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      約翰.肯尼迪演講稿(中英文對照)

      時間:2019-05-14 19:44:02下載本文作者:會員上傳
      簡介:寫寫幫文庫小編為你整理了多篇相關(guān)的《約翰.肯尼迪演講稿(中英文對照)》,但愿對你工作學(xué)習(xí)有幫助,當(dāng)然你在寫寫幫文庫還可以找到更多《約翰.肯尼迪演講稿(中英文對照)》。

      第一篇:約翰.肯尼迪演講稿(中英文對照)

      First Inaugural Address

      (John F.Kennedy)Jan.2o, 1961.Brief introduction to the speaker: John F.Kennedy(1917-1963)John F.Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S.senator for most of the 1950s.in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F.he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States.on Nov.22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..*******************************************************************************

      We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom.Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify-ing renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life.And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe.The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution.Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which.we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty

      This much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do.For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s.Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e the strong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itself

      Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

      In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation.The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor, will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人

      (約翰.肯尼迪)1961.1.20

      演講者簡介:

      約翰·肯尼迪是一位戰(zhàn)爭英雄,普利策獎獲得者,五十年代大部分時間里的參議員。1960年的11月,年僅43歲的他成為美國歷史選擇產(chǎn)生的最年輕的總統(tǒng)。1963年11月22日他在德克薩斯州的達(dá)拉斯遇刺身亡,是美國歷史上第四位死于暗殺者的子彈的總統(tǒng)。

      **********************************************************************************

      今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利,而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結(jié)束,也象征著一個開端;意味著延續(xù)也意味看變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前,宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言?,F(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了。人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困,又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是:人的權(quán)利并非來自國家的慷慨,而是來自上帝恩賜。

      今天,我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話:火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生,在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉,在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶,他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪—他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

      讓每個國家都知道—不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落—為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利,我們將付出任何代價,承受任何負(fù)擔(dān),應(yīng)付任何艱難,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敵人。

      這些就是我們的保證—而且還有更多的保證。

      對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友、我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致,就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無往不勝;我們?nèi)绻制鐚αⅲ蜁皇聼o成—因為我們不敢在爭吵不休、四分五裂時迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

      對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家,我們恪守我們的誓言:決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由—而且要記住,在歷史上,凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者,終必葬身虎口。

      對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村,為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭的人們,我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立,不管需要花多長時間---之所以這樣做,并不是因為共產(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做,也不是因為我們需要他們的選票,而是因為這樣做是正確的。自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人,也就無法挽救少數(shù)富人。

      對我國南面的姐妹共和國,我們提出一項特殊的保證---在爭取進(jìn)步的新同盟中,把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?,幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是,這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道,我們將和他們在一起,反對在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道,本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

      對聯(lián)合國,主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu),我們在戰(zhàn)爭手段大大超過和平手段的時代里最后的、最美好的希望所在,我們重申予以支持:防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所;加強(qiáng)它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù);擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

      最后,對那些與我們作對的國家,我們提出一個要求而不是一項保證:在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量,把全人類卷入預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前,讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

      我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當(dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭?,我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會使用這些軍備。

      但是,這兩個強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰---發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重,致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡,但是,雙方卻爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動最后戰(zhàn)爭的不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均勢。

      因此,讓我們雙方重新開始—雙方都要牢記,禮貌并不意味著怯弱,誠意永遠(yuǎn)有待于驗證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

      讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題,而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

      讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案,把毀滅他國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

      讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡,而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球,征服沙漠,根除疾患,開發(fā)深海,并鼓勵藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

      讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來,在全世界各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令---“解下軛上的索,使被欺壓的得自由?!保ㄗⅲ骸妒ソ?jīng)·舊約全書·以塞亞書》第58章6節(jié)。)

      如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林,那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力;不是建立一種新的均勢,而是創(chuàng)造一個新的法治世界,在這個世界中,強(qiáng)者公正,弱者安全、和平將得到維護(hù)。

      所有這一切不可能在今后一百天內(nèi)完成,也不可能在今后一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成,甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是,讓我們開始吧。

      公民們,我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中,不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來,每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

      現(xiàn)在,號角已再次吹響---不是召喚我們拿起武器,雖然我們需要武器;不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn),雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭的重任,年復(fù)一年,從希望中得到歡樂,在磨難中保持耐性,對付人類共同的敵人---專制、社團(tuán)、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。

      為反對這些敵人,確保人類更為豐裕的生活,我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎?你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎?

      在漫長的世界歷史中,只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會推卸這一責(zé)任,我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠,將照亮我們的國家和所有為國效勞的人,而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

      因此,美國同胞們,不要問國家能為你們做些什么、而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

      全世界的公民們,不要問美國將為你們做些計人,而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。

      最后,不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民,你們應(yīng)要求我們獻(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞,歷史是我們行動的最終裁判,讓我們走向前去,引導(dǎo)我們所熱愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助,但我們知道,確切地說,上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

      第二篇:約翰·肯尼迪就職演講稿

      約翰·肯尼迪就職演講稿

      FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

      Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

      And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

      In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講

      星期五,1961年1月20日

      首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、各位公民:

      今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利,而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結(jié)束,也象征著一個開端,表示了一種更新,也表示了一種變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前,宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了,人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困,又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是:人的權(quán)利井非來自國家的慷慨,而是來自上帝恩賜。

      今天,我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話:火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生,在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉,在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶,他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪--他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

      讓每個國家都知道--不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落--為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利,我們將付出任何代價,承受任何負(fù)擔(dān),應(yīng)付任何艱難,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敵人。

      這些就是我們的保證--而且還有更多的保證。

      對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友,我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致,就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無在而下勝;我們?nèi)绻制鐚α?,就會一事無成--因為我們不敢在爭吵下休、四分五裂時迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

      對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家,我們格守我們的誓言:決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由--而且要記住,在歷史上,凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權(quán)力的人,都是以葬身虎口而告終。

      對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村,為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭的人們,我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立,不管需要花多長時間--之所以這樣做,并不是因為共產(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做,也不是因為我們需要他們的選票,而是因為這樣做是正確的,自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人,也就無法保全少數(shù)富人。

      對我國南面的姐妹共和國,我們提出一項特殊的保證--在爭取進(jìn)步的新同盟中,把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?,幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是,這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道,我們將和他們在一起,反對在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道,本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

      聯(lián)合國是主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu),是我們在戰(zhàn)爭手段大大超過和平手段的時代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此,我們重申予以支持;防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所;加強(qiáng)它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù);擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

      最后,對那些想與我們作時的國家,我們提出一個要求而不是一項保證:在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量,把全人類卷人到預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前,讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

      我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當(dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭?,我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)下會使用這些軍備。

      但是,這兩個強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰--發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重,致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡,但是,雙方卻在爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動最后戰(zhàn)爭的不移定的恐怖均勢。因此,讓我們雙方重新開始--雙方都要牢記。禮貌并不意味著怯弱,誠意永遠(yuǎn)有侍于驗證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

      讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題,而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

      讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案,把毀滅他國的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

      讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡,而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球,征服沙漠,根除疾患,開發(fā)深梅,并鼓勵藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

      讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來,在全世界各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令--“解下軛上的索,使被欺壓的得自由。”

      如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林,那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力:不是建立一種新的均勢,而是創(chuàng)造一個新的法治世界,在這個世界中,強(qiáng)者公正,弱者安全,和平將得到維護(hù)。

      所有這一切下可能在第一個一百天內(nèi)完成,也不可能在第一個一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成,甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是,讓我們開始吧。

      公民們,我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中,不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來,每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

      現(xiàn)在,號角已再次吹響--不是召喚我們拿起武器,雖然我們需要武器,不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn),雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭的重任,年復(fù)一年,“從希望中得到歡樂,在苦難中保持堅韌”,去反對人類共同的敵人--專制、貧困、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。

      為反對這些敵人,確保人類更為豐裕的生活,我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎?你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力嗎?

      在漫長的世界歷史中,只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會推卸這一責(zé)任,我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠,將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人,而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

      因此,美國同胞們,不要問國家能力你們做些什么,而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

      全世界的公民們,不要間美國將為你們做些什么,而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什么。

      最后,不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民,你們應(yīng)該要求我們現(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞,歷史是我們行動的最終裁判,讓我們走向前去,引導(dǎo)我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助,但我們知道,確切的說,上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

      第三篇:約翰·肯尼迪就職演說 -英語演講稿

      John F.Kennedy: Inaugural Address

      ??????o2?¤???áμ?ê?ò??????ùó¢D?£???à?2??±??μ???£???ê??ê′ú′ó2?·?ê±??à?μ?2?òé?±?£1960?êμ?11??£??ê??43?êμ???3é?a?à1úàúê·????2úéúμ?×??ê?áμ?×üí3?£1963?ê11??22è????úμ???è??1?Yμ?′?à-?1ó?′ìéíí?£?ê??à1úàúê·é?μú?????àóú°μé±??×óμˉμ?×üí3?£ We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”

      And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation,” a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own

      第四篇:肯尼迪就職演講稿,中英文

      friday, january 20, 1961 vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days.nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講

      星期五,1961年1月20日

      首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、各位公民:

      今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利,而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結(jié)束,也象征著一個開端,表示了一種更新,也表示了一種變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前,宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言?,F(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了,人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困,又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是:人的權(quán)利井非來自國家的慷慨,而是來自上帝恩賜。

      今天,我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話:火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生,在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉,在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶,他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

      讓每個國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落——為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利,我們將付出任何代價,承受任何負(fù)擔(dān),應(yīng)付任何艱難,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敵人。

      這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

      對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友,我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致,就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無在而下勝;我們?nèi)绻制鐚αⅲ蜁皇聼o成——因為我們不敢在爭吵下休、四分五裂時迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

      對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家,我們格守我們的誓言:決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由——而且要記住,在歷史上,凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權(quán)力的人,都是以葬身虎口而告終。對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村,為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭的人們,我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立,不管需要花多長時間——之所以這樣做,并不是因為共產(chǎn)篇二:肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說(中英文)肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說(1961年1月20日)

      inaugural address of john f.kennedyjanuary 20, 1961 vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: 約翰遜副總統(tǒng)、議長先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、同胞們: we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我們今天所看到的,并非是某一黨派的勝利,而是自由的慶典。它象征著結(jié)束,亦象征著開始;意味著更新,亦意味著變化。因為我已在你們及萬能的上帝面前,依著我們先輩175年前寫下的誓言宣誓。

      今天,我們不敢有忘,我們乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此時,讓這個聲音從這里同時向我們的朋友和敵人傳達(dá):火炬現(xiàn)已傳遞到新一代美國人手中——他們生于本世紀(jì),既經(jīng)受過戰(zhàn)火的錘煉,又經(jīng)歷過艱難嚴(yán)峻的和平歲月的考驗。他們深為我們古老的遺產(chǎn)所自豪——決不愿目睹或聽任諸項人權(quán)受到無形的侵蝕,這些權(quán)利不僅為這個國家始終信守不渝,亦是我們正在國內(nèi)和世界上誓死捍衛(wèi)的東西。

      let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.讓每一個國家都知道,無論它們對我們抱有善意還是惡意,我們都準(zhǔn)備付出任何代價、承受任何重任、迎戰(zhàn)任何艱險、支持任何朋友、反對任何敵人,以使自由得以維系和勝利。this much we pledge--and more.這是我們矢志不移的承諾,且遠(yuǎn)不止此!

      to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.對于那些與我們共享同一文化和精神源頭的老朋友,我們許以朋友的忠誠。在許許多多的合作事業(yè)中,我們會盡己所能以促進(jìn)我們的團(tuán)結(jié),而決不故意制造分裂,因為我們不敢輕易面對由分歧或體系崩潰而導(dǎo)致的巨大挑戰(zhàn)。remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.對于那些新成立的國家,我們歡迎它們加入自由陣營,并在此許以忠告:某種形式的殖民控制決不會僅僅因為被另一種更為殘酷的霸權(quán)所取代就消聲匿跡。我們不會期待他們始終支持我們的觀點(diǎn),但我們希望他們能始終堅定地維護(hù)他們自己的自由——并且牢記,在過去,那些愚蠢地騎上獨(dú)裁的虎背以謀求權(quán)力的人最終都以葬身虎腹而告終。

      對于那些寄居于大半個地球上的草舍村落、為著掙脫無盡苦難的枷鎖而奮斗的人民,我們承諾將盡我們最大的努力,以使他們獲得自助的能力。因為這是時代對我們提出的要求——不是因為共~產(chǎn)~黨人可能如此行事、不是因為我們需要他們的選票,僅僅是因為這樣做是正當(dāng)?shù)摹?/p>

      if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.如果一個自由的社會不能幫助貧窮的多數(shù),它就不能拯救那富裕的少數(shù)。

      對于我們的南部鄰邦共和國,我們許以特殊的承諾:將我們的良言轉(zhuǎn)為善行,在為了進(jìn)步而結(jié)成的新盟邦里,幫助自由的人民和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困。但這一希翼中的和平革命不能成為敵對勢力的犧牲品,讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道,我們將與他們一道,反對發(fā)生在美洲任何地區(qū)的侵略和顛覆。

      and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.讓所有其他勢力都知道,這一半球的人民致力于維護(hù)他們作為自己家園主人的地位。

      對于那個主權(quán)國家的世界性會議組織——聯(lián)合國,我們最后一次良好祝愿是發(fā)生在戰(zhàn)爭機(jī)器遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過和平機(jī)器的時代。為了防止它淪為僅僅用來謾罵攻訐的論壇,為了加強(qiáng)它對新成立國家及弱小國家的保障功能、為了擴(kuò)展其權(quán)力涵蓋的領(lǐng)域,我們現(xiàn)在重申對它的支持承諾。finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace--before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后,對于那些主動站到我們敵對面的國家,我們提出的不是許諾,而是懇求:在被科學(xué)釋放出的、黑暗的破壞力量以有計劃的或偶然性的自我毀滅方式吞噬全人類之前,懇求雙方再一次地開始謀求和平的努力。

      我們不敢以軟弱誘惑它們,因為只有當(dāng)我們的軍備充足到確切無疑的程度時,我們才能確切無疑地肯定它們永遠(yuǎn)不會被投入使用。但這兩個強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從彼此當(dāng)前的做法中得到安慰——雙方都背負(fù)了過高的現(xiàn)代武器系統(tǒng)的成本、雙方都理所當(dāng)然地對致死性原子武器的持續(xù)擴(kuò)散感到驚恐不安,但雙方都競相改變不確定的恐怖均衡,這種均衡恰恰抑制了人類最后攤牌的沖動。

      let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.讓我們永遠(yuǎn)不要因為懼怕而談判,讓我們永遠(yuǎn)不要懼怕談判。let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.讓雙方探尋那些能將我們團(tuán)結(jié)在一起的因素,而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我們的因素。let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.讓雙方首先提出認(rèn)真細(xì)致的方案來核查及控制軍備,并將毀滅其他國家的絕對力量置于所有國家的絕對控制之下。

      讓雙方努力去激發(fā)科學(xué)的奇跡,而非科學(xué)的恐怖。讓我們一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、開發(fā)海洋深處,鼓勵藝術(shù)和商業(yè)。

      讓雙方在世界每一個角落,都共同信守《圣經(jīng).以賽亞書》中的教誨——“卸下重負(fù)??讓被壓迫者自由。”

      and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.如果合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑,讓雙方攜手進(jìn)行新的努力——不是為了建立新的勢力均衡,而是為了建立新的規(guī)則體系——以使強(qiáng)者正義,弱者安全,和平維系 all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.所有這些工作將不會在從現(xiàn)在起的一百天、一千天內(nèi)完成,也不會在本屆行政分支任期內(nèi)完成,甚至可能不會在我們的有生之年完成,但是,請讓我們現(xiàn)在開始工作。

      in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.我的同胞們,我們事業(yè)的最終成敗將掌握在你們的手中而不僅僅是我的手中。從這個國家被創(chuàng)建那天起,每一代美國人都被召喚去證實自己對國家的忠誠。那些響應(yīng)號召獻(xiàn)身國家的年輕美國人的安息之所遍布全球。

      can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? 為了反對這些敵人,我們能夠?qū)⒛戏脚c北方、東方與西方團(tuán)結(jié)起來,熔鑄成一個偉大的和全球性的聯(lián)盟,以確保全人類得享更為成果累累的生活嗎?你們愿意參與這項歷史性的努力嗎? 在世界歷史的長河里,只有少數(shù)幾代人被賦予了在自由面臨最大危機(jī)時捍衛(wèi)自由的使命,我不會畏縮于這一責(zé)任——我歡迎它!我也不相信我們中的任何人會愿意與其他國家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而處。我們在這場努力中所傾注的精力、信念和奉獻(xiàn)將照耀我們的國家以及所有為之獻(xiàn)身的人,火焰所放射出的光芒必將普照全世界。

      and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.所以,我的美國同胞們,不要問你的國家為你做了什么,而應(yīng)問你能為你的國家做些什么。my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.我的世界同胞們,不要問美國將為你做些什么,而應(yīng)問我們應(yīng)該一起為了全人類的自由做些什么finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.最后,無論是美國公民還是世界其他國家的公民,請用我們要求于你們的關(guān)于力量和犧牲的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來要求我們,本著我們唯一可以指望有所回報的善意良知,依著能最終裁決我們功業(yè)的歷史,讓我們著手領(lǐng)導(dǎo)我們所熱愛的國家,在祈求神的賜福和神的幫助的同時,也能深切體認(rèn),在這片土地上,神的工作必定也是我們自己所應(yīng)承擔(dān)的使命。篇三:肯尼迪就職演講-中英對照-完美翻譯-經(jīng)典名句

      vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我們今天慶祝的并不是一次政黨的勝利,而是一次自由的慶典;它象征著結(jié)束,也象征著開始;意味著更新,也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前,作了跟我們祖先將近一又四分之三世紀(jì)以前所擬定的相同的莊嚴(yán)誓言。

      現(xiàn)今世界已經(jīng)很不同了,因為人在自己血肉之軀的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命的力量??墒俏覀冏嫦葕^斗不息所維護(hù)的革命信念,在世界各地仍處于爭論之中。那信念就是注定人權(quán)并非來自政府的慷慨施與,而是上帝所賜。

      we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been 我們今天不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承人,讓我從此時此地告訴我們的朋友,并且也告訴我們的敵人,這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國人,他們出生在本世紀(jì),經(jīng)歷過戰(zhàn)爭的鍛煉,受過嚴(yán)酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶,以我們的古代傳統(tǒng)自豪,而且不愿目睹或容許人權(quán)逐步被褫奪。對于這些人權(quán)我國一向堅貞不移,當(dāng)前在國內(nèi)和全世界我們也是對此力加維護(hù)的。let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.讓每一個國家知道,不管它盼我們好或盼我們壞,我們將付出任何代價,忍受任何重負(fù),應(yīng)付任何艱辛,支持任何朋友,反對任何敵人,以確保自由的存在與實現(xiàn)。this much we pledge--and more.這是我們矢志不移的事--而且還不止此。

      to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.對于那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神傳統(tǒng)的老盟邦,我們保證以摯友之誠相待。只要團(tuán)結(jié),則在許多合作事業(yè)中幾乎沒有什么是辦不到的。倘若分裂,我們則無可作為,因為我們在意見分歧、各行其是的情況下,是不敢應(yīng)付強(qiáng)大挑戰(zhàn)的。

      對于那些我們歡迎其參與自由國家行列的新國家,我們要提出保證,絕不讓一種形成的殖民統(tǒng)治消失后,卻代之以另一種遠(yuǎn)為殘酷的暴政。我們不能老是期望他們會支持我們的觀點(diǎn),但我們卻一直希望他們能堅決維護(hù)他們自身的自由,并應(yīng)記取,在過去,那些愚蠢得要騎在虎背上以壯聲勢的人,結(jié)果卻被虎所吞噬。

      對于那些住在布滿半個地球的茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村中、力求打破普遍貧困的桎梏的人們,我們保證盡最大努力助其自救,不管需要多長時間。這并非因為共產(chǎn)黨會那樣做,也不是由于我們要求他們的選票,而是由于那樣做是正確的。自由社會若不能幫助眾多的窮人,也就不能保全那少數(shù)的富人。shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.對于我國邊界以內(nèi)的各姐妹共和國,我們提出一項特殊的保證:要把我們的美好諾言化作善行,在爭取進(jìn)步的新聯(lián)盟中援助自由人和自由政府來擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種為實現(xiàn)本身愿望而進(jìn)行的和平革命不應(yīng)成為不懷好意的國家的俎上肉。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道,我們將與他們聯(lián)合抵御對美洲任何地區(qū)的侵略或顛覆。讓其它國家都知道,西半球的事西半球自己會管。

      至于聯(lián)合國這個各主權(quán)國家的世界性議會,在今天這個戰(zhàn)爭工具的發(fā)展速度超過和平工具的時代中,它是我們最后的、最美好的希望。我們愿重申我們的支持諾言;不讓它變成僅供謾罵的講壇,加強(qiáng)其對于新國弱國的保護(hù),并擴(kuò)大其權(quán)力所能運(yùn)用的領(lǐng)域。

      finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后,對于那些與我們?yōu)閿车膰?,我們所要提供的不是保證,而是要求:雙方重新著手尋求和平,不要等到科學(xué)所釋出的危險破壞力量在有意或無意中使

      全人類淪于自我毀滅。we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.我們不敢以示弱去誘惑他們。因為只有當(dāng)我們的武力無可臵疑地壯大時,我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會使用武力。

      可是這兩個強(qiáng)有力的國家集團(tuán),誰也不能對當(dāng)前的趨勢放心--雙方都因現(xiàn)代武器的代價而感到不勝負(fù)擔(dān),雙方都對于致命的原子力量不斷發(fā)展而產(chǎn)生應(yīng)有的驚駭,可是雙方都在競謀改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均衡,而此種均衡卻可以暫時阻止人類最后從事戰(zhàn)爭。

      so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.因此讓我們重新開始,雙方都應(yīng)記住,謙恭并非懦弱的征象,而誠意則永遠(yuǎn)須要驗證。讓我們永不因畏懼而談判。但讓我們永不要畏懼談判。

      第五篇:約翰·肯尼迪就職演說稿英文

      vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.

      xiexiebang.com范文網(wǎng)(FANWEN.CHAZIDIAN.COM)

      to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

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