第一篇：名人演講：國(guó)會(huì)大廈告別演講

道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur)，美國(guó)陸軍五星上將。出生于阿肯色州小石城的軍人世家。1899年中學(xué)畢業(yè)后考入西點(diǎn)軍校，1903年以名列第一的優(yōu)異成績(jī)畢業(yè)，到工程兵部隊(duì)任職，并赴菲律賓執(zhí)勤。麥克阿瑟有過(guò)50年的軍事實(shí)踐經(jīng)驗(yàn)，被美國(guó)國(guó)民稱(chēng)之為“一代老兵”，而其自身的又曾是“美國(guó)最年輕的準(zhǔn)將、西點(diǎn)軍校最年輕的校長(zhǎng)、美國(guó)陸軍歷史上最年輕的陸軍參謀長(zhǎng)”，憑借精妙的軍事謀略和敢戰(zhàn)敢勝的膽略，麥克阿瑟堪稱(chēng)美國(guó)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)史上的奇才。

提起這句話(huà)：“老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，只會(huì)慢慢凋零”（Old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那個(gè)叼著玉米棒子煙斗的麥克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解職后在國(guó)會(huì)大廈發(fā)表的題為《老兵不死》著名演講。

我即將結(jié)束五十二年的軍旅生涯。我從軍是在本世紀(jì)開(kāi)始之前，而這是我童年的希望與夢(mèng)想的實(shí)現(xiàn)。自從我在西點(diǎn)軍校的教練場(chǎng)上宣誓以來(lái)，這個(gè)世界已經(jīng)過(guò)多次變化，而我的希望與夢(mèng)想早已消逝，但我仍記著當(dāng)時(shí)最流行的一首軍歌詞，極為自豪地宣示“老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，只會(huì)慢慢凋零”。

I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”

就像這首歌中的老兵，一位想盡一已之責(zé)的老兵，而上帝也賜予光輝使他能看清這一項(xiàng)責(zé)任，而我現(xiàn)在結(jié)束了軍旅生涯，而逐漸凋謝。

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.演講全文：MacArthur: Farewell Address to Congress

Mr.president, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:

“Men since the beginning of time have

sought peace.Various methods through the

ages have been attempted to devise an

international process to prevent or settle

disputes between nations.From the very

start workable methods were found in so

far as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality of

larger international scope have never

been successful.Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path to

be by way of the crucible of war.The

utter destructiveness of war now blocks

out this alternative.We have had our last

chance.If we will not devise some

greater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door.The

problem basically is theological and

involves a spiritual recrudescence and

improvement of human character that will

synchronize with our almost matchless

advances in science, art, literature, and all

material and cultural developments of

the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit

if we are to save the flesh.”

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the pacific!”

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.

第二篇：名人演講：國(guó)會(huì)珍珠港演說(shuō)

美國(guó)第32任總統(tǒng)富蘭克林·D·羅斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt)(1933—1945)，一直被視為美國(guó)歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)之一，是20世紀(jì)美國(guó)最孚眾望和受愛(ài)戴的總統(tǒng)，也是美國(guó)歷史上惟一連任4屆總統(tǒng)的人，從1933年3月起，直到1945年4月去世時(shí)為止，任職長(zhǎng)達(dá)12年。曾贏得美國(guó)民眾長(zhǎng)達(dá)7周的高支持率，創(chuàng)下歷史記錄。

富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福出生于紐約。父親詹姆斯·羅斯福是一個(gè)百萬(wàn)富翁。母親薩拉·德拉諾比父親小26歲。羅斯福曾就讀于哈佛大學(xué)和哥倫比亞大學(xué)。1910年任紐約州參議員。1913年任海軍部副部長(zhǎng)。1921年因患脊髓灰質(zhì)炎致殘。1928年任紐約州長(zhǎng)。1932年競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)獲勝。執(zhí)政后，以“新政”對(duì)付經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)，頗有成效，故獲得1936年、1940年、1944年大選連任。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)初，美國(guó)采取不介入政策，但對(duì)希特勒采取強(qiáng)硬手段，以“租借法”支持同盟國(guó)。1941年底，美國(guó)參戰(zhàn)。羅斯福代表美國(guó)兩次參加同盟國(guó)“三巨頭”會(huì)議。羅斯福政府提出了軸心國(guó)必須無(wú)條件投降的原則并得到了實(shí)施。羅斯福提出了建立聯(lián)合國(guó)的構(gòu)想，也得到了實(shí)施。63歲時(shí)由于腦溢血去世。

很多網(wǎng)友相信都看過(guò)電影《珍珠港》(pearl Harbor)，第二次世界大戰(zhàn)在歐亞大陸打的如火如荼，而跨海相隔的美國(guó)卻隔岸觀火，仿佛事不關(guān)己。直到1941年12月7日早晨7點(diǎn)53分，日本突襲美軍在夏威夷的基地珍珠港。次日，美國(guó)總統(tǒng)羅斯福在國(guó)會(huì)憤然發(fā)表了這篇的演說(shuō)，至此，太平洋戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)全面爆發(fā)。

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.昨天，1941年12月7日──它將永遠(yuǎn)成為國(guó)恥日──美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)遭到了日本帝國(guó)海空軍預(yù)謀的突然襲擊。

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.昨天日本政府也發(fā)動(dòng)了對(duì)馬來(lái)地區(qū)的進(jìn)攻。

昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了香港。

昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻關(guān)島。

昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻菲律賓群島。

昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻威克島。

今晨日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了中途島。

演講全文：pearl Harbor Address to the Nation

Mr.Vice president, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

第三篇：名人演講：國(guó)會(huì)珍珠港演說(shuō)

美國(guó)第32任總統(tǒng)富蘭克林·d·羅斯福(franklin

d.roosevelt)(1933—1945)，一直被視為美國(guó)歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)之一，是20世紀(jì)美國(guó)最孚眾望和受愛(ài)戴的總統(tǒng)，也是美國(guó)歷史上惟一連任4屆總統(tǒng)的人，從1933年3月起，直到1945年4月去世時(shí)為止，任職長(zhǎng)達(dá)12年。曾贏得美國(guó)民眾長(zhǎng)達(dá)7周的高支持率，創(chuàng)下歷史記錄。

yesterday,december

7th,1941

--

a

date

which

will

live

in

infamy

--

the

united

states

of

america

was

suddenly

and

deliberately

attacked

by

naval

and

air

forces

of

the

empire

of

japan.yesterday,the

japanese

government

also

launched

an

attack

against

malaya.last

night,japanese

forces

attacked

hong

kong.last

night,japanese

forces

attacked

guam.last

night,japanese

forces

attacked

the

philippine

islands.last

night,the

japanese

attacked

wake

island.and

this

morning,the

japanese

attacked

midway

island.昨天日本政府也發(fā)動(dòng)了對(duì)馬來(lái)地區(qū)的進(jìn)攻。

昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了香港。

昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻關(guān)島。

昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻菲律賓群島。

昨夜日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻威克島。

今晨日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了中途島。

演講全文：pearl

harbor

address

to

the

nation

mr.vice

president,mr.speaker,members

of

the

senate,and

of

the

house

of

representatives:

yesterday,december

7th,1941

--

a

date

which

will

live

in

infamy

--

the

united

states

of

america

was

suddenly

and

deliberately

attacked

by

naval

and

air

forces

of

the

empire

of

japan.the

united

states

was

at

peace

with

that

nation

and,at

the

solicitation

of

japan,was

still

in

conversation

with

its

government

and

its

emperor

looking

toward

the

maintenance

of

peace

in

the

pacific.indeed,one

hour

after

japanese

air

squadrons

had

commenced

bombing

in

the

american

island

of

oahu,the

japanese

ambassador

to

the

united

states

and

his

colleague

delivered

to

our

secretary

of

state

a

formal

reply

to

a

recent

american

message.and

while

this

reply

stated

that

it

seemed

useless

to

continue

the

existing

diplomatic

negotiations,it

contained

no

threat

or

hint

of

war

or

of

armed

attack.it

will

be

recorded

that

the

distance

of

hawaii

from

japan

makes

it

obvious

that

the

attack

was

deliberately

planned

many

days

or

even

weeks

ago.during

the

intervening

time,the

japanese

government

has

deliberately

sought

to

deceive

the

united

states

by

false

statements

and

expressions

of

hope

for

continued

peace.the

attack

yesterday

on

the

hawaiian

islands

has

caused

severe

damage

to

american

naval

and

military

forces.i

regret

to

tell

you

that

very

many

american

lives

have

been

lost.in

addition,american

ships

have

been

reported

torpedoed

on

the

high

seas

between

san

francisco

and

honolulu.yesterday,the

japanese

government

also

launched

an

attack

against

malaya.last

night,japanese

forces

attacked

hong

kong.last

night,japanese

forces

attacked

guam.last

night,japanese

forces

attacked

the

philippine

islands.last

night,the

japanese

attacked

wake

island.and

this

morning,the

japanese

attacked

midway

island.japan

has,therefore,undertaken

a

surprise

offensive

extending

throughout

the

pacific

area.the

facts

of

yesterday

and

today

speak

for

themselves.the

people

of

the

united

states

have

already

formed

their

opinions

and

well

understand

the

implications

to

the

very

life

and

safety

of

our

nation.as

commander

in

chief

of

the

army

and

navy,i

have

directed

that

all

measures

be

taken

for

our

defense.but

always

will

our

whole

nation

remember

the

character

of

the

onslaught

against

us.no

matter

how

long

it

may

take

us

to

overcome

this

premeditated

invasion,the

american

people

in

their

righteous

might

will

win

through

to

absolute

victory.i

believe

that

i

interpret

the

will

of

the

congress

and

of

the

people

when

i

assert

that

we

will

not

only

defend

ourselves

to

the

uttermost,but

will

make

it

very

certain

that

this

form

of

treachery

shall

never

again

endanger

us.hostilities

exist.there

is

no

blinking

at

the

fact

that

our

people,our

territory,and

our

interests

are

in

grave

danger.with

confidence

in

our

armed

forces,with

the

unbounding

determination

of

our

people,we

will

gain

the

inevitable

triumph

--

so

help

us

god.i

ask

that

the

congress

declare

that

since

the

unprovoked

and

dastardly

attack

by

japan

on

sunday,december

7th,1941,a

state

of

war

has

existed

between

the

united

states

and

the

japanese

empire.

第四篇：2016英國(guó)女王國(guó)會(huì)演講文本

Queen's Speech 2016

My Lords and Members of the House of Commons.My government will use the opportunity of a strengthening economy to deliver security for working people, to increase life chances for the most disadvantaged and to strengthen national defences.My ministers will continue to bring the public finances under control so that Britain lives within its means, and to move to a higher wage and lower welfare economy where work is rewarded.To support the economic recovery, and to create jobs and more apprenticeships, legislation will be introduced to ensure Britain has the infrastructure that businesses need to grow.Measures will be brought forward to create the right for every household to access high speed broadband.Legislation will be introduced to improve Britain’s competitiveness and make the United Kingdom a world leader in the digital economy.My ministers will ensure the United Kingdom is at the forefront of technology for new forms of transport, including autonomous and electric vehicles.To spread economic prosperity, my government will continue to support the development of a Northern Powerhouse.In England, further powers will be devolved to directly elected mayors, including powers governing local bus services.Legislation will also allow local authorities to retain business rates, giving them more freedom to invest in local communities.My government will support aspiration and promote home ownership through its commitment to build a million new homes.Following last week’s Anti-Corruption Summit in London, legislation will be introduced to tackle corruption, money laundering and tax evasion.My government will continue work to deliver NHS services over 7 days of the week in England.Legislation will be introduced to ensure that overseas visitors pay for the health treatment they receive at public expense.New legislation will be introduced to tackle some of the deepest social problems in society, and improve life chances.A Bill will be introduced to ensure that children can be adopted by new families without delay, improve the standard of social work and opportunities for young people in care in England.To tackle poverty and the causes of deprivation, including family instability, addiction and debt, my government will introduce new indicators for measuring life chances.Legislation will be introduced to establish a soft drinks industry levy to help tackle childhood obesity.Measures will be introduced to help the lowest-income families save, through a new Help to Save scheme, and to create a Lifetime ISA to help young people save for the long-term.My government will continue to reform public services so they help the hardest-to-reach.A Bill will be brought forward to lay foundations for educational excellence in all schools, giving every child the best start in life.There will also be a fairer balance between schools, through the National Funding Formula.To ensure that more people have the opportunity to further their education, legislation will be introduced to support the establishment of new universities and to promote choice and competition across the higher education sector.My government will legislate to reform prisons and courts to give individuals a second chance.Prison Governors will be given unprecedented freedom and they will be able to ensure prisoners receive better education.Old and inefficient prisons will be closed and new institutions built where prisoners can be put more effectively to work.Action will also be taken to ensure better mental health provision for individuals in the criminal justice system.My government will continue to work to bring communities together and strengthen society.Legislation will be introduced to prevent radicalisation, tackle extremism in all its forms, and promote community integration.National Citizen Service will be placed on a permanent statutory footing.My government will continue to safeguard national security.My ministers will invest in Britain’s armed forces, honouring the military covenant and meeting the NATO commitment to spend 2% of national income on defence.They will also act to secure the long-term future of Britain’s nuclear deterrent.My government will continue to play a leading role in world affairs, using its global presence to tackle climate change and address major international security, economic and humanitarian challenges.My government will continue to work to resolve the conflict in Ukraine.It will play a leading role in the campaign against Daesh and to support international efforts to bring peace to Syria through a lasting political settlement.Britain’s commitment on international development spending will also be honoured, helping to deliver global stability, support the Sustainable Development Goals and prevent new threats to national security.Prince Philip and I look forward to welcoming His Excellency the President of Colombia on a State Visit in November.My government will continue with legislation to modernise the law governing the use and oversight of investigatory powers by law enforcement, security and intelligence agencies.Legislation will strengthen the capability and accountability of the police service in England and Wales.My government will hold a referendum on membership of the European Union.Proposals will be brought forward for a British Bill of Rights.My ministers will uphold the sovereignty of Parliament and the primacy of the House of Commons.My government will continue to work in cooperation with the devolved administrations to implement the extensive new powers in the Scotland Act and establish a strong and lasting devolution settlement in Wales.My government will work in Northern Ireland to secure further progress in implementing the Stormont House and Fresh Start Agreements.Members of the House of Commons:

Estimates for the public services will be laid before you.My Lords and Members of the House of Commons:

Other measures will be laid before you.I pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon your counsels.

第五篇：名人演講

Chapter1 就任與離職

巴拉克·奧巴馬：就職演講

巴拉克·奧巴馬：勝選演講

喬治·W·布什：就職演講

喬治·W·布什：告別演講

威廉·克林頓：就職演講

羅納德·里根：就職演講

約翰·F·肯尼迪：就職演講

富蘭克林·羅斯福：就職演講

托尼·布萊爾：辭職演講

溫斯頓·丘吉爾：就職演講

Chapter2 戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)與和平

喬治·W·布什：發(fā)動(dòng)伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)的講話(huà) 理查德·尼克松：沉默的大多數(shù)

阿爾伯特·愛(ài)因斯坦：原子能時(shí)代的和平哈里·杜魯門(mén)：日本二戰(zhàn)投降時(shí)的講話(huà)

富蘭克林·羅斯福：珍珠港事件后要求對(duì)日宣戰(zhàn)

Chapter3 政治與外交

喬治·W·布什：9·11全國(guó)電視講話(huà)

科菲·安南：千年致辭

查爾斯王子：在香港主權(quán)交接儀式上的演講 羅納德·里根：在中國(guó)人民大會(huì)堂的講話(huà) 托馬斯·杰斐遜：獨(dú)立宣言

Chapter4 社會(huì)與民主

邁克爾·杰克遜：拯救兒童

希拉里·克林頓：婦女的權(quán)利也是人權(quán)

納爾遜·曼德拉：出獄演說(shuō)

馬丁·路德·金：我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想

帕特里克·亨利：不自由，毋寧死

Chapter5 文化與教育

比爾·蓋茨：在哈佛大學(xué)畢業(yè)典禮上的演講

史蒂夫·喬布斯：在斯坦福大學(xué)畢業(yè)典禮上的演講

喬治·W·布什：在清華大學(xué)的演講

沃倫·巴菲特：在佛羅里達(dá)大學(xué)商學(xué)院的演講

威廉·克林頓：在北京大學(xué)的演講

Chapter6 影視與體育

凱特·溫斯萊特、西恩·潘：奧斯卡最佳女主角、男主角獲獎(jiǎng)感言 雅克·羅格：北京29屆奧運(yùn)會(huì)開(kāi)幕式和閉幕式上的講話(huà)

安妮公主、托尼·布萊爾首相：倫敦申辦2012年奧運(yùn)會(huì)陳述報(bào)告 楊瀾：北京申辦2008年奧運(yùn)會(huì)陳述報(bào)告

邁克爾·喬丹：退役演說(shuō)

Chapter7 褒獎(jiǎng)與榮譽(yù)

保羅·克魯格曼：獲諾貝爾經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)獎(jiǎng)受獎(jiǎng)演說(shuō)

多麗絲·萊辛：未獲諾貝爾文學(xué)獎(jiǎng)演說(shuō)

科菲·安南：獲諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)受獎(jiǎng)演說(shuō)

歐內(nèi)斯特·海明威：獲諾貝爾文學(xué)獎(jiǎng)受獎(jiǎng)演說(shuō)

威廉·?？思{：獲諾貝爾文學(xué)獎(jiǎng)受獎(jiǎng)演說(shuō)

Chapter8 科技與經(jīng)濟(jì)

比爾·蓋茨：達(dá)沃斯世界經(jīng)濟(jì)論壇講話(huà)

比爾·蓋茨：亞洲博鰲論壇講話(huà)

路易斯·郭士納（IBM前董事長(zhǎng)兼CEO）：CeBIT’98開(kāi)幕式講話(huà) 小約翰·洛克菲勒：家族的信條

安德魯·卡耐基：成功之道

Chapter9 奮斗與激勵(lì)

道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟：責(zé)任、榮譽(yù)、國(guó)家 德懷特·艾森豪威爾：反攻動(dòng)員令

巴頓上將：對(duì)第三集團(tuán)軍的演說(shuō)

亞伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演說(shuō)

Chapter10 緬懷與紀(jì)念

查爾斯·斯賓塞伯爵：在戴安娜王妃葬禮上的悼詞 羅納德·里根：“挑戰(zhàn)者號(hào)”慘劇致辭

弗里德里?！ざ鞲袼梗涸隈R克思墓前的講話(huà) 羅伯特·F·肯尼迪：紀(jì)念馬丁·路德·金之死 喬治·格雷厄姆·維斯特：狗的贊歌