第一篇：富蘭克林羅斯福演講稿

富蘭克林羅斯福演講稿

昨天，１９４１年１２月７日必須永遠(yuǎn)記住這個(gè)恥辱的日子.美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)受到了日本帝國(guó)?？哲娡蝗坏男钜獾墓?。美國(guó)和日本是和平相處的，根據(jù)日本的請(qǐng)求仍在同它的政府和天皇進(jìn)行會(huì)談，以期維護(hù)太平洋地區(qū)的和平。實(shí)際上，就在日本空軍部隊(duì)已經(jīng)著手開(kāi)始轟炸美國(guó)瓦湖島之后的一小時(shí)，日本駐美國(guó)大使和同僚還向我們的國(guó)務(wù)卿提交了對(duì)美國(guó)最近致日方 消息的正式答復(fù)。雖然復(fù)函聲稱繼續(xù)現(xiàn)行外交談判似已無(wú)用，但卻并未包含有關(guān)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)或武裝 攻擊的威脅或暗示歷史將會(huì)作證，由于夏威夷離日本的距離如此之遙，顯然表明這次進(jìn)攻是經(jīng)過(guò)許多天甚至許多星期精心策劃的。在調(diào)停期間，日本政府蓄意以虛偽的聲明和表示繼續(xù)維持和平的愿望來(lái)欺騙美國(guó)。

昨天對(duì)夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國(guó)海陸軍部隊(duì)造成了嚴(yán)重的損害。我遺憾地告訴各位，許多美國(guó)人喪失了生命，此外，根據(jù)報(bào)告，美國(guó)船只在舊金山和火奴魯魯之間的公海上也遭到了魚(yú)雷襲擊。

昨天，日本政府已發(fā)動(dòng)了對(duì)馬來(lái)亞的進(jìn)攻。昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了香港。昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了關(guān)島。

昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了菲律賓群島。昨晚，日本人進(jìn)攻了威克島。

今早，日本人進(jìn)攻了中途島。因此，日本在整個(gè)太平洋區(qū)域采取了突然的攻勢(shì)。昨天和今天的事實(shí)不言自明。美國(guó)的人民已經(jīng)形成了自己的見(jiàn)解，并且非常清楚這關(guān)系到我們國(guó)家的安全和生存的本身。作為陸、海軍總司令，我已指示，為了我們的防務(wù)采取一切措施。但是，我們整個(gè)國(guó)家將永遠(yuǎn)記住這次對(duì)我們突襲的性質(zhì)。不論要用多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間才能戰(zhàn)勝這次有預(yù)謀的入侵，美國(guó)人民將一定要以自己的正義力量贏得絕對(duì)的勝利。我們現(xiàn)在預(yù)言，我們不僅要做出最大的努力來(lái)保衛(wèi)我們自己，我們還將確保這種背信棄義的形式永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)再次危及到我們。我這樣說(shuō)，相信是表達(dá)了國(guó)會(huì)和人民的意志。

敵對(duì)行動(dòng)已經(jīng)存在。無(wú)庸諱言，我國(guó)人民、我國(guó)領(lǐng)土和我國(guó)利益都處于嚴(yán)重危險(xiǎn)之中。相信我們的武裝部隊(duì)，依靠我國(guó)人民的堅(jiān)定決心,我們將取得必然的勝利,愿上帝幫助我們！

我要求國(guó)會(huì)宣布：自１９４１年１２月７日星期日，日本發(fā)動(dòng)無(wú)端的、卑鄙的進(jìn)攻時(shí)起，美國(guó)和日本帝國(guó)之間已處于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)狀態(tài)。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was

deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false

statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.-------------------

formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with

the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they

believed

and were not afraid, we

have so

much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with

her bounty, and human

efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of

public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Y es, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple

to the

ancient truths.A

measure of that restoration lies

in the extent

to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they

teach suthat our

true

destiny is not

to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves,to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct inbanking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and

selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty , on

honor, on the sacredness of our

obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and

action now.Our greatest primary

task is to put

people to work.This

is no unsolvable

problem if

we take

it

wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in

part

by direct

recruiting by the

government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through

this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Y es the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be

helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local

government act

forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be

helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there

must

be an end

to speculation with other people’s

mo ney;

and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special

session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making

income balance outflow.Our

international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world

trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait

on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these

specific means of national

recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United

States of America

–

a

recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American

spirit of the pioneer.It

is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The

neighbor who resolutely

respects himself,and because

he does

so，respects

the rights foothers.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before，our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are laready

and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume

unhesitatingly, the

leadership

of this great

army

of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central

form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And

it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But

it

may be that an

unprecedented demand and need

for undelay

action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with

the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential

democracy.The people of the United

States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate thatey want direct, vigorous action.They

have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made

me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in

this dedication of

th a

nation,we humbly ask the blessings of God,may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.===

第二篇：富蘭克林 羅斯福

富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福這個(gè)坐了20多年輪椅的偉人，戰(zhàn)勝了

殘疾、戰(zhàn)勝了對(duì)手、戰(zhàn)勝了經(jīng)濟(jì)蕭條、戰(zhàn)勝了法西斯。對(duì)于美國(guó)人來(lái)

說(shuō)，他使美國(guó)成為世界超級(jí)大國(guó)。對(duì)于世界來(lái)說(shuō)，他參與奠定了一個(gè)

新的全球政治格局。對(duì)于殘疾人來(lái)說(shuō)，他用一生告訴我們：無(wú)論是總

統(tǒng)還是平民，當(dāng)厄運(yùn)到來(lái)時(shí)要牢牢把握住自己命運(yùn)的舵盤，讓生命之

舟揚(yáng)帆遠(yuǎn)航

美國(guó)總統(tǒng)羅斯福，當(dāng)他還是參議員時(shí)，英姿煥發(fā)，英俊漱灑，才

華橫溢，深受人民愛(ài)戴。正當(dāng)富蘭克林·羅斯福準(zhǔn)備在政壇大展身手的時(shí)候，一場(chǎng)無(wú)情的災(zāi)難突然降臨到他的身上。

在養(yǎng)病期間，他閱讀了大量美國(guó)歷史、政治方面的書籍。在這段

時(shí)間里，羅斯福的性格也產(chǎn)生了重大的變化，他變得溫和、謙虛、平

易近人。他把與疾病斗爭(zhēng)、積極鍛煉身體看作是一件非常愉快的事情。經(jīng)過(guò)這段挫折的錘煉，羅斯福的眼界和思路更開(kāi)闊了。他學(xué)會(huì)尊重并

理解與自己不同的觀點(diǎn)，對(duì)那些受折磨又極需要幫助的人充滿了深切的同情。他躺在那里一天天地成熟起來(lái)，從一個(gè)輕浮的年輕貴族變?yōu)?/p>

一個(gè)能理解下層人民的人道主義者，而正是這一點(diǎn)使他最終入主白

宮。

利用一副鋼與皮革制成的雙腿支架，羅斯福最終可以在別人的攙

扶下站立和行走了。經(jīng)過(guò)7年的養(yǎng)精蓄銳，他重新走上政壇，并在1928年成為紐約州州長(zhǎng)。隨后，他開(kāi)始了向總統(tǒng)寶座的沖刺

。政敵們常用他的殘疾來(lái)攻擊他，這是羅斯福終生都不得不與之

搏斗的事情，但是他總能以出色的政績(jī)、卓越的口才與充沛的精力將

其變成優(yōu)勢(shì).羅斯福曾對(duì)那些輕看殘疾人的人說(shuō)過(guò)：“我還要走路，我要走進(jìn)白宮?！?第一次競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)時(shí)．他對(duì)助選員說(shuō)：“你們布置一個(gè)大講臺(tái)，我要讓所有的選民看到這個(gè)得小兒麻痹癥的人，可以‘走到前面’演講，不需要任何拐杖?！?/p>

首次參加競(jìng)選他就通過(guò)發(fā)言人告訴人們：“一個(gè)州長(zhǎng)不一定是一個(gè)雜技演員。我們選他并不是因?yàn)樗茏銮皾L翻或后滾翻。他干的是腦力勞動(dòng)，是想方設(shè)法為人民造福?！币揽窟@樣的堅(jiān)忍和樂(lè)觀，羅斯福終于在1933年以絕對(duì)優(yōu)勢(shì)擊敗胡佛，成為美國(guó)第32屆總統(tǒng)。

羅斯福一直被視為美國(guó)歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)之一，是20世紀(jì)美國(guó)最受民眾期望和受愛(ài)戴的總統(tǒng)，也是美國(guó)歷史上唯一連任4屆總統(tǒng)的人，任職長(zhǎng)達(dá)12年。他是身殘志堅(jiān)的代表人，也受到世界人民的尊敬

其實(shí)很多事情的成功，最主要的是靠不屈不撓的意志力與絕對(duì)的信心。老是以自己本身某部分的缺陷，氣限定占己的能力的，人，是不聰明的。那只是找借口來(lái)掩飾自己害怕失敗的心理。有些人可能會(huì)說(shuō)自己完全沒(méi)有銷售方面的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，不敢去嘗試而白白浪費(fèi)了一個(gè)可能讓他踏上成功的機(jī)會(huì)。

生命本身是一種挑戰(zhàn)，即使自己有缺陷，但是只要不認(rèn)輸，肯努力去證明自己某方面的本領(lǐng)，一定能獲得成功

羅斯福無(wú)疑是一個(gè)時(shí)代的偉人，但又是一個(gè)執(zhí)著地追求美國(guó)現(xiàn)實(shí)利益的總統(tǒng)，他的行為方式更多地體現(xiàn)出了實(shí)用主義的傾向。正是這種不拘泥于教條理論的務(wù)實(shí)態(tài)度，才使羅斯福在內(nèi)政和外交方面取得了前

所未有的成就。

美國(guó)著名記者約翰遜在羅斯福傳記中寫道：“他推翻的先例比任何人都多，他砸爛的古老結(jié)構(gòu)比任何人都多，他對(duì)美國(guó)整個(gè)面貌的改變比任何人都要迅猛而激烈。然而正是他最深切地相信，美國(guó)這座建筑物從整個(gè)來(lái)說(shuō)，是相當(dāng)美好的。” 羅斯福是20世紀(jì)最受愛(ài)戴和最令人憎恨的美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。他受人愛(ài)戴的是因?yàn)?，雖然他出身貴族，但他相信平凡人的價(jià)值，并且為維護(hù)百姓的權(quán)利而戰(zhàn)，無(wú)時(shí)無(wú)刻都在為他的貧民著想，在他最困難的時(shí)期，也忘不了走進(jìn)國(guó)民中，了解他們的困難。他受人愛(ài)戴的另一個(gè)原因是，他有著懾人的魅力。他愉快地工作，對(duì)未來(lái)充滿信心。他帶領(lǐng)美國(guó)走出經(jīng)濟(jì)困境，改變了美國(guó)人的生活方式。然后為了捍衛(wèi)民主政體，幫助世界實(shí)現(xiàn)了安全。

他足可以為身后的一切欣慰：他去世后25天，德國(guó)無(wú)條件投降，3個(gè)月后，日本無(wú)條件投降。而那個(gè)伴隨他一生并與之頑強(qiáng)斗爭(zhēng)的脊髓灰質(zhì)炎癥，也在他去世整整十年后——1955年4月12日被最終攻克。

歷史學(xué)家和政治學(xué)家們一致認(rèn)為，羅斯福與華盛頓和林肯是美國(guó)歷史上最偉大的三位總統(tǒng)

第三篇：富蘭克林羅斯福就職演講

PresidentHoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americansexpectthat on my inductioninto the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision whichthe present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor needwe shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure,as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief thatthe only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts toconvert retreatinto advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigorhas met with that understanding and support of the people themselves whichis essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will againgive that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thankGod, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels.taxes have risen.our abilityto pay has fallen.government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income.themeans of exchange are frozenin the currents of trade.the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side.farmers find no markets for their produce.and the savings ofmany years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizensface the grim problem of existence, and an equally greatnumber toil with little return.Only afoolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague oflocusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have stillmuch to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty andhuman efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,through their own stubbornness and their ownincompetence, have admitted their failure, and haveabdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of publicopinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True,they have tried.But their efforts havebeen cast in the pattern of an outworntradition.Faced by failure of credit, they haveproposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by whichto induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfullyfor restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.Wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in theextent to which we apply social values more noble thanmere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money.it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescentprofits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but tominister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in handwith the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to bevalued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit.and there mustbe an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too oftenhas given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for itthrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, andon unselfish performance.withoutthem it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is toput people to work.This is nounsolvable problem if we face itwisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by theGovernment itself, treating the task as we would treatthe emergency of a war, but at thesame time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatlyneeded projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our greatnatural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to providea better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventingrealistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our smallhomes and ourfarms.It can be helped by insistence thatthe Federal, the State, and the local governmentsact forthwith on the demand thattheir cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by theunifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,uneconomical, unequal.It can behelped by national planning for and supervisionof all forms of transportation and ofcommunications and other utilities thathave a definitely public character.There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it cannever be helped by merely talking aboutit.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require twosafeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments.There must be anend to speculation with other people's money.Andthere must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress inspecial session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shallseek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, thoughvastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary tothe establishment of a sound national economy.Ifavor, as a practical policy, the putting of firstthings first.I shall spare no effort torestore world trade by international economic readjustment.but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thoughtthat guides these specific means of national recovery is notnationally narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a firstconsideration, upon the interdependenceof the various elements in and parts of the United States of America arecognition of the old and permanently importantmanifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the wayto recovery.It is the immediate way.Itis the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nationto the policy of the good neighbor: theneighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights ofothers.the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreementsin and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,our interdependence on each other.that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to goforward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice forthe good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,because it makes possible a leadership which aims atthe larger good.This, I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind uponus, bind upon us all as a sacred obligationwith a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which wehave inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is sosimple, so practicalthat it is possible always tomeet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss ofessential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superblyenduring political mechanism the modern worldhas ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislativeauthority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meetthe unprecedented task before us.But it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelayed actionmay call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty torecommend the measures that a strickennation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measuresas the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within myconstitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall failto take one of these two courses, in the eventthat the national emergency is still critical, I shallnot evade the clear course of duty that will thenconfront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisisbroad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power thatwould be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befitthe time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days thatlie before us in the warm courage of nationalunity.with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moralvalues.with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance ofa rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy.The people of the United Stateshave not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate thatthey want direct, vigorousaction.They have asked for discipline and directionunder leadership.They have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes.Inthe spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication Inthis dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

第四篇：富蘭克林·羅斯福 就職演講

President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today.This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunken to fantastic levels;taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money;and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.

第五篇：富蘭克林·羅斯福新政改革

富蘭克林·羅斯福新政改革

黃安年

在美國(guó)現(xiàn)代史、美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展史和20世紀(jì)世界現(xiàn)代史上，羅斯福新政是最具重大意義的歷史事件,在某種意義上可以說(shuō),羅斯福新政改革挽救了美國(guó)的現(xiàn)代資本主義,并帶來(lái)了當(dāng)代資本主義的新發(fā)展,就本世紀(jì)的改革而言,羅斯福新政也是資本主義世界最為重要、最影響的一次改革。

一 羅斯福新政措施 1.臨危不懼,推行新政

1932年7月2日，紐約州長(zhǎng)富蘭克林·羅斯福在芝加哥民主黨全國(guó)代表大會(huì)上,以堅(jiān)忍不拔毅力扔掉雙拐從輪椅上站立起來(lái),接受了總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選候選人提名，并發(fā)表演說(shuō)稱：“如果競(jìng)選成功,我保證為美國(guó)人民施行新政。”這位自1921年8月起患小兒麻痹癥下身完全癱瘓的政治家,給人們以誓死力挽狂瀾,拯救瀕于崩潰的資本國(guó)家的可敬可佩形象。

1932年11月，羅斯福以472張壓倒多數(shù)的選舉人票,戰(zhàn)勝胡佛當(dāng)選第32任美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。他在1933年3月4日的總統(tǒng)就職典禮上,號(hào)召美國(guó)人民戰(zhàn)勝對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)大危機(jī)的恐懼心理說(shuō)：“我們唯一值得恐懼的就是恐懼本身?！迸u(píng)前領(lǐng)導(dǎo)“脫不開(kāi)過(guò)時(shí)傳統(tǒng)的窼臼”，宣布“我們首要任務(wù)是給人民工作”，“要把救濟(jì)工作統(tǒng)一掌握起來(lái)?！薄耙髧?guó)會(huì)準(zhǔn)許使用應(yīng)付危機(jī)的唯一手段----向非常狀況開(kāi)戰(zhàn)的廣泛的行政權(quán)力。”

他依靠華萊士(農(nóng)業(yè)部長(zhǎng))、伊克斯(內(nèi)政部長(zhǎng))、珀金斯(勞工部長(zhǎng))、霍普金斯（商務(wù)部長(zhǎng)）以及來(lái)自哈佛大學(xué)和哥倫亞大學(xué)教授莫利、特格韋爾、伯利等新政派智囊團(tuán)精英人士，在實(shí)踐中不斷探索、不斷修訂政策，從1933年3月9日-6月16日間，通過(guò)國(guó)會(huì)和政府先后頒布了70多個(gè)新政立法和命令，史稱《百日新政》。

羅斯福新政,一般指1933--1939年期間羅斯福政府所實(shí)行的經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治改革政策,羅斯福的對(duì)外政策并不包括在內(nèi)。1933-1935年初為第一次新政，主要目的在于復(fù)興和救濟(jì)；1935-1939年為第二次新政，主要意圖在改革。由于復(fù)興(RECOVERY)、救濟(jì)(,RELIEF)、改革(REFORM)三個(gè)英文字母開(kāi)頭都是R，所有人們稱羅斯福新政為三R計(jì)劃。在新政期間，總共頒布了700多項(xiàng)法令，涉及整頓財(cái)政金融、調(diào)整工業(yè)生產(chǎn)、節(jié)制農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展、實(shí)行社會(huì)救濟(jì)、舉辦公共工程、調(diào)整三權(quán)分立體制等六個(gè)方面。有人統(tǒng)計(jì)，在羅斯福新政任內(nèi)所討論的有關(guān)美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)生活、社會(huì)問(wèn)題,比以前歷屆總統(tǒng)所討論的相關(guān)問(wèn)題加在一起還要多。

2.大刀闊斧,整頓財(cái)政 第一，整頓銀行。主要有其一,1933年3月9日,國(guó)會(huì)召開(kāi)特別會(huì)議通過(guò)決議,四小時(shí)后總統(tǒng)簽署命令,頒布《銀行緊急法令》,授權(quán)總統(tǒng)全權(quán)整頓破產(chǎn)銀行,由政府提供35億美元貸款,幫助有信譽(yù)的銀行復(fù)業(yè),同時(shí)頒布《存款保險(xiǎn)法》,穩(wěn)定儲(chǔ)戶對(duì)銀行的信心。在此前的3月5日,羅斯福下令禁止囤積黃金,3月6日總統(tǒng)頒布命令暫停銀行活動(dòng)進(jìn)行整頓。3月12日羅斯福首次發(fā)表“爐邊談話”解釋政府的改革銀行政策。

其二,1933年6月16日, 政府頒布了《格拉斯—斯高特法》,即1933年銀行法,迫使商業(yè)銀行與投資銀行脫鉤。

其三,1933年5月27日, 政府頒布了《聯(lián)邦證券法》，要求所有擔(dān)保人和經(jīng)紀(jì)人提供真實(shí)情報(bào)。

其四，1934年6月6日,政府頒布《證券交易法》，建立證券和兌換委員會(huì)，防止并懲處投機(jī)行為。

第二,統(tǒng)制貨幣。主要有其一，1933年4月22日,羅斯福頒布不準(zhǔn)黃金出口令。5月又宣布減少美元含黃金成分50%，發(fā)行30億美元的紙幣。

其二,1933年6月5日,羅斯福簽署命令，頒布《放棄金本位法令》。其三，1934年1月31日,總統(tǒng)頒布《黃金儲(chǔ)備法令》 宣布美元貶值，將美元穩(wěn)定在35美元兌換一盎斯黃金(等于0.999512市兩黃金,即1英兩黃金),相當(dāng)于1900年時(shí)黃金價(jià)值的59.06%,即美元貶值了41%。這一舉措,加強(qiáng)了美國(guó)出口商品的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。

其四，1934年6月19日,政府還頒布了《白銀購(gòu)買法》。

第三,改革銀行體系。主要有其一，1934年2月2日, 成立進(jìn)出口銀行。

其二，1935年8月23日,聯(lián)邦政府頒布了《銀行法》，規(guī)定凡擁有百萬(wàn)美元以上資金的銀行,都要參加聯(lián)邦儲(chǔ)備銀行。

第四,改革稅制。主要有其一，1933年3月22日, 頒布《啤酒稅法》，征啤酒稅。1933年12月5日，憲法第21條修正案批準(zhǔn)，廢除了1919年批準(zhǔn)的第18條憲法修正案關(guān)于禁酒的規(guī)定。

其二，1935年6月, 羅斯福發(fā)表修改稅制的特別咨文。其后，1935年8月30日,頒布《財(cái)產(chǎn)稅法》、1936年6月22日, 1937年8月26日,1938年5月27日先后頒布新稅法。

其三,1939年5月16日,實(shí)施食品稅計(jì)劃。

第五,實(shí)施公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。主要有其一,1936年6月20日, 頒布聯(lián)邦反對(duì)價(jià)格歧視法令,又稱羅賓遜——怕特曼法。

其二,1937年8月18日,頒布密勒——泰丁斯法,規(guī)定零售商的公平交易法則。3.全國(guó)工業(yè)復(fù)興法和農(nóng)業(yè)調(diào)整法,調(diào)整工業(yè)生產(chǎn)，節(jié)制農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展 在調(diào)整工業(yè)生產(chǎn)方面

首先,最重要的是1933年6月16日,頒布《全國(guó)工業(yè)復(fù)興法》,又稱產(chǎn)業(yè)復(fù)興法。據(jù)此, 在同年8月5日, 建立全國(guó)勞工局;據(jù)該法第2條,建立公共工程管理局。羅斯福稱“這是美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)制訂的最重要、最具有深遠(yuǎn)意義的立法?！痹摲ò感Q“旨在鼓勵(lì)全國(guó)產(chǎn)業(yè)復(fù)興，促進(jìn)公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，規(guī)定某些有益的公共工程的興建?！痹摲ò傅谌龡l規(guī)定了生產(chǎn)規(guī)模和價(jià)格，被稱為“工業(yè)和平”的公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)法規(guī)。

第七條A款，則規(guī)定了勞工的基本權(quán)利。該法案第二章則詳細(xì)規(guī)定了共用事業(yè)和建設(shè)計(jì)劃。根據(jù)這一法案，建立了國(guó)家復(fù)興管理局，由雇主、雇員和消費(fèi)者共同監(jiān)督和調(diào)節(jié)生產(chǎn)。參與該法規(guī)的企業(yè)標(biāo)有藍(lán)鷹記號(hào)。1935年5月27日,在謝克特家禽公司訴美國(guó)政府案中，全國(guó)工業(yè)復(fù)興法被宣布違憲。

其次, 1935年7月5日，政府頒布了《全國(guó)勞資關(guān)系法》,即華格納法。該法重申了全國(guó)工業(yè)復(fù)興法中七條A款的重要內(nèi)容，即雇員有組織集體談判的權(quán)利；雇主應(yīng)遵守最高工時(shí)，最低工資等雇傭條件；不得以是否參加工會(huì)作為限制受雇的條件。

第三,1938年6月25日，政府頒布了《公平勞動(dòng)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)法》,即工資工時(shí)法，規(guī)定最低工資每小時(shí)40美分，最高工時(shí)每周40小時(shí)。在這以前的1936年6月30日,政府還頒布了《政府雇員工作法》。

第四, 規(guī)定其它管制工業(yè)立法主要有:1935年8月30日,頒布格菲——施奈德法案，據(jù)此,建立全國(guó)煙煤委員會(huì)。1938年4月26日,又頒布了《格菲—文森煙煤法》。1935年,頒布康納利法, 規(guī)定石油運(yùn)價(jià)。1935年,頒布酒精管制法。1935年8月28日,頒布《公用事業(yè)控股公司法》,即惠勒——雷伯恩法案等。

在節(jié)制農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展方面

首先，最重要的是1933年5月12日頒布了農(nóng)業(yè)調(diào)整法,該法宣稱旨在“提高農(nóng)村購(gòu)買力以解救當(dāng)前全國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)”，規(guī)定了保持農(nóng)產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)和消費(fèi)之間的某種平衡的具體措施。根據(jù)法案成立了農(nóng)業(yè)調(diào)整局，控制小麥、棉花、玉米、水稻、煙草、豬等農(nóng)副產(chǎn)品的生產(chǎn)。剩余農(nóng)副產(chǎn)品部分由政府收購(gòu)，部分則銷毀或暫存?zhèn)}庫(kù)。據(jù)此，1933年政府同各州農(nóng)場(chǎng)主簽訂減少耕地面積的合同，1934年美國(guó)小麥和棉田面積各減少1 000萬(wàn)英畝，玉米播種面積減少900萬(wàn)英畝。凡拒絕執(zhí)行簽約的農(nóng)場(chǎng)不得享受貸款和援助。其后，推廣到奶油、糖、亞麻等農(nóng)產(chǎn)品。大量小麥、馬鈴薯、牛奶被銷毀，豬、牛、羊等牲畜被屠宰。1936年1月6日，最高法院審理巴特勒訴美國(guó)政府案，宣布農(nóng)業(yè)調(diào)整法違憲。

其次,加強(qiáng)土壤保護(hù),主要有1935年4月27日,頒布<<土壤保護(hù)法>> , 據(jù)此, 建立土壤保護(hù)署。1936年2月29日，頒布《土壤保持和國(guó)內(nèi)分配法》，提倡土壤保護(hù)和科學(xué)耕作制度。

第三, 1938年2月16日,政府再次頒布《農(nóng)業(yè)調(diào)整法》，規(guī)定豐年時(shí)由政府收購(gòu)剩余農(nóng)產(chǎn)品，歉收時(shí)由政府控制市場(chǎng)物價(jià)。

第四,其它農(nóng)業(yè)調(diào)整和扶持措施,主要有：1933年6月16日,頒布農(nóng)場(chǎng)信貸法,建立農(nóng)場(chǎng)信貸管理署。

1934年2月23日,頒布公司貸款法。1933年10月18日,成立農(nóng)產(chǎn)品貸款公司。1934年1月30日,頒布《農(nóng)場(chǎng)抵押再貸款法案》,建立聯(lián)邦農(nóng)場(chǎng)抵押公司。1934年4月7日,頒布《瓊斯—康納利農(nóng)場(chǎng)救濟(jì)法》。1934年4月21日,頒布《班克里德棉花控制法》。1934年5月9日,頒布《瓊斯—科斯蒂根食糖法》。1934年6月頒布《克爾——史密斯法案》。1934年6月28日,頒布《煙草控制法》。1934年6月28日,頒布《聯(lián)邦農(nóng)場(chǎng)破產(chǎn)法》。1935年8月30日,通過(guò)了《農(nóng)場(chǎng)抵押延緩法》。

1937年7月22日,頒布《班克里德—瓊斯農(nóng)場(chǎng)租佃法》,建立農(nóng)場(chǎng)保障署。4.社會(huì)保障制度和田納西工程

在實(shí)行社會(huì)救濟(jì)和社會(huì)保障方面，首先,1933年3月31日,頒布了《民間護(hù)林保土隊(duì)救濟(jì)法》, 建立民間護(hù)林保土隊(duì)。

其次,實(shí)施聯(lián)邦緊急救濟(jì)措施,主要有:1933年5月12日,頒布《聯(lián)邦緊急救濟(jì)法》。1935年4年月8日,通過(guò)了《緊急救濟(jì)撥款法》,實(shí)施以工代賑計(jì)劃。1935年5月1日,根據(jù)《緊急救濟(jì)撥款法》成立重新安置署。1935年6月7日,根據(jù)《緊急救濟(jì)撥款法》建立全國(guó)資源委員會(huì)。1935年6月26日,根據(jù)《緊急救濟(jì)撥款法》建立全國(guó)青年管理署。

這些救濟(jì)措施,對(duì)于解救臨時(shí)性困難起了重要作用。民間護(hù)林保土隊(duì)先后雇用了275萬(wàn)青年，從事墾殖、建筑國(guó)有公園和森林。全國(guó)青年管理署,先后安排了75萬(wàn)中學(xué)生、大學(xué)生和研究生,受雇為打字員、實(shí)驗(yàn)員、圖書管理員和家庭教師等。在霍普金斯任工程振興局局長(zhǎng)的1935-1941年間，共耗資113.65億美元,用于公共建設(shè)、資源保護(hù)以及各種社團(tuán)救濟(jì)等。

第三, 建立社會(huì)保障機(jī)制。這是新政時(shí)期最具深遠(yuǎn)影響的社會(huì)立法。最重要的是1935年8月14日,羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)簽署了國(guó)會(huì)通過(guò)了《社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)法》,從而確立了美國(guó)現(xiàn)代社會(huì)保障制度。

第四,實(shí)施了保障住宅的立法措施,主要有1933年6月13日,頒布《農(nóng)場(chǎng)主再貸款法》,建立農(nóng)場(chǎng)主貸款公司。1937年9月1日,頒布《國(guó)有住宅法》，通稱《瓦格納—斯蒂高爾法》,建立美國(guó)住房署。據(jù)此許多城市居民可以租到房租低廉的住房。

第五,建立保障雇員權(quán)益的一些機(jī)構(gòu),主要有1933年6月6日,頒布全國(guó)雇員制度法,建立美國(guó)雇員署。1933年6月16日，頒布《緊急鐵路運(yùn)輸法》等。

第六,建立民間救濟(jì)工作管理機(jī)構(gòu),如1933年11月8日,建立民間工作管理署。1934年2月15日,頒布民間工作緊急救濟(jì)法等。

第七,規(guī)定鐵路職工福利保障,如1934年6月27日,頒布《鐵路職工退休法》。1935年8月29日,頒布《瓦格納—克羅塞鐵路職工退休法》等。

第八,規(guī)定退伍軍人福利保障。如1936年1月24日,頒布了《退伍軍人補(bǔ)償金調(diào)整法案》等。在舉辦公共工程方面，首先,最重要的是1933年5月18日,頒布了《田納西河流域管理法》,據(jù)此成立了田納西河流域管理局。該法旨在“改進(jìn)通航，并為田納西河的洪水控制作準(zhǔn)備；確保重新造林和合理使用田納西河流域地區(qū)；保證該地區(qū)工農(nóng)業(yè)的發(fā)展”等，這項(xiàng)計(jì)劃已久的最大的綜合工程，保護(hù)了3 000萬(wàn)英畝的農(nóng)田，使整個(gè)流域居民平均收入提高了9倍。在羅斯福新政期間，還建成了胡佛水壩、密蘇里河上的佩克堡水壩等。

其次,建立其它公共工程管理機(jī)構(gòu),主要有1935年5月11日,建立農(nóng)村電力管理局。1935年8月9日,頒布《機(jī)動(dòng)運(yùn)載工具法》等。

第三,其它水利工程主要有1936年6月22日,頒布《洪水控制法》。1939年8月2日,頒布《哈奇法》,擴(kuò)大農(nóng)田灌溉工程。

5.行政機(jī)構(gòu)和司法制度的改革

首先,改革司法制度。1937年2月25日, 羅斯福提出增加最高法院法官的建議, 由9名增至15名。7月國(guó)會(huì)司法委員會(huì)提出反對(duì)改革的報(bào)告，認(rèn)為“它違反歷史上的一切先例”“破壞了憲法給予少數(shù)派的保障?！?，拒絕批準(zhǔn)羅斯福的建議。

其次,改革行政管理機(jī)構(gòu),主要有1938年6月16日,建立臨時(shí)國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)委員會(huì)。1938年7月4日,頒布《全國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題第一號(hào)》行政命令。1939年4月3日,頒布《政府機(jī)構(gòu)改組法》。1939年9月8日,頒布第一號(hào)行政命令, 即8248號(hào)命令。這些舉措使總統(tǒng)管理經(jīng)濟(jì)的權(quán)力得以擴(kuò)大，并使總統(tǒng)制職權(quán)體制化，建立了包括白宮辦公室、預(yù)算局在內(nèi)總統(tǒng)辦事機(jī)構(gòu)和管理體系。

二

羅斯福新政的歷史地位

羅斯福新政研究一直是美國(guó)和我國(guó)學(xué)術(shù)界的熱點(diǎn)之一。羅斯福新政的研究涉及評(píng)論標(biāo)準(zhǔn),在我國(guó)一般有以下幾種見(jiàn)解: 一是由黨派之見(jiàn)和國(guó)家關(guān)系親疏引起的不同評(píng)價(jià),如中美統(tǒng)一戰(zhàn)線時(shí)期、中美敵對(duì)關(guān)系時(shí)期、中美關(guān)系正?；絹?lái)之時(shí)，就存在不同評(píng)價(jià);在美國(guó)民主黨和共和黨政府之間，對(duì)羅斯福的評(píng)價(jià)也截然不同。

二是由階級(jí)性質(zhì)的不同引起的相悖評(píng)論,即依是否有利于無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)或資產(chǎn)階級(jí)、是否有利于無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)革命的發(fā)展和資本主義制度的鞏固、是否有利于壟斷資產(chǎn)階級(jí)的右翼或資產(chǎn)階級(jí)的自由派來(lái)肯定和否定。

三是由信奉的經(jīng)濟(jì)思想引起的不同評(píng)價(jià)：持自由競(jìng)爭(zhēng)思想論者的評(píng)價(jià)和持國(guó)家干預(yù)思想的論者評(píng)價(jià)就大不相同;從胡佛自由放任哲學(xué)角度的評(píng)價(jià)和從凱恩斯經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)角度的評(píng)價(jià)截然不同。

四是由新政對(duì)大危機(jī)所起的作用引起的不同評(píng)價(jià),這涉及新政作為一項(xiàng)政策能否解決大危機(jī)的所有矛盾這樣的問(wèn)題。五是由社會(huì)生產(chǎn)力的發(fā)展引起的不同評(píng)價(jià),這里涉及是生產(chǎn)力發(fā)展的唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，還是社會(huì)生產(chǎn)力和階級(jí)利益的雙重標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。

無(wú)疑社會(huì)生產(chǎn)力標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，應(yīng)是衡量羅斯福新政是非的唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。我們應(yīng)當(dāng)注意區(qū)別新政的階級(jí)屬性和歷史作用的不同評(píng)價(jià);區(qū)別根本標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和相關(guān)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的評(píng)價(jià);還要堅(jiān)持實(shí)事求是的評(píng)價(jià)，而不能把輿論導(dǎo)向作為唯一的是非標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。具體說(shuō)來(lái)應(yīng)當(dāng)強(qiáng)調(diào)：

1.新政是順應(yīng)歷史潮流的產(chǎn)物

在到20世紀(jì)30年代的美國(guó)歷史上，有過(guò)三次重大抉擇,一次是獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),一次是美國(guó)內(nèi)戰(zhàn),一次是1929-1933年大危機(jī)。面對(duì)大危機(jī)美國(guó)可供選擇的道路，一是無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)革命，當(dāng)時(shí)并不具備這一主觀形勢(shì)，美共黨員不超過(guò)兩萬(wàn)人，在工人中影響甚微，且力主跟著羅斯福的政策走，左右工運(yùn)的勞聯(lián)主張階級(jí)合作，許多工人寄希望于以有作為的總統(tǒng)取代無(wú)作為的胡佛總統(tǒng)。二是讓法西斯上臺(tái)，當(dāng)時(shí)雖面臨現(xiàn)實(shí)威脅，但是廣大人民和政界主流反對(duì)法西斯上臺(tái)。三是維持胡佛“自由放任”政策現(xiàn)狀，這是一條絕望之路，已為廣大人民所否定。四是實(shí)行改革，以維護(hù)資本制度。顯然在這種情況下，避免法西斯，防止共產(chǎn)主義，阻止危機(jī)進(jìn)一步惡化，采取維護(hù)資產(chǎn)階級(jí)民主體制的積極改良措施，成為順應(yīng)歷史發(fā)展潮流的必然產(chǎn)物。

2.新政是具有進(jìn)步意義的改良和傳統(tǒng)的繼承與發(fā)展 新政的實(shí)施緩和了經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的嚴(yán)重惡果，和由此激化了的階級(jí)矛盾，部分地改善了處于底層的的勞動(dòng)人民的生活困境，使國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)免于徹底崩潰，在一定程度上恢復(fù)和保護(hù)了社會(huì)生產(chǎn)力。美國(guó)工業(yè)生產(chǎn)指數(shù)1932年為58，1936年回升到121，工人失業(yè)數(shù)比1932年減少了一半，1937年的國(guó)民收入比1929年危機(jī)前還多46億美元，工人階級(jí)的社會(huì)生活狀況有了較多的改善。新政的社會(huì)救濟(jì)和公共工程使廣大中層人收益。新政期間，新辦的社會(huì)工程和福利事業(yè)在三萬(wàn)項(xiàng)以上，新建了10%的公路、35%醫(yī)院、65%的學(xué)校，開(kāi)辟240多萬(wàn)英畝國(guó)有林地、20萬(wàn)英畝的國(guó)有公園、7 700座橋梁、285座機(jī)場(chǎng)、24 000英里下水道、122 000棟公共建筑、664 000英里的公路。

新政的實(shí)施無(wú)疑改良而不是革命。問(wèn)題不在于新政是改良還是革命，問(wèn)題的關(guān)鍵在于如何評(píng)價(jià)新政的改良措施。馬克思主義者并不籠統(tǒng)地反對(duì)改良，而是具體分析改良措施的歷史條件及其所起的作用。在100年來(lái)的現(xiàn)代美國(guó)史上，并沒(méi)有發(fā)生革命，但是改革調(diào)整不斷，社會(huì)不斷進(jìn)步，經(jīng)濟(jì)不斷發(fā)展。

新政改革從本質(zhì)上說(shuō),是為鞏固壟斷資本統(tǒng)治而在生產(chǎn)關(guān)系和上層建筑領(lǐng)域?qū)嵭械囊环N調(diào)整措施。在經(jīng)濟(jì)上，以國(guó)家干預(yù)經(jīng)濟(jì)的職能來(lái)調(diào)整壟斷資本之間的相互關(guān)系，調(diào)整壟斷資本和中小資產(chǎn)階級(jí)之間及工農(nóng)之間的相互關(guān)系。它既是對(duì)壟斷資本的某些方面進(jìn)行扶持或抑制，又對(duì)勞動(dòng)人民作出必要的讓步。在政治上，以緩和內(nèi)部矛盾的某些措施來(lái)防范危機(jī)的蔓延，避免法西斯上臺(tái)和無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)革命。新政的改良措施緩和了危機(jī)的惡果，避免走上了法西斯主義道路，初步恢復(fù)了國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)力，維護(hù)了資產(chǎn)階級(jí)民主體制，為在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)中發(fā)揮“民主國(guó)家兵工廠”的作用奠定了基礎(chǔ)，所有這些表明這種改良具有進(jìn)步意義。

新政是美國(guó)歷史上進(jìn)步主義傳統(tǒng)的繼續(xù),從19世紀(jì)末20世紀(jì)初的進(jìn)步主義運(yùn)動(dòng)、老羅斯福的“公平交易”和新國(guó)家主義改革、威爾遜的“新自由”改革到羅斯福新政，我們可以看到一條改革的線索。新政使《獨(dú)立宣言》中的一切人生而平等的實(shí)惠得以擴(kuò)大,使得較多的中下層“被遺忘的人”,有機(jī)會(huì)被列入一切人的范圍。有人說(shuō)新政(NEW DEAL)一詞，分別取自威爾遜新自由(NEW FREEDOM)和老羅斯福的公平交易(DEAL SQUARE)兩詞中的NEW和DEAL。

對(duì)于新政的民主精神,1945年4月14日的《新華日?qǐng)?bào)》和《解放日?qǐng)?bào)》分別發(fā)表社論稱:“羅斯福忠實(shí)地繼承了華盛頓、杰斐遜、林肯以來(lái)最優(yōu)秀的民主傳統(tǒng)，從他開(kāi)始從政的時(shí)候起，一直就本著為人民服務(wù)，為人民爭(zhēng)取自由的精神和一切反民主的敵人作了堅(jiān)決而不倦的斗爭(zhēng)。”“他用大無(wú)畏的精神推行新政，他用提高人民生活水平，擴(kuò)大人民購(gòu)買力的政策來(lái)代替了帝國(guó)主義式的對(duì)外經(jīng)濟(jì)掠奪，他渡過(guò)了危機(jī)，安定了國(guó)民生活，他也用這政策來(lái)代替快到來(lái)的反法西斯戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),創(chuàng)立了使美國(guó)成為全民主國(guó)家兵工廠的準(zhǔn)備工作。”“羅氏在美國(guó)是一面民主的旗幟，是美國(guó)各階層反法西斯、反人民民主合作的象征。”

新政為戰(zhàn)后美國(guó)政府,特別是民主黨政府的調(diào)整和改革措施提供了一種模式。杜魯門的公平施政、肯尼迪的新邊疆、約翰遜的偉大社會(huì)、卡特的反滯脹政策、克林頓的新民主黨人政策，都宣稱和羅斯福新政一脈相承；而艾森豪威爾的折衷主義政策、尼克松福特的新聯(lián)邦主義政策、里根和布什的振興經(jīng)濟(jì)政策，都在一定程度上打上了新政的烙印。

3.新政是國(guó)家壟斷資本主義全面干預(yù)的嘗試

新政的最大貢獻(xiàn)是進(jìn)行壟斷資本主義的全面干預(yù)的嘗試，開(kāi)始了國(guó)家壟斷資本主義的新時(shí)代，從而帶來(lái)了戰(zhàn)后美國(guó)資本主義的新發(fā)展。新政措施一反傳統(tǒng)的自由放任政策，它的實(shí)踐和凱恩斯主義強(qiáng)化國(guó)家干預(yù)經(jīng)濟(jì)的思想不謀而合。

實(shí)際上,新政措施是國(guó)家壟斷資本主義的反危機(jī)政策，它用國(guó)家直接干預(yù)各個(gè)領(lǐng)域經(jīng)濟(jì)事物的辦法,來(lái)調(diào)整生產(chǎn)關(guān)系的某些環(huán)節(jié)，一方面扶植或抑制壟斷資本主義的某些方面，另一方面則向工人和農(nóng)民及其他階層作出某些讓步，提供就業(yè)和必要的社會(huì)生活保障,阻止危機(jī)的惡化和蔓延。新政是在大危機(jī)條件下強(qiáng)化國(guó)家干預(yù)，并在世界戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)條件下繼續(xù)強(qiáng)化國(guó)家的干預(yù)；戰(zhàn)后為了防止危機(jī)，也為了保持繁榮，歷屆政府繼續(xù)強(qiáng)化國(guó)家干預(yù)經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)生活的政策。這樣，資本主義國(guó)家不僅依賴自由市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì),這只看不見(jiàn)的手，而且依賴國(guó)家宏觀和微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)政策,這只看得見(jiàn)的手,來(lái)交替運(yùn)行經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)發(fā)展機(jī)制，從而，使美國(guó)的資本主義走向更為成熟的發(fā)展階段。

4.新政體現(xiàn)了資產(chǎn)階級(jí)民主派的利益和反映了人民群眾的要求。

新政代表了整個(gè)資產(chǎn)階級(jí)的利益并著重體現(xiàn)了壟斷資產(chǎn)階級(jí)民主派的利益,但也在一定程度上反映了人民群眾的要求。羅斯福自己坦言：“從來(lái)在美國(guó)沒(méi)有另外一個(gè)人,比我對(duì)資本主義的制度的私人企業(yè)、私有財(cái)產(chǎn)和私人利潤(rùn)有著更堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的信仰”“當(dāng)這個(gè)私人利潤(rùn)和自由企業(yè)的制度面臨毀滅邊沿的時(shí)候，是這個(gè)政府挽救了它?！庇腥朔穸ㄙY產(chǎn)階級(jí)代表人物中存在開(kāi)明派人士，把羅斯福新政和希特勒法西斯專政相混同，等量齊觀，各打50大板,這是與事實(shí)有悖的，絕不是馬克思主義的態(tài)度。

在四次總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選中，擁護(hù)羅斯福的多數(shù)是南部白人、城市工人、移民、農(nóng)民、黑人、廣大處于下層的“被遺忘的人”。羅斯福任內(nèi),先后舉行了998次記者招待會(huì)和“爐邊談話”，他和各階層的人士都保持較為廣泛的聯(lián)系。由于他頗得民心，有人認(rèn)為在美國(guó)歷史上他的地位,應(yīng)和林肯、華盛頓齊名。紐約有一所小學(xué)舉行民意測(cè)驗(yàn)，結(jié)果顯示，羅斯福最受歡迎，上帝其次，但得票遠(yuǎn)不如他。

當(dāng)羅斯福在1945年4月12日突然去世時(shí)，在全美國(guó)和世界反法西斯國(guó)家中引起了巨大的悲哀，顯示了羅斯福在美國(guó)人民和世界人民中的崇高威望。連大林也稱：“在現(xiàn)在資本主義世界的一切首腦中間，羅斯福是一位最有才干的人物。”那種認(rèn)為在統(tǒng)治階級(jí)代表人物和人民群眾之間，不可能有著共同利益的觀點(diǎn)顯然是站不住的?？梢院敛豢鋸埖卣f(shuō)，羅斯福是開(kāi)創(chuàng)當(dāng)代資本主義新局面的第一人。