧欠他們的,是永遠(yuǎn)無法報答的恩情。

對我的競選負(fù)責(zé)人大衛(wèi)·普羅菲,我的首席戰(zhàn)略家大衛(wèi)·亞克瑟羅德以及有史以來最優(yōu)秀的競選團隊,我想對你們說的是——是你們成就了今天的一切,我將永遠(yuǎn)感激你們所付出的這一切。

但是,最重要的是,我將永遠(yuǎn)不會忘記,這個勝利是真正屬于你們的!我一直都不是最有希望的那個候選人,一開始的時候我們便沒有那么多的資金或支持。我們的競選之路并不是從華盛頓的高樓禮堂中開始的,它從德梅因的后院、協(xié)和酒店的客廳以及查爾斯頓的門廊中邁出了第一步。

它由那些需要從自己有限的存款中拿出5美元、10美元和20美元的工人們建立起來;那些摒棄了他們那一代人冷漠神話的年輕人,那些遠(yuǎn)離家鄉(xiāng)親人在外打拼卻只能賺得微薄工資的人們,那些抵抗著刺骨的寒冷和灼人的炎熱敲響了陌生人家大門的人們,是你們給了它 成長的力量;數(shù)以百萬計的美國人民自愿組織起來,他們想要去證明兩個多世紀(jì)之后,一個由人民組成的政府,一個屬于人民的政府,一個為了人民的政府是不會從地球上消亡的,這就是屬于你們的勝利!我知道,你們這樣做并不只是想贏得一場選舉,我也知道,你們這樣做并不是為我一個人。你們這樣做,是因為你們了解前方的任務(wù)是如何的艱巨。甚至就在我們慶祝的同時,我們也清楚地明白,明天將要面臨的挑戰(zhàn)是多么巨大——兩大戰(zhàn)爭,一個處于危險中的星球,本世紀(jì)最嚴(yán)重的經(jīng)濟危機。就在我們站在這里的同時,我們清楚地知道,還有許多勇敢的美國人正在伊拉克的沙漠和阿富汗的群山中醒來,為了我們而冒著生命的危險。還有許許多多的父母們,只有在自己的孩子入睡后才能躺下,他們?yōu)榉孔拥馁J款和醫(yī)院的賬單還有孩子們的學(xué)費而發(fā)愁。放心,我們會注入新的能量,創(chuàng)造新的就業(yè)機會,建設(shè)新的學(xué)校,面對威脅與挑戰(zhàn),修復(fù)我們的聯(lián)盟。

前方的道路還很漫長。我們所面臨的山峰是險峻的?；蛟S一年甚至很長一段時間我們都無法攀上峰頂,但是美國——我從來沒有像今晚這樣堅信,我們最終一定會到達(dá)。我向你保證——我們的民族最終會到達(dá)山頂?shù)摹?/p>

也許會有挫折坎坷,作為總統(tǒng)我所做出的決定和政策必定會遭到一些人的反對,而我們也知道政府不能夠解決所有問題。但是我將會誠實地告訴你們我們所面對的挑戰(zhàn)。我會耐心傾聽你們的心聲,尤其是在遇到分歧的時候。而最重要的是,我將會讓你們加入到重建我們國家的隊伍當(dāng)中來,沿著美國這221年來一直所走的那條道路——一塊塊磚瓦,一雙雙手,一點點堆砌出我們的家園。

21個月之前的那個冬天所開始的,不會在這個秋天的夜晚結(jié)束。這個勝利本身并不是我們所要找尋的改變——這只是一個改變的機會。如果我們回到老路上,那么一切都不會得到改變。沒有你們,這一切也不會得到改變。

那么,就讓我們重新召喚起愛國主義、公仆之心以及國家責(zé)任的精神來,每個人都參與其中,一起努力,不單只是關(guān)心自身,而是互相照顧。讓我們記住這場經(jīng)濟危機所教會我們的一點,如果主街道遭受了打擊,那么華爾街也不可能幸免——在這個國家,我們作為一個民族,一個整體,同存亡共榮辱。

讓我們摒棄掉那些長久以來一直危害我們的政治生活的那些幼稚瑣碎的黨派之爭。讓我們記住,是這個國家的人第一次將共和黨的橫幅掛在了白宮之上,而共和黨的建立便是基于對自力更生、獨立自由和國家統(tǒng)一價值的肯定。這一價值是我們所共享的,即便民主黨今晚贏得了大選,我們也會懷著謙虛的心態(tài),去消除這一分歧和隔膜。在面臨著比今天更嚴(yán)重的國家分裂時,林肯說過,“我們不是敵人,而是朋友。。我們友情的紐帶,或會因情緒激動而繃緊,但決不可折斷?！倍鴮τ谀切┪疫€沒有贏得支持的選民們——也許我還沒有贏得你們的選票,但是我聽到了你們聲音,我需要你們的幫助,而我也同樣是你們的總統(tǒng)。

對于那些遠(yuǎn)在大洋彼岸的,在國會和皇宮中,在我們這個世界被遺忘的角落中圍在收音機旁關(guān)注著大選之夜的人們——我們的故事是不同的,但是我們的命運卻是緊緊連在一起的,美國領(lǐng)袖新的一天的黎明即將到來。對于那些會將世界四分五裂的人們,我們將打敗你們,對于那些渴求和平和安全的人們,我們將支持你們。而對于所有那些想知道,自由女神像手中的火炬是否還會依舊閃耀光芒的人們,今晚我們再次證明了,我們民族的真正實力并不只是來自于武力和財富,而是來自于我們理想的力量:民主,自由,機遇以及永不屈服的希望。美國真正的天賦在于,它懂得改變。我們的聯(lián)盟會不斷完善自己。而我們已經(jīng)取得的成就給了我們希望,讓我們堅信我們能夠并且即將取得成功。

這次選舉擁有許多故事和數(shù)不清的第一次,它們將被世世代代流傳。但是今晚在我腦海中一直浮現(xiàn)的,是亞特蘭大一位女性選民。她就像成千上萬的其他選民一樣,排在隊伍中喊出自己的心聲,唯一不同的是——安·尼克松·庫伯已經(jīng)106歲了。她出生的時候正是奴隸制度解除之后;那時候還沒有汽車和飛機;像她一樣的人那個時候是沒有選舉權(quán)的,因為她是女人,還因為她皮膚的顏色。

但是今晚,我思考著她所經(jīng)歷的這一個世紀(jì)的美國——心痛和希望;斗爭與進(jìn)步;我們被告知我們不能做什么的時代,以及美國人的信條:是的,我們可以!在那個女性不能發(fā)出聲音的時代,在那個女性的希望被剝奪的時代,她看著她們站了起來,大聲說出自己的想法,投出了自己的選票。是的,我們可以!當(dāng)絕望和大蕭條襲來的時候,她看到了一個民族通過新政、新的工作和新的共同目的感戰(zhàn)勝了恐懼。是的,我們可以!當(dāng)炸彈在珍珠港爆炸,當(dāng)暴政威脅這個世界的時候,她見證了一代人的強大,見證了民主得到了捍衛(wèi)。是的,我們可以!她見證了蒙哥馬利汽車暴動,見證了塞爾瑪大橋事件,遇到了那位來自亞特蘭大的牧師,他告訴人們“我們終將會克服一切?！笔堑?我們可以!人類登上了月球,柏林墻倒塌了,世界由于我們自身的科學(xué)和想象力被連接到了一起。而在這一年,在這次選舉中,她的手指觸摸到了屏幕,她投出了自己的一票,因為在美國經(jīng)歷了106年的變遷,經(jīng)歷了最好的與最壞的時代后,她了解美國是如何變化的。是的,我們可以!美國,我們已經(jīng)走了這么遠(yuǎn),我們已經(jīng)看到了這么多,但是仍然有許多事情等待著我們?nèi)プ?。那么今?讓我們捫心自問——如果我們的孩子看到了下一個世紀(jì);如果我的女兒也能夠和安·尼克松·庫伯一樣幸運地活到了106歲,那么他們將會看到怎樣的變化？我們又將會取得什么樣的進(jìn)步？

對于我們來說,這正是一個對這一疑問給出回答的機會。這是我們的時刻,這是我們的時代——讓我們的人民重新回去工作,為我們的孩子打開機會的大門;積累財富,促進(jìn)和平;重拾美國夢,重申基本的真象——相對于大多數(shù)而言,我們是獨一無二的;當(dāng)我們呼吸時,我們希望,在我們面對譏笑、懷疑以及別人對我們說我們不能的時候,我們將會用凝聚了人類精神的永恒信條作出回應(yīng): 是的,我們可以!謝謝你們,愿上帝保佑你們,愿上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。喬治布什

January 20, 2001

President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation;and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story.A story we continue, but whose end we will not see.It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story.A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws;and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea.Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along;and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth;and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it.Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation;and this is my solemn pledge, “I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.” I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil.We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens.Every child must be taught these principles.Every citizen must uphold them;and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility.A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small.If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism.If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share.Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment.It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos.This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good.Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us.We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives;we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent;we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans;we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge;and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom.We will defend our allies and our interests;we will show purpose without arrogance;we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength;and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate.In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer.Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.I can pledge our nation to a goal, “When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.”

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience.Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles, “to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.” In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;to defend needed reforms against easy attacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens.Citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?” Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, “our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.”

We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose.Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today;to make our country more just and generous;to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues.This story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.謝謝大家！

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特總統(tǒng)，布什總統(tǒng)，克林頓總統(tǒng)，尊敬的來賓們，我的同胞們，這次權(quán)利的和平過渡在歷史上是罕見的，但在美國是平常的。我們以樸素的宣誓莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)了古老的傳統(tǒng)，同時開始了新的歷程。

首先，我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為這個國家作出的貢獻(xiàn)，也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈爾在競選過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。

站在這里，我很榮幸，也有點受寵若驚。在我之前，許多美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里起步；在我之后，也會有許多領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。

在美國悠久的歷史中，我們每個人都有自己的位置；我們還在繼續(xù)推動著歷史前進(jìn)，但是我們不可能看到它的盡頭。這是一部新世界的發(fā)展史，是一部后浪推前浪的歷史。這是一部美國由奴隸制社會發(fā)展成為崇尚自由的社會的歷史。這是一個強國保護(hù)而不是占有世界的歷史，是捍衛(wèi)而不是征服世界的歷史。這就是美國史。它不是一部十全十美的民族發(fā)展史，但它是一部在偉大和永恒理想指導(dǎo)下幾代人團結(jié)奮斗的歷史。

這些理想中最偉大的是正在慢慢實現(xiàn)的美國的承諾，這就是：每個人都有自身的價值，每個人都有成功的機會，每個人天生都會有所作為的。美國人民肩負(fù)著一種使命，那就是要竭力將這個諾言變成生活中和法律上的現(xiàn)實。雖然我們的國家過去在追求實現(xiàn)這個承諾的途中停滯不前甚至倒退，但我們?nèi)詫远ú灰频赝瓿蛇@一使命。

在上個世紀(jì)的大部分時間里，美國自由民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石?，F(xiàn)在它更像風(fēng)中的種子，把自由帶給每個民族。在我們的國家，民主不僅僅是一種信念，而是全人類的希望。民主，我們不會獨占，而會竭力讓大家分享。民主，我們將銘記于心并且不斷傳播。225年過去了，我們?nèi)杂泻荛L的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人開始懷疑，懷疑我們自己的國家所許下的諾言，甚至懷疑它的公正。失敗的教育，潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境限制了一些美國人的雄心。有時，我們的分歧是如此之深，似乎我們雖身處同一個大陸，但不屬于同一個國家。我們不能接受這種分歧，也無法容許它的存在。我們的團結(jié)和統(tǒng)一，是每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和每一個公民的嚴(yán)肅使命。在此，我鄭重宣誓：我將竭力建設(shè)一個公正、充滿機會的統(tǒng)一國家。我知道這是我們的目標(biāo)，因為上帝按自己的身形創(chuàng)造了我們，上帝高于一切的力量將引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)。

對這些將我們團結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則，我們充滿信心。血緣、出身或地域從未將美國聯(lián)合起來。只有理想，才能使我們心系一處，超越自己，放棄個人利益，并逐步領(lǐng)會何謂公民。每個孩子都必須學(xué)習(xí)這些原則。每個公民都必須堅持這些原則。每個移民，只有接受這些原則，才能使我們的國家不喪失而更具美國特色今天，我們在這里重申一個新的信念，即通過發(fā)揚謙恭、勇氣、同情心和個性的精神來實現(xiàn)我們國家的理想。美國在它最鼎盛時也沒忘記遵循謙遜有禮的原則。一個文明的社會需要我們每個人品質(zhì)優(yōu)良，尊重他人，為人公平和寬宏大量。

有人認(rèn)為我們的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因為在和平年代，我們所爭論的話題都是無關(guān)緊要的。但是，對我們美國來說，我們所討論的問題從來都不是什么小事。如果我們不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和平事業(yè)，那么和平將無人來領(lǐng)導(dǎo)；如果我們不引導(dǎo)我們的孩子們真心地?zé)釔壑R、發(fā)揮個性，他們的天分將得不到發(fā)揮，理想將難以實現(xiàn)。如果我們不采取適當(dāng)措施，任憑經(jīng)濟衰退，最大的受害者將是平民百姓。

我們應(yīng)該時刻聽取時代的呼喚。謙遜有禮不是戰(zhàn)術(shù)也不是感情用事。這是我們最堅定的選擇--在批評聲中贏得信任；在混亂中尋求統(tǒng)一。如果遵循這樣的承諾，我們將會享有共同的成就。

美國有強大的國力作后盾，將會勇往直前。

在大蕭條和戰(zhàn)爭時期，我們的人民在困難面前表現(xiàn)得無比英勇，克服我們共同的困難體現(xiàn)了我們共同的優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)?，F(xiàn)在，我們正面臨著選擇，如果我們作出正確的選擇，祖輩一定會激勵我們；如果我們的選擇是錯誤的，祖輩會譴責(zé)我們的。上帝正眷顧著這個國家，我們必須顯示出我們的勇氣，敢于面對問題，而不是將它們遺留給我們的后代。

我們要共同努力，健全美國的學(xué)校教育，不能讓無知和冷漠吞噬更多的年輕生命。我們要改革社會醫(yī)療和保險制度，在力所能及的范圍內(nèi)拯救我們的孩子。我們要減低稅收，恢復(fù)經(jīng)濟，酬勞辛勤工作的美國人民。我們要防患于未然，懈怠會帶來麻煩。我們還要阻止武器泛濫，使新的世紀(jì)擺脫恐怖的威脅。

反對自由和反對我們國家的人應(yīng)該明白：美國仍將積極參與國際事務(wù)，力求世界力量的均衡，讓自由的力量遍及全球。這是歷史的選擇。我們會保護(hù)我們的盟國，捍衛(wèi)我們的利益。我們將謙遜地向世界人民表示我們的目標(biāo)。我們將堅決反擊各種侵略和不守信用的行徑。我們要向全世界宣傳孕育了我們偉大民族的價值觀。

正處在鼎盛時期的美國也不缺乏同情心。

當(dāng)我們靜心思考，我們就會明了根深蒂固的貧窮根本不值得我國作出承諾。無論我們?nèi)绾慰创毟F的原因，我們都必須承認(rèn)，孩子敢于冒險不等于在犯錯誤。放縱與濫用都為上帝所不容。這些都是缺乏愛的結(jié)果。監(jiān)獄數(shù)量的增長雖然看起來是有必要的，但并不能代替我們心中的希望-人人遵紀(jì)守法。

哪里有痛苦，我們的義務(wù)就在哪里。對我們來說，需要幫助的美國人不是陌生人，而是我們的公民；不是負(fù)擔(dān)，而是急需救助的對象。當(dāng)有人陷入絕望時，我們大家都會因此變得渺小。

對公共安全和大眾健康，對民權(quán)和學(xué)校教育，政府都應(yīng)負(fù)有極大的責(zé)任。然而，同情心不只是政府的職責(zé)，更是整個國家的義務(wù)。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些傷痕是如此的深刻，只有導(dǎo)師的愛撫、牧師的祈禱才能有所感觸。不論是教堂還是慈善機構(gòu)、猶太會堂還是清真寺，都賦予了我們的社會它們特有的人性，因此它們理應(yīng)在我們的建設(shè)和法律上受到尊重。

我們國家的許多人都不知道貧窮的痛苦。但我們可以聽到那些感觸頗深的人們的傾訴。我發(fā)誓我們的國家要達(dá)到一種境界：當(dāng)我們看見受傷的行人倒在遠(yuǎn)行的路上，我們決不會袖手旁觀。

正處于鼎盛期的美國重視并期待每個人擔(dān)負(fù)起自己的責(zé)任。

鼓勵人們勇于承擔(dān)責(zé)任不是讓人們充當(dāng)替罪羊，而是對人的良知的呼喚。雖然承擔(dān)責(zé)任意味著犧牲個人利益，但是你能從中體會到一種更加深刻的成就感。

我們實現(xiàn)人生的完整不單是通過擺在我們面前的選擇，而且是通過我們的實踐來實現(xiàn)。我們知道，通過對整個社會和我們的孩子們盡我們的義務(wù)，我們將得到最終自由。

我們的公共利益依賴于我們獨立的個性；依賴于我們的公民義務(wù)，家庭紐帶和基本的公正；依賴于我們無數(shù)的、默默無聞的體面行動，正是它們指引我們走向自由。

在生活中，有時我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動地的事情。但是，正如我們時代的一位圣人所言，每一天我們都被召喚帶著摯愛去做一些小事情。一個民主制度最重要的任務(wù)是由大家每一個人來完成的。

我為人處事的原則包括：堅信自己而不強加于人，為公眾的利益勇往直前，追求正義而不乏同情心，勇?lián)?zé)任而決不推卸。我要通過這一切，用我們歷史上傳統(tǒng)價值觀來哺育我們的時代。

(同胞們)，你們所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我希望你們不要僅僅追求個人享受而忽略公眾的利益；要捍衛(wèi)既定的改革措施，使其不會輕易被攻擊；要從身邊小事做起，為我們的國家效力。我希望你們成為真正的公民，而不是旁觀者，更不是臣民。你們應(yīng)成為有責(zé)任心的公民，共同來建設(shè)一個互幫互助的社會和有特色的國家。

美國人民慷慨、強大、體面，這并非因為我們信任我們自己，而是因為我們擁有超越我們自己的信念。一旦這種公民精神喪失了，無論何種政府計劃都無法彌補它。一旦這種精神出現(xiàn)了，無論任何錯誤都無法抗衡它。

在《獨立宣言》簽署之后，弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰?佩齊曾給托馬斯?杰弗遜寫信說：“我們知道，身手敏捷不一定就能贏得比賽，力量強大不一定就能贏得戰(zhàn)爭。難道這一切不都是上帝安排的嗎？”

杰斐遜就任總統(tǒng)的那個年代離我們已經(jīng)很遠(yuǎn)了。時光飛逝，美國發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化。但是有一點他肯定能夠預(yù)知，即我們這個時代的主題仍然是：我們國家無畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊嚴(yán)的純樸夢想。

我們不是這個故事的作者，是杰斐遜作者本人的偉大理想穿越時空，并通過我們每天的努力在變?yōu)楝F(xiàn)實。我們正在通過大家的努力在履行著各自的職責(zé)。

帶著永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭的信念，今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo)：使我們的國家變得更加公正、更加慷慨，去驗證我們每個人和所有人生命的尊嚴(yán)。

這項工作必須繼續(xù)下去。這個故事必須延續(xù)下去。上帝會駕馭我們航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美國！

克林頓

January 20, 1993

My fellow citizens :

Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.Thank you, and God bless you all.比爾?克林頓 第一次就職演講

星期三,1993年1月20日

同胞們：

今天，我們慶祝美國復(fù)興的奇跡。這個儀式雖在隆冬舉行，然而，我們通過自己的言語和向世界展示的面容、卻促使春回大地--回到了世界上這個最古老的民主國家，并帶來了重新創(chuàng)造美國的遠(yuǎn)見和勇氣。

當(dāng)我國的締造者勇敢地向世界宣布美國獨立，并向上帝表明自 己的目的時，他們知道，美國若要永存，就必須變革。不是為變革而變革，而是為了維護(hù)美國的理想--為了生命、自由和追求幸福而變革。盡管我們隨著當(dāng)今時代 的節(jié)拍前進(jìn)，但我們的使命永恒不變。每一代美國人，部必須為作為一個美國人意味著什么下定義。今天，在冷戰(zhàn)陰影下成長起來的一代人，在世界上負(fù)起了新的責(zé) 任。這個世界雖然沐浴著自由的陽光，但仍受到舊仇宿怨和新的禍患的威脅。

我們在無與倫比的繁榮中長大，繼承了仍然是世界上最強大的經(jīng)濟。但由于企業(yè)倒閉，工資增長停滯、不平等狀況加劇，人民的分歧加深，我們的經(jīng)濟已經(jīng)削弱。

當(dāng)喬治?華盛頓第一次宣讀我剛才宜讀的誓言時，人們騎馬把 那個信息緩慢地傳遍大地，繼而又來船把它傳過海洋。而現(xiàn)在，這個儀式的情景和聲音即刻向全球幾十億人播放。通信和商務(wù)具有全球性，投資具有流動性；技術(shù)幾 乎具有魔力；改善生活的理想現(xiàn)在具有 17 普遍性。今天，我們美國人通過同世界各地人民進(jìn)行和平競爭來謀求生存。各種深遠(yuǎn)而強大的力量正在震撼和改造我們的世 界，當(dāng)今時代的當(dāng)務(wù)之急是我們能否使變革成為我們的朋友，而不是成為我們的敵人。

這個新世界已經(jīng)使幾百萬能夠參與競爭并且取勝的美國人過上 了富裕的生活。但是，當(dāng)多數(shù)人干得越多反而掙得越少的時候，當(dāng)有些人根本不可能工作的時候，當(dāng)保健費用的重負(fù)使眾多家庭不堪承受、使大大小小的企業(yè)瀕臨破 產(chǎn)的時候，當(dāng)犯罪活動的恐懼使守法公民不能自由行動的時候，當(dāng)千百萬貧窮兒童甚至不能想象我們呼喚他們過的那種生活的時候，我們就沒有使變革成為我們的朋 友。我們知道，我們必須面對嚴(yán)酷的事實真相，并采取強有力的步驟。但我們沒有這樣做，而是聽之任之，以致?lián)p耗了我們的資源，破壞了我們的經(jīng)濟，動搖了我們 的信心。

我們面臨驚人的挑戰(zhàn)，但我們同樣具有驚人的力量，美國人歷來是不安現(xiàn)狀、不斷追求和充滿希望的民族，今天，我們必須把前人的遠(yuǎn)見卓識和堅強意志帶到我們的任務(wù)中去。從革命，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，大蕭條，直到民權(quán)運動，我國人民總是下定決心，從歷次危機中構(gòu)筑我國歷史的支柱。

托馬斯?杰斐遜認(rèn)為，為了維護(hù)我國的根基，我們需要時常進(jìn)行激動人心的變革。美國同胞們，我們的時代就是變革的時代，讓我們擁抱這個時代吧！

我們的民主制度不僅要成為舉世稱羨的目標(biāo)，而且要成為舉國復(fù)興的動力。美國沒有任何錯誤的東西不能被正確的東西所糾正。因此，我們今天立下誓言，要結(jié)束這個僵持停頓、放任自流的時代，一個復(fù)興美國的新時代已經(jīng)開始。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須鼓足勇氣。我們必須做前人無需做的 事情。我們必須更多地投資于人民，投資于他們的工作和未來，與此同時，我們必須減少巨額債務(wù)。而且，我們必須在一個需要為每個機會而競爭的世界上做到這一 切。這樣做并不容易：這樣做要求作出犧牲。但是，這是做得到的，而且能做得公平合理。我們不是為犧牲而犧牲，我們必須像家庭供養(yǎng)子女那樣供養(yǎng)自己的國家。

我國的締造者是用子孫后代的眼光來審視自己的。我們也必須 這樣做。凡是注意過孩子蒙?o人睡的人，都知道后代意味著什么，后代就是將要到來的世界--我們?yōu)橹畧猿肿约旱睦硐耄覀兿蛑栌眠@個星球，我們對之負(fù)有 神圣的責(zé)任。我們必須做美國最拿手的事情：為所有的人提供更多的機會，要所有的人負(fù)起更多的責(zé)任。

現(xiàn)在是破除只求向政府和別人免費索取的惡習(xí)的時候了。讓我們大家不僅為自己和家庭，而且為社區(qū)和國家擔(dān)負(fù)起更多的責(zé)任吧。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須恢復(fù)我們民主制度的活力。這個美麗的首都，就像文明的曙光出現(xiàn)以來的每一個首都一樣，常常是爾虞我詐、明爭暗斗之地。大腕人物爭權(quán)奪勢，沒完沒了地為官員的更替升降而煩神，卻忘記了那些用辛勤和汗水把我們送到這里來，并養(yǎng)活了我們的人。

美國人理應(yīng)得到更好的回報。在這個城市里，今天有人想把事 情辦得更好一些。因此，我要時所有在場的人說：讓我們下定決心改革政治，使權(quán)力和特權(quán)的喧囂不再壓倒人民的呼 聲。讓我們撇開個人利益。這樣我們就能覺察美 國的病痛，并看到官的希望。讓我們下定決心，使政府成為富蘭克林?羅斯福所說的進(jìn)行“大膽而持久試驗”的地方，成為一個面向未來而不是留戀過去的政府。讓 我們把這個首都?xì)w還給它所屬于的人民。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須迎接國內(nèi)外的種種挑戰(zhàn)。國外和國內(nèi)事務(wù)之間已不再有明確的界限--世界經(jīng)濟，世界環(huán)境，世界艾滋病危機，世界軍備競賽，這一切都在影響著我們大家。

我們在國內(nèi)進(jìn)行重建的同時，面對這個新世界的挑戰(zhàn)不會退縮不前，也下會坐失良機。我們將同盟友一起努力進(jìn)行變革，以免被變革所吞沒。當(dāng)我們的重要利益受到挑戰(zhàn)，或者，當(dāng)國際社會的意志和良知受到蔑視，我們將采取行動--可能時就采用和平外交手段，必要時就使用武力。

今天，在波斯灣、索馬里和任何其他地方為國效力的勇敢的美國人，都證明了我們的決心。

但是，我們最偉大的力量是我們思想的威力。這些思想在許多國家仍然處于萌芽階段。看到這些思想在世界各地被接受，我們感到歡欣鼓舞。我們的希望，我們的心，與每一個大陸正在建立民主和自由的人們是連在一起的。他們的事業(yè)也是美國的事業(yè)。

美國人民喚來了我們今天所慶祝的變革。你們毫不含糊地齊聲疾呼。你們以前所未有的人數(shù)參加了投票。你們使國會、總統(tǒng)職務(wù)和政治進(jìn)程本身全都面目一新。是的，是你們，我的美國同胞們，促使春回大地。

現(xiàn)在，我們必須做這個季節(jié)需要做的工作。現(xiàn)在，我就運用我的全部職權(quán)轉(zhuǎn)向這項工作。我請求國會同我一道做這項工作。任何總統(tǒng)、任何國會、任何政府都不能單獨完成這一使命。同胞們，在我國復(fù)興的過程中，你們也必須發(fā)揮作用。

我向新一代美國年輕人挑戰(zhàn)，要求你們投入這一奉獻(xiàn)的季節(jié)--按照你們的理想主義行動起來，使不幸的兒童得到幫助，使貧困的人們得到關(guān)懷，使四分五裂的社區(qū)恢復(fù)聯(lián)系。要做的事情很多--確實夠多的，以至幾百萬在精神上仍然年輕的人也可作出奉獻(xiàn)。

在奉獻(xiàn)過程中，我們認(rèn)識到相互需要這一簡單而又強大的真 理。我們必須相互關(guān)心.今天，我們不僅是在贊頌美國，我們再一次把自己奉獻(xiàn)給美國的理想：這個理想在革命中誕生，在兩個世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)中更新；這個理想經(jīng)受了 認(rèn)識的考驗，大家認(rèn)識到，若不是命運的安排，幸運者或不幸者有可能互換位置；這個理想由于一種信念而變得崇高，即我國能夠從紛繁的多佯性中實現(xiàn)最深刻的統(tǒng) 一性，這個理想洋溢著一種信：美國漫長而英勇的旅程必將永遠(yuǎn)繼續(xù)。同胞們，在我惻即將跨入21世紀(jì)之際，讓我們以旺盛的精力和滿腔的希望，以堅定的信心和 嚴(yán)明的紀(jì)律開始工作，直到把工作完成。《圣經(jīng)》說：“我們行善，不可喪志，若不灰心，到了時候，就要收成?！?/p>

在這個歡樂的山巔，我們聽見山谷里傳來了要我們作出奉獻(xiàn)的召喚。我們聽到了號角聲。我們已經(jīng)換崗?，F(xiàn)在，我們必須以各自的方式，在上帝的幫助下響應(yīng)這一召喚。

謝謝大家。上帝保佑大家。

里根

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?

We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.23

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.羅納德-里根 第一次就職演說

第40任總統(tǒng)(1981年-1989年)

議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發(fā)言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：今天對于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴(yán)隆重的時刻。當(dāng)然，對于這個國家的歷史來說，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交，我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀(jì)，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個我們已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實在是一個奇跡。

總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實：我們是發(fā)誓要團結(jié)起來維護(hù)這樣一個政治體制的團體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。

我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟決策，打擊著節(jié)儉的風(fēng)氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟等方面的大動蕩。

作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認(rèn)為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。

我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作為現(xiàn)在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當(dāng)前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

我們時常誤以為，社會已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明?？墒?，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團的談?wù)?，然而。我們必須關(guān)心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區(qū)域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有 政黨之分，這個 25 集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實業(yè)家、店主、職 員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們?nèi)嗣瘛?-這個稱之為美國人的民族。

本屆政府的日標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會，讓美國重新工作起 來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強大、繁榮、國內(nèi)穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國。

因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政府 除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒有任何別的權(quán)力。目前，政府權(quán)力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)這種狀況的時候到了。

我打算壓縮聯(lián)邦機構(gòu)的規(guī)模和權(quán)力，并要求大家承認(rèn)聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng) 立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。因此，請不要誤會，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩 而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機會，而不是扼殺機會，它能夠而且必須促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力，而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

如果我們要探究這么多年來我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個 人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里，個人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴(yán)超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價有時相當(dāng)高昂，但我們從來沒 有不愿意付出這代價。

我們目前的困難，與政府機構(gòu)因為不必要的過度膨脹而干預(yù)、侵?jǐn)_我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。我們是一個泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢想，現(xiàn)在正是認(rèn)識到這一點的時候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們 什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個國家復(fù)興的時代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。我們完全有權(quán)去做英雄夢。

有人告訴我們在他的身上發(fā)現(xiàn)一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標(biāo)題：“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語：“美國必須贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭。為此，我會奮斗，我會拯救，我會犧牲，我會忍受，我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰(zhàn)，就好比所有的戰(zhàn)爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負(fù)?！?/p>

第四篇：1817年美國總統(tǒng)詹姆斯·門羅第一次就職演說

如果我對同胞們充分信任我而召喚我擔(dān)任這一重要職務(wù)無動于衷，那我就未免過分缺乏感情。他們對我公務(wù)工作的好評，使我獲得了一種滿足，這種滿足只有那確知自己為此曾竭盡全力的人才體驗得到。由于正確估計到這種信任的重要性和該職務(wù)的性質(zhì)和范圍，特別是履行這一職務(wù)與我們偉大自由的人民的最高利益緊密相連，我更感惶惑。由于意識到自己的不足，在開始履行這些義務(wù)時，我無法不對將來的結(jié)果深表憂慮。但是我相信，就像我的其他任職經(jīng)歷一樣，只要我盡力促進(jìn)公共福利，我的動機自會得到恰當(dāng)評價，公眾也會以公正和愛護(hù)的眼光看待我的行為，因此對應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任我絕不會裹足不前。

明確闡述各自執(zhí)政的指導(dǎo)原則，這是歷任杰出總統(tǒng)在執(zhí)政開始前的慣例。在仿效這些令人尊敬的榜樣時，我自然把注意力集中于在很大程度上造就當(dāng)前美國幸福生活的主要原因。這些原因?qū)⒛艹浞终f明我的職責(zé)的性質(zhì)，并指明我們未來應(yīng)該推行的政策。

從獨立戰(zhàn)爭開始至今，一有四十年飛逝而過，就連憲法的頒布距今也已二十八年了。在此期間，我們的政府一直是個自治政府。其結(jié)果如何呢？無論我們考察哪一方面，無論關(guān)系國外還是國內(nèi)問題，我們都由足夠的理由慶幸自己擁有優(yōu)越的制度。在充滿艱辛和重大事件的歲月里，我們的國家仍能空前繁榮，公民們?nèi)巳诵腋？鞓?，國家昌盛發(fā)達(dá)。

在憲法指導(dǎo)下，對外貿(mào)易和州際商務(wù)得到有效的管理；不斷有新州加入聯(lián)邦；我國的疆域通過公平莊嚴(yán)的條約不斷擴大，并給原有的各州帶來了很多好處；各州受到全國政府溫和而愛撫的制度的保護(hù)以對付外來威脅，由于明智的權(quán)利分配和合理地享有主權(quán)，各州改善了州內(nèi)治安，擴大了居住范圍，日漸強大成熟，這足以證明了健全的法制得到了很好的貫徹。試看我國公民的個人狀況，這是怎樣一幅令人驕傲的景象?。≡谖覀兒媳妵娜魏蔚胤?，誰遭受了壓迫？誰被剝奪了人身權(quán)利或財產(chǎn)權(quán)利？誰不能用自己的方式崇拜上帝？眾所周知，我們已充分享有這些幸福。我感到特別滿意的是，我們沒有任何人因嚴(yán)重叛國罪而遭受極刑。

有些人雖承認(rèn)我國政府承擔(dān)這些有益任務(wù)的能力，但他們或許會懷疑，作為龐大的國際社會的成員，政府的這種力量和效能是否經(jīng)得起考驗。在這一點上，歷史也已給予我們罪滿意的證明。當(dāng)美國憲法付諸實施之時，歐洲幾個主要國家因此而大為不安，有些甚至驚恐不已。毀滅性戰(zhàn)爭隨之爆發(fā)，直到最近才告結(jié)束。在這些沖突過程中，合眾國受到多方的傷害，當(dāng)時我們避免卷入沖突，向損害我們的國家要求公平，力求以公平而體面的行為求得與各國的友誼。不幸戰(zhàn)爭最終仍然不可避免。其結(jié)果表明，在最不利的條件下，我國政府經(jīng)受住了最嚴(yán)峻的考驗。當(dāng)然我無須在此贅述人民的美德和我國陸、海軍及民兵的英勇業(yè)績。

這就是我們所擁有的美好政府。它符合社會契約論的所有要求；所有部門都經(jīng)選舉產(chǎn)生，故每個公民均可靠自己的功績和品質(zhì)被選舉擔(dān)任憲法承認(rèn)的最高職位；我國政府自身不含任何導(dǎo)致分歧的因子，也不會造成社會紛爭；它保證每個公民充分行使自己的權(quán)利，保護(hù)國家民族免遭外國的欺辱。

其他諸多至關(guān)重要的因素也告誡我們，要熱愛自己的聯(lián)邦，并終于支持聯(lián)邦的政府。我們很幸運擁有這樣的政治體制，但我們的繁榮與幸福所依靠的其他條件也并不遜色。我國地處溫帶，又沿大西洋跨越諸多緯度，因此我們擁有多種氣候并得以享受相應(yīng)的豐富物產(chǎn)。五大湖互相聯(lián)結(jié)，各大河流又通向內(nèi)地，沒有一個國家能像合眾國這樣，擁有如此優(yōu)越的疆域。同樣，受惠于肥沃的土地，我國的農(nóng)產(chǎn)品總是非常豐富，即使在收成最差的年代，我們也有余糧幫組他國人民。這就是我國的幸運之所在，對此全國各地?zé)o一不特別關(guān)注地加以維護(hù)。在聯(lián)邦保護(hù)之下，我國農(nóng)業(yè)繁榮昌盛。地區(qū)性利益也同樣得到發(fā)展，從事航海的北方同胞受到了巨大鼓舞，因為他們成為合眾國其他地區(qū)大量產(chǎn)品廣受歡迎的運輸者，同時由于培養(yǎng)了海員，建立并訓(xùn)練了一支保護(hù)我們共同權(quán)利的海軍，全國其他地區(qū)的人民也受益匪淺，由于保護(hù)民族工業(yè)的政策，由于剩余產(chǎn)品靠國內(nèi)不發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)的需要而找到了穩(wěn)定有利的市場，我國的制造業(yè)受到了巨大的推動。

這就是我國目前的的大好形勢，每個公民都有義務(wù)加以維護(hù)。那么威脅我們的危險又是什么呢？如果存在危險，我們應(yīng)該了然于胸并防止其發(fā)生。

為了表達(dá)我對這個問題的看法，我們不妨試問，是什么造成了今日如此令人滿意的境況？我們又如何取得了獨立革命的勝利？我們是怎樣在不損害各州和個人權(quán)利的前提下，通過向全國政府充分授權(quán)而成功地彌補了聯(lián)盟最初體制上的缺陷？我們又是怎樣經(jīng)受并贏得了最近的這次戰(zhàn)爭？這是因為，政府一直掌握在人民的手中，功勞應(yīng)歸于人民以及那些受命于人民、忠誠而有能力的公務(wù)人員，如果美國人民受到別的原則的教育，如果他們不是如此明智與獨立，如果他們不是擁有如此高尚的德行，誰又會相信我們能夠保持目前平穩(wěn)而連續(xù)的建設(shè)事業(yè)，或取得這樣的成功呢？然而，這要選舉體制保持目前合理、健全的狀態(tài)，一切就會平安無事，人民會為各部門選出能干而忠實的人員。只有當(dāng)人民變得無知、愚昧、腐化、墮落或蛻化為群氓之時，他們才無法行使主權(quán)。這樣，篡權(quán)陰謀很容易實現(xiàn)，篡權(quán)者也會應(yīng)運而生。人民便成為自甘墮落和自行毀滅的工具。那么就讓我們關(guān)注這一偉大事業(yè)，盡力使其充滿活力吧。作為維護(hù)自由權(quán)利的最有效的方法，讓我們用一切合法的手段去開發(fā)人民的心智。

來自國外的威脅也同樣不可忽視。從他國經(jīng)歷得知，合眾國有可能再次卷入戰(zhàn)爭。在那種情況下，顛覆我們的政府，破壞我們的聯(lián)邦，消滅我們的國家，就會成為敵人的目標(biāo)。盡管我們同歐洲遠(yuǎn)隔千里，盡管我國政府公正、溫和的和平政策有助于抵御這些威脅，但我們?nèi)詰?yīng)時刻警惕并作好準(zhǔn)備。我們?nèi)嗣裰杏性S多人從事商業(yè)和航海業(yè)，而他們都在一定程度上與國家的繁榮息息相關(guān)，許多人從事漁業(yè)，一旦其他國家發(fā)生戰(zhàn)爭，我們的這些利益都會受到侵犯，如果我們預(yù)見不到這一點，那就是無視經(jīng)驗教訓(xùn)。我們一定要捍衛(wèi)自己的權(quán)利，否則就會辱沒國格，進(jìn)而失去自由。一個民族做不到這一點，它就無法屹立于世界獨立國家之林。國家榮譽是最寶貴的國家財富。每個公民腦海里的愛國之情是國家力量之所在，因此必須好好珍惜。

為了防御這些威脅，我們應(yīng)鞏固海防和陸基。我們的陸軍和海軍應(yīng)依照各自的力量情況以合理的原則加以管理，使之井然有序。民兵也應(yīng)有實戰(zhàn)準(zhǔn)備。為了使我國的漫長海岸線達(dá)到一種可以確保城市及內(nèi)地免受侵犯的防御狀態(tài)，無疑要耗費巨資，但一旦這一工程完成，其作用將是永恒的。我們不妨這樣假設(shè)：一直強于我們的海軍，配以數(shù)千人的地面部隊，對

我們發(fā)動以此進(jìn)攻，使我們遭受的損失，即使不將我國公民的財產(chǎn)損失和所受磨難計算在內(nèi)，也遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過實施這一偉大工程的費用。我國的陸、海軍應(yīng)該規(guī)模適度，但又足以應(yīng)必要之需，前者防守、保衛(wèi)我們的軍事要塞并打退外來敵人的最初入侵，而且，作為一直更強大力量的組成部分，它應(yīng)使作戰(zhàn)技術(shù)和所有必要的軍事設(shè)施處于一旦戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)就能投入使用的狀態(tài)；后者在和平時期保持適當(dāng)建制，在他國發(fā)生戰(zhàn)爭時，幫助合眾國保持由尊嚴(yán)的中立，并保護(hù)合眾國公民的財產(chǎn)免遭劫掠。在戰(zhàn)爭期間，隨著海軍規(guī)模的擴大，無論是作為輔助的防御力量，還是作為強大的打擊手段，都有助于減少戰(zhàn)爭帶來的災(zāi)難和迅速體面地結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭。在我們巨大的海上資源允許的范圍內(nèi)擴大海軍的規(guī)模，這一工作在和平時期就應(yīng)及時推行。

但是，我們應(yīng)始終堅信：合眾國各州及自由民族所珍惜的一切事務(wù)的安全，在很大程度上都依賴于民兵。外敵進(jìn)攻可能過于強大，用我國政府的原則或美國的情況允許維持的海、陸軍已不足以抵制。在這種情況下，就必須以能夠產(chǎn)生最好結(jié)果的方式號召廣大人民。因此，當(dāng)務(wù)之急是組織和訓(xùn)練人民，以應(yīng)付各種緊急情況。政府應(yīng)該掌握全國上下強烈的愛國主義和朝氣蓬勃的熱情。只要將其建立在平等和公正的原則之上，就不會帶來壓制性的后果。產(chǎn)生壓力是危機，而非提供解決方法的法律。因此，在和平時期也應(yīng)進(jìn)行這種準(zhǔn)備工作，以便更好地防備戰(zhàn)爭。由這樣的人民組成這樣的組織，美國就不必懼怕任何外來的侵略。即使外來侵略臨近，一支由勇士們組成的強大的武裝力量便隨時可以投入使用。

其他及其重要的事項也應(yīng)引起注意，其中以憲法手段改善全國公路和運河狀況的工作顯得尤為突出。通過這樣促進(jìn)各州之間的交往，我們可以使我國人民的生活更加便利、舒適，可以使國家建設(shè)錦上添花，更重要的是，我們將縮短各地間的距離，而且通過使各地更多的接觸和相互依賴，我們能夠使聯(lián)邦更緊密地團結(jié)起來。大自然恩賜我們國家如此眾多的大河、港灣和湖泊，使相距迢遙的地區(qū)相互之間變得如此接近，從而使激勵我們完成這項工程的動力顯得特別強大。也許只有在合眾國的領(lǐng)域內(nèi)才能顯示出這樣一種有趣的景觀，我國領(lǐng)土如此廣闊，地理位置如此優(yōu)越，蘊藏的資源如此豐富有用，而各個部分又是那么和諧地連結(jié)在一起！

同樣，我國的制造業(yè)也需要政府的扶植與保護(hù)。依照我們擁有的，由我國土地和基礎(chǔ)工業(yè)提供的原材料，我們不應(yīng)像這樣依賴外國的物質(zhì)供應(yīng)。只要我們存在這種依附性，一旦那種無法預(yù)料的突發(fā)性戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)，我們很容易陷入最為困難的境地，還有一點也很重要，用來發(fā)展我國制造業(yè)的資本應(yīng)該來自國內(nèi)，這樣才會對農(nóng)業(yè)和其他工業(yè)部門產(chǎn)生有利的影響，不會像操縱在外國資本的手中那樣帶來使它們衰竭的后果。同樣，我們應(yīng)該為我國的原材料提供國內(nèi)市場，因為在競爭日劇的情況下，這種方法可以提供價格，并保護(hù)種植者免受外國市場上經(jīng)常發(fā)生的災(zāi)難的侵害。

對于印第安人部落，我們的職責(zé)是培養(yǎng)與他們的友好關(guān)系，并在一切交往中奉行仁慈和寬大的原則，同時，堅持不懈地向他們傳播文明的好處也是我們應(yīng)應(yīng)盡的職責(zé)。

我們巨額的財政歲入和充實的國庫，充分證明了我國應(yīng)付一切緊急情況的資源實力，也顯示了我國公民為公共需求甘愿承擔(dān)重負(fù)的自覺性。大量尚未開墾的土地及其與日俱增的價

值，構(gòu)成了廣大持久的補充資源。所有這些資源，除了應(yīng)付其他必需的開支外，使合眾國完全由能力早日償清國債。和平階段是發(fā)展和為各種情況作準(zhǔn)備的最佳時期。正是在和平時期，我們的商業(yè)空前繁榮，稅款最易繳納，同時歲入也最能發(fā)揮生產(chǎn)效益。

就職務(wù)而言，行政部門負(fù)責(zé)所轄各部公款的分配，同時負(fù)責(zé)忠實地按原意使用公款。立法機關(guān)是公共財政的監(jiān)督衛(wèi)士，它的職責(zé)是保證公款開支正當(dāng)誠實。為了適應(yīng)行政部門職責(zé)的需要，應(yīng)當(dāng)為其提供一切便利，以便對管理公款的工作人員進(jìn)行嚴(yán)格和及時的檢查監(jiān)督。千萬不要認(rèn)為這是為難他們；但如果具備了這些必要的便利，而公款仍長期毫無用途地滯留在他們手中，那么，瀆職者就不僅僅局限于他們，同樣，造成混亂的惡果也就不能完全歸罪于他們。實際上，這種現(xiàn)象只能表明政府工作中的松懈和風(fēng)氣不正。而整個社會將會有所察覺。我將竭盡全力保證這一重要政府部門的節(jié)儉和忠誠，我相信立法機構(gòu)也將以同樣的熱忱履行其職責(zé)，全面檢查必須定期進(jìn)行，對此我將全力促成。

能夠在合眾國欣享和平之時開始履行自己的職責(zé)，我感到由衷的高興。這種和平狀態(tài)最有利于合眾國的繁榮和幸福。我衷心希望維護(hù)和平，依賴政府的努力和與各國的公正原則，絕不無理索取，并合理履行義務(wù)。

同樣令我欣慰的是，我們的合眾國越來越和諧一致，傾軋和不和為我們的制度所不容。聯(lián)邦之所以受到擁護(hù)，不僅因為我們的政府奉行自由和仁慈的原則，并使每個人都受到恩惠，而且因為它有其它突出的有點。美國人民已共同經(jīng)歷了巨大的危險，并且成功地經(jīng)受了各種嚴(yán)酷的考驗。他們在共同利益之下融合為一個大家庭。經(jīng)驗使我認(rèn)識到那些對國家至關(guān)重要的問題。由于對各方面的利益公平兼顧與忠實關(guān)切，故國家的進(jìn)步顯得緩慢。但在符合共和政府各項原則的條件下促進(jìn)和諧局面并使之發(fā)揮最充分效應(yīng)，發(fā)展聯(lián)邦其他各方面的最高利益，將是我矢志不渝、努力追求的目標(biāo)。

從來沒有一個政府像我國政府那樣始于如此順利的形勢，獲得如此徹底的成功。翻看他國的歷史，無論現(xiàn)在還是古代，沒有一個國家的發(fā)展如此迅速，如此巨大，人民如此富裕和幸福。展望前程，每個公民都會因其所見而滿心喜悅，我們的政府已臻完美；在這方面已無須作重大改革；我們的偉大目標(biāo)只是保持我國政府固有的基本原則和結(jié)構(gòu)，而這必須通過保存人民的美德和啟發(fā)人民的心智才能實現(xiàn)；我們要采取一切措施，捍衛(wèi)我們的獨立、主權(quán)和自由，以此確保我國不受外來侵略。如果我們保持目前已經(jīng)取得如此進(jìn)展的事業(yè)，并堅持過去奉行的方針和道路，那么在仁慈的上帝的保佑下，我們一定能實現(xiàn)正在冥冥中等待我們的崇高目標(biāo)。

在我之前，有許多杰出人物擔(dān)任這一崇高職務(wù)，我與其中幾位自早年起即交往密切，他們的執(zhí)政典范總是能使后繼者獲得高度的教益。我將盡力從中獲取一切可能的長處。對于剛剛離職的前任，由于他在我們巨大而成功的事業(yè)中作出了極為重要的貢獻(xiàn)，我將不勝榮幸地在此向他致以最熱烈的祝福：愿他在退休后能永享國家的感激之情，這種感激是對他的杰出才能和忠誠而卓越的工作的最高獎勵。在政府其他各部門的支持下，我開始擔(dān)任同胞們通過

選舉而賦予我的職務(wù)；與此同時，我虔誠地祈禱，萬能的上帝將會仁慈地繼續(xù)施予我們過去那種明白無誤的護(hù)佑。

第五篇：美國總統(tǒng)就職演說名言

美國歷任總統(tǒng)就職演說名句

（一）*我對我祖國的召喚，永遠(yuǎn)只能敬奉如儀。

I was summoned by my country ,whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love.——喬治·華盛頓首任就職演說(1789.4.30)*同胞們：我再度奉人民之召執(zhí)行總統(tǒng)職務(wù).只要適當(dāng)時機一到,我將會盡力表現(xiàn)出我心中對這份殊榮及美利堅人民對我的信任所懷有的崇高的感受。憲法規(guī)定總統(tǒng)在執(zhí)行公務(wù)之前,需先行宣誓就職?，F(xiàn)在我在你們面前宣誓:在我執(zhí)掌政府期間，若企圖故意觸犯法律,除承受憲法懲罰外,還接受在現(xiàn)在這個莊嚴(yán)的儀式中所有見證人的嚴(yán)厲譴責(zé)。

Fellow Citizens:

I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate.When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office.This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may(besides incurring constitutional punishment)be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.——喬治·華盛頓連任就職演說(1789.4.30)*像我們這樣的政府,不論存在多久，都是全人類知識與道德普遍傳播的證明。

The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people.——約翰·亞當(dāng)斯首任就職演說(1797.3.4)*當(dāng)一個并非盡善盡奏的人從這個職位卸任時，很少能像就任時那樣深浮眾望。

I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.*讓我們恢復(fù)社會的和諧與友愛，因為沒有它們，自由甚至生活本身，就將成為枯燥而無味的事情。

Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.*與各國和平相處，加強商業(yè)往來，并保持真誠的友誼,但不與任何國家結(jié)盟。Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.——托馬斯·杰斐遜首任就職演說(1801.3.4)*在寶貴的新聞自由與敗壞新聞道德之間，并無一條明確的界限。

No other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.——托馬斯·杰斐遜連任就職演說(1805.3.4)

*如果世界還有公正可言，這些論斷的真實性將不會受到懷疑，至少子孫后代對此會給予公正的評價。

If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned;posterity at least will do justice to them.——詹姆斯·麥迪遜首任就職演說(1809.3.4)

*如果我們能繼續(xù)堅持目前已完成的事業(yè),而且堅定地走已經(jīng)開辟的路,我們一定會勝利。If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the path already traced , we can not fail.——詹姆斯·門羅首任就職演說(1817.3.4)

*在調(diào)解現(xiàn)存的或可能發(fā)生的爭端和沖突時，應(yīng)表現(xiàn)出一個強國所具有的寬容而不能以一個英雄民族所固有的感情用事。

In the adjustment of may differences that may exist or arise to exhibit the forbearance becoming a powerful nation rather the sensibility belonging to a gallant people.——安德魯·杰克遜首任就職演說(1829.3.4)

*人民不會拋棄一個堅守崗位、誠實盡力的公仆。

The kindness of a people who never yet deserted a public servant honestly laboring in their cause.——馬丁·范布倫首任就職演說(1837.3.4)

*真正的自由精神是奉獻(xiàn)、堅定、勇敢、不妥協(xié)，但實行自由權(quán)利必須小心、溫和、寬容。The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in the principle , that secured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs.——威廉·哈里遜首任就職演說(1841.3.4)

*我們的制度可以穩(wěn)固地把我們的領(lǐng)土拓展到所能及的范圍。

Our system may be safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits.——詹姆斯·波爾克首任就職演說(1845.3.4)

*這一職位雖然可滿足一種極高的奢望,但它所賦予的責(zé)任卻是可畏的。

The position which I have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfy the loftiest ambition, is surrounded by fearful responsibilities.——扎克里·泰勒首任就職演說(1849.3.4)

*雖然我們的歷史有限,然而未來卻是無窮的。If your past is limited , your future is boundless

——富蘭克林·皮爾斯首任就職演說(1853.3.4)

*我們必須以公正的態(tài)度對待所有國家,也要求它門以相同的態(tài)度對待我們。

We ought to do justice in a kindly spirit to all nations and require justice from them in return

——詹姆斯·布坎南首任就職演說(185.3.4)

從自然狀態(tài)來說，我們是不可分的。我們不能相互分開，也不能在中間修筑道不可逾越的隔離墻。一對夫妻可以離婚，彼此不再見面，不再來往，但是我們國家的各個地區(qū)不能這樣。它們?nèi)缘孟嗷ッ鎸?，并繼續(xù)交往。

Physically speaking, we can not separate.We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them.A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this.They can not but remain face to face , and intercourse , either amicable or hostile，must continue between them.——亞伯拉罕·林肯（1861.3.4）

*我們對任何人也不懷惡意，我們對所有的人都寬大為懷，堅持正義；上帝既使我們認(rèn)識正義，讓我們繼續(xù)努力向前，完成我們正在進(jìn)行的事業(yè)；包扎起國家的創(chuàng)傷，關(guān)心那些為戰(zhàn)爭作出犧牲的人，關(guān)心他們的遺孀和孤兒——盡一切力量，以求在我們自己之間，以及我們和所有的國家之間實現(xiàn)并維護(hù)一個公正和持久的和平。

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.——亞伯拉罕·林肯（1865.3.4）

*我將公正地與其他各國友好相處，像平等地對待個人一樣。

I Would deal with nations as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each other.*我希望全國上下相互寬容，下定決心,為建立一個幸福聯(lián)邦貢獻(xiàn)自己的力量。

I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout the land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his share toward cementing a happy union.——尤利塞斯·辛普森·格蘭特（1869.3.4）

*我們不論在文化上還是在軍事上都占有絕對優(yōu)勢.因此，我們應(yīng)該寬厚地對待印第安人。過去不善待他們是應(yīng)好好考慮的,應(yīng)取得他們的信任。

Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the Indian.The wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit.——尤利塞斯·辛普森·格蘭特（1873.3.4）

*總統(tǒng)職位之爭應(yīng)本著友好、平和的原則予以調(diào)節(jié),而且一旦這種調(diào)節(jié)、疏導(dǎo)的工作完成,全國上下就應(yīng)該一致遵從。

Conflicting claims to the Presidency must be amicably and peaceably adjusted, and that when so adjusted the general acquiescence of the nation ought surely to fellow.——拉什福德·伯查德·海斯（1877.3.5）

*問題懸而未決，萬邦不得安寧

It has been said that unsettled questions have no pity for the repose of nations.——詹姆斯·艾布拉姆·加菲爾德（1881.3.5）

*通過以身作則,當(dāng)然也要不失官事活動之莊重,來引導(dǎo)同胞們采取一種有助于廉正,并促進(jìn)節(jié)儉和繁榮的簡樸的生活方式。

May do much by their example to encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official functions, that plain way of life which among their fellow-citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift and prosperity.——格羅弗·克利夫蘭（1885.3.4）

*我們還沒有達(dá)到理想的境界。并非所有的人都幸福富足，也非所有的人都行善守法。

We have not attained and ideal condition.Not all of our people are happy and prosperous;not all of them are virtuous and law-abiding.*我并不懷疑未來，在我們的道路上曾危機四伏，但我們已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)并完全克服了它們。

I do not mistrust the future.Dangers have been in frequent ambush along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all.——本杰明·哈利森（1889.3.4）

*即使一個強壯的人,具有堅強的體魄,對生活有堅定而積極的追求,并敢于承受持久的勞動,也可能存在潛在的、不易發(fā)現(xiàn)的致命的疾病，從而使他突然倒下。

The strong man who in the confidence of sturdy health courts the sternest activities of life and rejoices in the hardihood of constant labor may still have lurking near his vitals the unheeded disease that dooms him to sudden collapse.*如果對于我們的力量和資源不要太過于自信的話,會使,我們更明智。

We will be wise if we temper our confidence and faith in our national strength and resources with the frank concession.*我們的任務(wù)不是懲罰，而是糾正錯誤.如果為了解除人民日常生活的負(fù)擔(dān),我們減少那些長期享有的、不正常的、不合理的待遇，這是基于正義和公正而采取的必要措施。

Our mission is not punishment, but the rectification of wrong.If in lifting burdens from the daily life of our people we reduce inordinate and unequal advantages too long enjoyed, this is but a necessary incident of our return to right and justice.——格羅弗·克利夫蘭（1893.3.4）

*我們應(yīng)該同時具備“觀念的正確”和“行動的穩(wěn)健”。

We must be both “sure wee right” and “make haste slowly”.*節(jié)約是政府個部門任何時候都應(yīng)遵守的原則.在目前工商業(yè)蕭條、民心沮喪之際，尤其要強調(diào)這一原則。

Economy is demanded in every branch of the Government at all times.But especially in periods, like the present, of depression in business and distress among the people.*值此入不敷出之時，舉債之風(fēng),實不可長。

It will suffice while it lasts, but it can not last long while the outlays of the Government are greater than its receipts.*有利于生產(chǎn)者的立法，便是對全國有利的立法。Legislation helpful to producers is beneficial to all.——威廉·麥金萊（1897.3.4）

*誠實、才華和勤勞是公職人員最應(yīng)具備的條件。

Honesty, capacity, and industry are nowhere more indispensable than in public employment.*“懷有希望并不可恥”。預(yù)言厄運的人并不是共和國建造者。

“Hope make

not ashamed” The prophets of evil were not the builders of the Republic.——威廉·麥金萊（1901.3.4）

*我們享受了很多的給予，因此也完全有理由被期望承受很多的付出。Much has been given us, and much will rightfully be expected from us.*不論是國家或個人,公正和寬厚都強者而不是弱者的表現(xiàn)。

But justice and generosity in a nation, as in individual, count most when shown not by the weak but the strong.*我們希望和平，但這一和平必須是公正的和平，正義的。是因為我們認(rèn)為那是正當(dāng)?shù)?，而不是因為我們膽怯?/p>

We wish peace, but we wish the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness.We wish it because we think it is right and not because we are afraid.*我們不再遇到先輩們曾遇過的危險,但卻正面臨先輩們所未能預(yù)知的危險。

Our forefathers faced certain perils which we have outgrown.We now face other perils, the very existence of which it was impossible that they should foresee.*我們沒有理由懼怕未來，卻有足夠的理由嚴(yán)肅地面對未來。

There is not good reason why we should fear the future, but there is every reason why we should face it seriously.——西奧多·羅斯福（1905.3.4）

在美國44任、56屆總統(tǒng)的就職演說中,留下了不少傳誦后世的名篇。其中某些經(jīng)典名言更是揚名天下,下面是筆者摘錄其中的部分名句與網(wǎng)友資源共享。1月24日已經(jīng)發(fā)布了(一)現(xiàn)在發(fā)布

（二）,奧巴馬就職演說全文已發(fā)于1月21日。

*我們一直對自己工業(yè)上的成就感到驕傲，但至今為止，卻從未冷靜地計算一下這一切所花費的社會代價；人的代價，生活所毀滅的代價，以及精力由于負(fù)擔(dān)過重而崩潰的代價。----伍德羅·威爾遜首任就職演說（1913.3.4）

*我們的政策是對最卑微的人和最強有力的人一視同仁,并一心一意維護(hù)這一正義而公道的標(biāo)準(zhǔn),我們?yōu)榇硕械阶院?但我們對這一政策在實行中的不足之處,卻非常粗心大意,而急于求成。

----伍德羅·威爾遜首任就職演說（1913.3.4）

*公正，只有公正，才永遠(yuǎn)是我們的座右銘。----伍德羅·威爾遜首任就職演說（1913.3.4）

*我們已經(jīng)完成的工作并不值得太驕傲，共同福祉才是我們努力的目標(biāo)。

----沃倫·哈丁首任就職演說（1921.3.4）

*我們深信只有做一個開放的、坦率的、執(zhí)著的和謹(jǐn)慎的美國人,我們才能最好地服務(wù)于國家,并成功地履行我們對全人類的各種義務(wù)。----卡爾文·柯立芝就職演說（1925.3.4）

*我們國家所面臨的問題是向更高水平邁進(jìn)的問題,而不是衰退的問題。----赫伯特·胡佛就職演說（1929.3.4）

*我們唯一值得恐懼的就是恐懼本身----會使我們由后退轉(zhuǎn)而前進(jìn)所需的努力限于癱瘓的那種無名的、沒有道理的、毫無根據(jù)的害怕。”

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福首任就職演說(1933.3.4)

*幸福并不建筑在僅僅擁有金錢上；它建筑在有所成就引起的歡樂，創(chuàng)造性工作所激發(fā)出的快感。一定不要在瘋狂地追求瞬間即逝的利潤中再去忘記勞動給我們帶來的歡樂和精神上的鼓舞。

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福首任就職演說(1933.3.4)

*復(fù)興并不僅僅要求改變道德觀念，祖國要求行動起來，現(xiàn)在就行動起來。

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福首任就職演說(1933.3.4)

*我們的首要任務(wù)是給人民工作。

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福首任就職演說(1933.3.4)

*使科學(xué)由人類的無情的主人轉(zhuǎn)化成有用的奴仆。

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福第二次就任就職演說(1937.1.20)

*我們不承認(rèn)自己不能找到一條應(yīng)付經(jīng)濟恐慌的對策，??我們拒絕把關(guān)系到自己共同福祉的問題留給機遇或災(zāi)難的狂飆來解決。

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福第二次就任就職演說(1937.1.20)

*麻木不仁、不負(fù)責(zé)任以及無情的自私已再度出現(xiàn)。這種繁榮的象征有可能變成災(zāi)難的預(yù)兆。

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福第二次就任就職演說(1937.1.20)

*對我們進(jìn)步的檢驗不在于我們是否為那些已經(jīng)擁有了許多東西的人錦上添花。而在于我們是否為那些擁有甚少的人提供富足。

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福第二次就任就職演說(1937.1.20)

*國家的壽命并不取決于年代的久遠(yuǎn),而是取決于人們的精神的生命力。

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福第三次就任就職演說(1941.1.20)

*我們已經(jīng)知道了一個樸素的真理，正如愛默生所說:“想要擁有一個朋友的唯一辦法就是自己成為別人的朋友?！?/p>

——富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福第四次就任就職演說(1945.1.20)

*更大量的生產(chǎn)是帶來繁榮與和平的關(guān)鍵,而更大量生產(chǎn)的關(guān)鍵是對現(xiàn)代科技知識的一個更廣闊、更富有活力的應(yīng)用。只有通過幫助的那些最不幸的人去自助，人類大家庭中所有人才能都享有公平和富足的生活。

——哈里·杜魯門就職演說(1949.1.20)

*我們美國人知道而且也看到世界之領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位與帝國主義之間的不同。

——德懷特·艾森豪威爾首次就職演說(1953.1.20)

*我們要尊重世界上每一個國家的認(rèn)同精神以及特有的傳統(tǒng),且永遠(yuǎn)不會以我們的力量試圖把我們所珍視的政治和經(jīng)濟制度強加于其他民族。

——德懷特·艾森豪威爾首次就職演說(1953.1.20)

*世界上還有如此多的地方存在著貧困、不和諧和危險。

——德懷特·艾森豪威爾連任就職演說(1957.1.20)

*我們事業(yè)的最后成功或者失敗是掌握在你們手里,而不是我的手里。

——約翰·F·肯尼迪就職演說(1961.1.20)

*這是一場反對人類共同的敵人：專制、貧困、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身的斗爭。

——約翰·F·肯尼迪就職演說(1961.1.20)

* 我的美國同胞們，不要問你們的國家能為你做些什么，而要問你能為你的國家做些什么。全世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些什么，問問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。

——約翰·F·肯尼迪就職演說(1961.1.20)

*那種不公正地待人和浪費資源是我們真正的敵人。----林頓·約翰遜就職演說（1965年1月20日）

*我們必須努力提供那種能增加每個公民成功機會的知識和環(huán)境。----林頓·約翰遜就職演說（1965年1月20日）

*總有一個世界足以讓人們以自己的方式找到幸福和快樂。

----林頓·約翰遜就職演說（1965年1月20日）

*歷史所賜予我們的最大榮譽,就是和平的締造者這一桂冠。----理查德·尼克松首次就職演說（1969.1.20.）

*正是我們協(xié)力相助使這個世界成為人類的安居之地。----理查德·尼克松首次就職演說（1969.1.20.）

*今天我們的危機正好相反。我們的物質(zhì)充裕，但精神上卻感到貧乏；我們能極其準(zhǔn)確地登上月球,但地球上卻仍是一片紊亂和沖突。

----理查德·尼克松首次就職演說（1969.1.20.）

*對于精神的危機,我們需要用精神來解答。

要尋找到答案，我們唯一的辦法就是從我們自身上尋找。----理查德·尼克松首次就職演說（1969.1.20.）

*當(dāng)一個人的鄰居不能享有自由時,他就不能算是真正地享有自由。要前進(jìn)，就要大家一起前進(jìn)。

----理查德·尼克松首次就職演說（1969.1.20.）

*在我們自己的生活中,不能只問政府能為我們做什么,而是要問我能為自己做寫什么?在我們共同面對挑戰(zhàn)時,不能只是問政府能夠提供什么幫助,而是要問我能提供怎樣的幫助?----理查德·尼克松連任就職演說（1973.1.20）

*現(xiàn)在是恢復(fù)我們對自己、對美國的信心的時候了。----理查德·尼克松連任就職演說（1973.1.20）

*我們已經(jīng)知道“更多” 并不一定就是“更好”。----吉米·卡特就任就職演說（1977.1.20）

*促進(jìn)其他國家自由的最好方法,就是在這里證實我們的民主制度是值得仿效的榜樣。----吉米·卡特就任就職演說（1977.1.20）

*令我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟弊端，是由幾十年累積而來的,這些弊病雖不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月之內(nèi)消失，但它們終將會消失。

----羅納德·里根首任就職演說（1981.1.20）

*在目前這場危機中，政府的管理并不是解決問題的答案，而是問題本身。----羅納德·里根首任就職演說（1981.1.20）

*我們當(dāng)前所面臨的困難,以及由于政府不必要的過度膨脹所造成的對我們的生活的干預(yù)，兩者絕非巧合。

----羅納德·里根首任就職演說（1981.1.20）

*政府不是我們的主人,它是我們的公仆。----羅納德·里根連任就職演說（1985.1.20）

*歷史是一幅不斷展開的緞帶;歷史也是一次旅程。當(dāng)我們繼續(xù)行進(jìn)的時候，我們一定會想到行走在我們前面的人。

----羅納德·里根連任就職演說（1985.1.20）

* 我的座右銘：關(guān)鍵的時候要團結(jié)一心;重要關(guān)頭要博采眾議；對一切事情要寬宏大量。----喬治·布什就職演說（1989.1.20）

*我們的意志總比我們擁有的資金更強大，意志總是我們最為需要的。----喬治·布什就職演說（1989.1.20）

*“我把歷史看作是一本有許多頁碼的書籍，每一頁都記錄了心想事成的每一天。微風(fēng)吹過，翻開了新的一頁，新的故事開始了----喬治·布什就職演說（1989.1.20）

*美國要世世代代存在下去,就必須改革。----比爾·克林頓首任就職演說（1993.1.20）

*不是為變革而變革，而是為了保持美國的理想----生活方式、自由和對幸福的追求。----比爾·克林頓首任就職演說（1993.1.20）

*美國沒有任何錯誤之處是無法被其正確之處糾正的。----比爾·克林頓首任就職演說（1993.1.20）

*我們保證結(jié)束這個僵持停頓和放任自流的時代--開始一個美國振興的新時期。----比爾·克林頓首任就職演說（1993.1.20）

*我們還看不到我們的后代的面孔，也永遠(yuǎn)不會知道他們的名字，但是當(dāng)他們談?wù)摰轿覀兊臅r候，希望他們會說我們把祖國領(lǐng)進(jìn)了新的世紀(jì)，把有活力的美國夢留給了所有的子孫。----比爾·克林頓連任就職演說（1997.1.20）

*一個文明社會要求每個人懷有善意，彼此尊重、行事公平，懂得寬恕。

----喬治·W.布什首任就職演說（2001.1.20）

*如果我們的國家不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)爭取自由的事業(yè)，這個事業(yè)就沒有領(lǐng)袖。----喬治·W.布什首任就職演說（2001.1.20）

*一個民主制度中的最重要的使命是靠每一個人完成的。----喬治·W.布什首任就職演說（2001.1.20）

*永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭，今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo)：使我們的國家變得更加公正、更加慷慨，去體現(xiàn)我們每個人和所有人生命的尊嚴(yán)。----喬治·W.布什首任就職演說（2001.1.20）

*自由在我們的國土上的生存，越來越有賴于它在其他國土上的勝利。在我們的世界里，和平的最大希望，寄托于自由在全世界的擴展。----喬治·W.布什連任就職演說（2005.1.20）