第一篇：里根總統(tǒng)的離職演說

Ronald Reagan： Farewell Address to the Nation My fellow Americans：

This is the 34th time I'll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last.We've been together 8 years now，and soon it'll be time for me to go.But before I do，I wanted to share some thoughts，some of which I've been saving for a long time.It's been the honor of my life to be your President.So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks，but I could say as much to you.Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve.One of the things about the Presidency is that you're always somewhat apart.You spent a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving，and seeing the people through tinted glass —— the parents holding up a child，and the wave you saw too late and couldn't return.And so many times I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass，and connect.Well，maybe I can do a little of that tonight.People ask how I feel about leaving.And the fact is，“parting is such sweet sorrow.” The sweet part is California and the ranch and freedom.The sorrow —— the goodbyes，of course，and leaving this beautiful place.You know，down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the President and his family live.There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning.The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument，and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low，you can see past the Jefferson to the river，the Potomac，and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks，the morning traffic as people make their way to work，now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past ,then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low，you can see past the

Jefferson to the river，the Potomac，and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks，the morning traffic as people make their way to work，now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past 8 years have meant and mean.And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one —— a small story about a big ship，and a refugee，and a sailor.It was back in the early eighties，at the height of the boat people.And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway，which was patrolling the South China Sea.The sailor，like most American servicemen，was young，smart，and fiercely observant.The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat.And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America.The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety.As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas，one spied the sailor on deck，and stood up，and called out to him.He yelled，“Hello，American sailor.Hello，freedom man.”

A small moment with a big meaning，a moment the sailor，who wrote it in a letter，couldn't get out of his mind.And，when I saw it，neither could I.Because that's what it has to —— it was to be an American in the 1980's.We stood，again，for freedom.I know we always have，but in the past few years the world again —— and in a way，we ourselves —— rediscovered it.It's been quite a journey this decade，and we held together through some stormy seas.And at the end，together，we're reaching our destination.The fact is，from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits，from the recession of '81 to '82，to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day，we've made a difference.The way I see it，there were two great triumphs，two things that I'm proudest of.One is the economic recovery，in which the people of America created —— and filled —— 19

million new jobs.The other is the recovery of our morale.America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this.It was back in 1981，and I was attending my first big economic summit，which was held that year in Canada.The meeting place rotates among the member countries.The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations.Well I sat there like the new kid in school and listened，and it was all Francois this and Helmut that.They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis.Well，at one point I sort of leaned in and said，“My name's Ron.” Well，in that same year，we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback —— cut taxes and regulation，started to cut spending.And soon the recovery began..Two years later，another economic summit with pretty much the same cast.At the big opening meeting we all got together，and all of a sudden，just for a moment，I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me.And then one of them broke the silence.“Tell us about the American miracle，” he said.Well，back in 1980，when I was running for President，it was all so different.Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe.Our views on foreign affairs would cause war.Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soar and bring about economic collapse.I even remember one highly respected economist saying，back in 1982，that “The engines of economic growth have shut down here，and they're likely to stay that way for years to come.” Well，he and the other opinion leaders were wrong.The fact is what they call “radical” was really “right.” What they called “dangerous” was just “desperately needed.”

And in all of that time I won a nickname，“The Great Communicator.” But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference： it was the content.I wasn't a great communicator，but I communicated great things，and they didn't spring full bloom from my

brow，they came from the heart of a great nation —— from our experience，our wisdom，and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.They called it the “Reagan Revolution.” Well，I'll accept that，but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery，a rediscovery of our values and our common sense.Common sense told us that when you put a big tax on something，the people will produce less of it.So，we cut the people's tax rates，and the people produced more than ever before.The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger.Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history： real family income up，the poverty rate down，entrepreneurship booming，and an explosion in research and new technology.We're exporting more than ever because American industry became more competitive.And at the same time，we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at home.Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace，we'd have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion.So，we rebuilt our defenses，and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe.Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons —— and hope for even more progress is bright —— but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease.The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone.The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan.The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia，and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50，000 Cuban troops home from Angola.The lesson of all this was，of course，that because we're a great nation，our challenges seem complex.It will always be this way.But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves，the future will always be ours.And something else we learned： Once you begin a great movement，there's no telling where it'll end.We meant to change a nation，and instead，we changed a world.Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away from

the ideologies of the past.For them，the great rediscovery of the 1980's has been that，lo and behold，the moral way of government is the practical way of government： Democracy，the profoundly good，is also the profoundly productive.When you've got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday，you can sit back sometimes，review your life，and see it flowing before you.For me there was a fork in the river，and it was right in the middle of my life.I never meant to go into politics.It wasn't my intention when I was young.But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you.I was happy with my career in the entertainment world，but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious.Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government，and with three little words： “We the People.” “We the People” tell the government what to do； it doesn't tell us.“We the People” are the driver； the government is the car，and we decide where it should go，and by what route，and how fast.Almost all the world's constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are.Our Constitution is a document in which “We the People” tell the government what it is allowed to do.“We the People” are free.This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I've tried to do these past 8 years.But back in the 1960's，when I began，it seemed to me that we'd begun reversing the order of things —— that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes，the government was taking more of our money，more of our options，and more of our freedom.I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say，“Stop.” I was a citizen politician，and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do.I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping.And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited.There's a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics： “As government expands，liberty contracts.”

Nothing is less free than pure communism —— and yet we have，the past few years，forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union.I've been asked if this isn't a gamble，and my answer is no because we're basing our actions not on words but deeds.The detente of this 1970's was based not on actions but promises.They'd promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better.But the gulag was still the gulag，and the state was still expansionist，and they still waged proxy wars in Africa，Asia，and Latin America.Well，this time，so far，it's different.President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan.He has also freed prisoners whose names I've given him every time we've met.But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents.Once，during the heady days of the Moscow summit，Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Arbat Street —— that's a little street just off Moscow's main shopping area.Even though our visit was a surprise，every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands.We were just about swept away by the warmth.You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy.But within seconds，a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd.It was an interesting moment.It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace，the government is Communist.And those who run it are Communists，and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and human rights very differently.We must keep up our guard，but we must also continue to work together to lessen and eliminate tension and mistrust.My view is that President Gorbachev is different from previous Soviet leaders.I think he knows some of the things wrong with his society and is trying to fix them.We wish him well.And we'll continue to work to make sure that the Soviet Union that eventually emerges from this process is a less threatening one.What it all boils down to is this： I want the new closeness to continue.And it will，as long as we make it clear that we will continue to act in a certain way as long as they continue to act in a helpful manner.If and when they don't，at first pull your punches.If they persist，pull the plug.It's still trust but verify.It's

still play，but cut the cards.It's still watch closely.And don't be afraid to see what you see.I've been asked if I have any regrets.Well，I do.The deficit is one.I've been talking a great deal about that lately，but tonight isn't for arguments，and I'm going to hold my tongue.But an observation： I've had my share of victories in the Congress，but what few people noticed is that I never won anything you didn't win for me.They never saw my troops； they never saw Reagan's regiments，the American people.You won every battle with every call you made and letter you wrote demanding action.Well，action is still needed.If we're to finish the job，Reagan's regiments will have to become the Bush brigades.Soon he'll be the Chief，and he'll need you every bit as much as I did.Finally，there is a great tradition of warnings in Presidential farewells，and I've got one that's been on my mind for some time.But oddly enough it starts with one of the things I'm proudest of in the past 8 years： the resurgence of national pride that I called，“The New Patriotism.” This national feeling is good，but it won't count for much，and it won't last unless it's grounded in thoughtfulness and knowledge.An informed patriotism is what we want.And are we doing a good enough job teaching our children what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world？ Those of us who are over 35 or so years of age grew up in a different America.We were taught，very directly，what it means to be an American.And we absorbed，almost in the air，a love of country and an appreciation of its institutions.If you didn't get these things from your family you got them from the neighborhood，from the father down the street who fought in Korea or the family who lost someone at Anzio.Or you could get a sense of patriotism from school.And if all else failed you could get a sense of patriotism from the popular culture.The movies celebrated democratic values and implicitly reinforced the idea that America was special.TV was like that，too，through the mid-sixties.But now，we're about to enter the nineties，and some things have changed.Younger parents aren't sure that an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right thing to teach modern children.And as for those who create the popular culture，well-grounded patriotism is no longer the style.Our spirit is back，but we haven't reinstitutionalized it.We've got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom —— freedom of speech，freedom of religion，freedom of enterprise.And freedom is special and rare.It's fragile； it needs production [protection].So，we've got to teach history based not on what's in fashion but what's important —— why the Pilgrims came here，who Jimmy Doolittle was，and what those 30 seconds over Tokyo meant.You know，4 years ago on the 40th anniversary of D-day，I read a letter from a young woman writing to her late father，who had fought on Omaha Beach.Her name was Lisa Zanatta Henn，and she said，“we will always remember，we will never forget what the boys of Normandy did.” Well，let's help her keep her word.If we forget what we did，we won't know who we are.I'm warning of an eradication of that —— of the American memory that could result，ultimately，in an erosion of the American spirit.Let's start with some basics： more attention to American history and a greater emphasis on civic ritual.And let me offer lesson number one about America： All great change in America begins at the dinner table.So，tomorrow night in the kitchen I hope the talking begins.And children，if your parents haven't been teaching you what it means to be an American，let 'em know and nail 'em on it.That would be a very American thing to do.And that's about all I have to say tonight，except for one thing.The past few days when I've been at that window upstairs，I've thought a bit of the 'shining city upon a hill.' The phrase comes from John Winthrop，who wrote it to describe the America he imagined.What he

imagined was important because he was an early Pilgrim，an early freedom man.He journeyed here on what today we'd call a little wooden boat； and like the other Pilgrims，he was looking for a home that would be free.I've spoken of the shining city all my political life，but I don't know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it.But in my mind it was a tall，proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans，windswept，God-blessed，and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace； a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity.And if there had to be city walls，the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here.That's how I saw it，and see it still.And how stands the city on this winter night？ More prosperous，more secure，and happier than it was 8 years ago.But more than that： After 200 years，two centuries，she still stands strong and true on the granite ridge，and her glow has held steady no matter what storm.And she's still a beacon，still a magnet for all who must have freedom，for all the pilgrims from all the lost places who are hurtling through the darkness，toward home.We've done our part.And as I walk off into the city streets，a final word to the men and women of the Reagan Revolution，the men and women across America who for 8 years did the work that brought America back.My friends： We did it.We weren't just marking time.We made a difference.We made the city stronger； we made the city freer； and we left her in good hands.All in all，not bad —— not bad at all.And so，goodbye，God bless you，and God bless the United States of America.

第二篇：美國第40任總統(tǒng)里根告別演說

美國第40任總統(tǒng)里根告別演說(全文)

時間：1989年1月11日 地點：白宮 我來說兩句

同胞們，這是我第34次，也是最后一次在橢圓形辦公室向你們講話。我們在一起共事至今已有8年，我卸任的時刻即將到來。但是，在此之前，我愿與你們共享某些思想，其中一些我已醞釀很久了。

成為你們的總統(tǒng)，是我終身的光榮。過去幾周，你們中的許多人來信表示謝意，但是，我更要向你們說聲謝謝。南希和我感謝你們給了我們?yōu)槊绹ЯΦ臋C會。作為一名總統(tǒng)，一個特殊之處就在于我總是多少有點與世隔絕之感。我花費許多寶貴的時間乘坐在一輛由別人駕駛的轎車里，透過染色玻璃注視著人們——抱著孩子的父母，窗外的人流一晃而過。多少次，我想讓司機停車，從車窗后面伸出于來，與人們作一番交流，或許，今晚我能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)這一心愿。

有人問我離去的感受，離去當然是“如此甜蜜而又令人傷感”。甜蜜的地方是回到加利福尼亞，在牧場上漫步，享受自由的時光。那么何謂傷感呢？當然是離別，是離開這美麗的地方。

如你們所知，走下大廳，再從這間辦公室走上樓梯，就是白宮中供總統(tǒng)及其家人居住的地方。樓上有幾扇精美的窗子。我喜歡在黎明時分佇立著眺望窗外的景色。從這里眺望過去，是華盛頓紀念碑，然后是林蔭大道，杰斐遜紀念堂。在晴朗的早晨，越過杰斐遜紀念堂，你能夠看到一條洞流——波托馬克河租弗吉尼亞海濱。人們傳說，這就是當年林肯在注視從布爾倫河戰(zhàn)場也騰起的煙霧時所見到的景色。我見到的景色更為平淡：河岸上的草地，早晨上班途中的車輛和行人，以及河面上偶爾飄過的一葉帆船。

我時常在那扇窗子旁苦苦思考。我時常反省著過去的8年和現(xiàn)在究竟意味著什么。進入腦海的是一幅被一再描繪的畫面——一個關(guān)于一艘船、一個難民和一位水兵的故事。

回顧80年代初，當時，從印度支那乘船出逃的難民正達到高潮，而在南中國海巡航的中途島號航母上，這名水兵正在勤勞地干著活。這名水兵像大多數(shù)美國軍人一樣，年輕、聰 明、敏銳。水兵們發(fā)現(xiàn)，在遙遠的地平線上有一艘小船正在波濤中沉浮——船上擠滿了渴望去美國的印支難民。于是，中途島號派出一艘小型汽艇去接應(yīng)他們。難民們在波濤洶涌的大海中掙扎，其中的一位難民發(fā)現(xiàn)了甲板上的那位水兵，便站起身來，向他呼喊道“哈羅，美國水兵，哈羅，自由人?！币粋€毫不起眼但又意義重大的時刻，一個令人難以忘懷的時刻——這名水兵在一封信中這樣寫道。假如我也曾目睹了這一時刻，那么，我也將無法忘懷。

因為，這就是80年代做一名美國人所具有的含義。我們再一次象征著自由。我深信，我們一直代表著自由，但是在過去數(shù)年間，世界一一在某種程度上我們自己——也重新發(fā)現(xiàn)了這一點。

10年來，這確實是一次艱難的旅程，我們同舟共濟，穿越了風(fēng)狂雨暴的大悔。最終，我們一回到達了理想的彼岸。

事實上，從梅林納達，到華盛頓和莫斯科峰會，從1981至 1982年的經(jīng)濟衰退，到始于1982年年末，并一直持續(xù)至今的經(jīng)濟增快，我們已經(jīng)創(chuàng)造了奇跡。

依我看來，我們?nèi)〉昧藘身椢覟榇硕械綗o比自豪的巨大成就。一項是經(jīng)濟的復(fù)蘇，美國人民創(chuàng)造——并且勝任了——1900萬個新的工作崗位。另一項是道德的恢復(fù)：美國再次受到世界的尊重，并被寄予厚望，來承擔(dān)起領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界的重任。

幾年前，我親身經(jīng)歷的某些事情多少反映了這種變化?；叵?981年，我首次出席在加拿大召開的一次大型經(jīng)濟問題峰會。會議地點在各成員國中間輪流。公開會議是為西方七國政府首腦舉行的一次宴會。我就像學(xué)校里的一名新生，坐在一旁傾聽，滿耳不是弗蘭科斯就是赫爾穆特。大家彼此之間不稱職銜，而是直呼其名，以示親密。當時，我?guī)缀跏歉┫律韥碚f道，“我叫羅納德”。

同年，我開始采取我們認為可能導(dǎo)致經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇的一些措施：減少稅收、放松控制、削減支出，不久，經(jīng)濟開始復(fù)蘇。

兩年后，又一屆經(jīng)濟問題峰會召開，與會者與上屆極為相似。在大型公開會議上，我們匯聚在一起。忽然，我出乎意料地發(fā)現(xiàn)他們都注視著我。接著，其中的一位打破沉默，說道： “給我們談?wù)劽绹l(fā)生的奇跡?！?/p>

回想1980年，當我競選總統(tǒng)時，情況卻與此大相徑庭。一些權(quán)威人士說，我們的計劃將導(dǎo)致災(zāi)難。我們的外交觀點將引發(fā)戰(zhàn)爭，我們的經(jīng)濟計劃將引起惡性通脹，導(dǎo)致經(jīng)濟崩潰。我對一位備受尊敬的經(jīng)濟學(xué)家在1982年所說的話還記憶猶新，他說“在美國，在全世界，帶動經(jīng)濟增長的火車頭已經(jīng)停頓下來，并且在未來的數(shù)年里可能毫無起色。”

然而，他一一以及其他“輿論界的領(lǐng)袖們”一一錯了。事實上，他們稱之為“激進的”無疑是“正確的”：他們稱之為“危險的”恰恰是“急需的”。

總之，那時我贏得了一個綽號——“偉大的傳播者”。但是，我從不認為，是我的風(fēng)格或者我使用的語言改造了世界——這是問題的關(guān)鍵，我不是一位，偉大的傳播者，但是我傳播了偉大的思想，它們并非憑空出自我的頭脯，它們來自一個偉大的國家的內(nèi)心——來自我們的經(jīng)歷、我們的智慧以及我們對兩個世紀里引導(dǎo)我們的那些原則的信念。

他們將它稱之為里根革命，我接受這種說法，但是，就我而言，這似乎更像是偉大的再發(fā)現(xiàn)：我們的價值觀念與一致公認的常識的一次再發(fā)現(xiàn)。

常識告訴我們，當你必須為某件商品交納大筆稅款時，人們就會減少生產(chǎn)這種商品。因此，我們削減了國民的稅率，而國民卻生產(chǎn)得比以往更多。我國的經(jīng)濟就像一棵被修剪過的 大樹，現(xiàn)在生長得更加迅速，更加根深葉茂了。我們的經(jīng)濟計劃促成了我國歷史上最長的、在和平年代出現(xiàn)的一次經(jīng)濟增長：家庭純收入提高了、貧困率下降了、工商界興旺發(fā)達、科研和新技術(shù)迅猛發(fā)展。我們比以往任何時候都出口更多，因為，美國的企業(yè)變得更具競爭力。同時，我們確立了這樣一種國家意志：我們與其在國內(nèi)構(gòu)筑保護主義壁壘，但不如去拆除國外的保護主義壁壘。

常識還告訴我們，為了維護和平，我們必須在經(jīng)歷數(shù)年的軟弱和混亂之后再次變得強大。因此，我們重建了我們的防務(wù)——值此新年來臨之際，我們?yōu)槿虻暮推蕉e杯。事實上，超級大國不僅已開始削減真核武器儲備一一甚至取得更大的進展的前景同樣是明朗的一一而且令世界備感不安的地區(qū)沖突也即將結(jié)束。波斯灣不再是交戰(zhàn)地區(qū)，蘇聯(lián)正在從阿富汗撤離，越南即將撤出柬埔寨，而經(jīng)美國斡旋而簽署的一項協(xié)議，不久將使5萬名古巴軍人離開安哥拉回國。

當然，從所有這些事件中得出的教訓(xùn)是，由于我們是一個偉大的國家，因此我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)是錯綜復(fù)雜的，并且將永遠如此。但是，只要我們牢記我們的基本原則，并且相信自己，那么，未來永遠是我們的。

我們還懂得了：一旦你開始采取某項行動，那么就難以預(yù)料將何時結(jié)束。我們只是要改變一個國家，卻改變了整個世界。

世界各國正在歸自由市場轉(zhuǎn)型，開始允許言論自由——拋棄過去的意識形態(tài)。對它們而言，80年代的大發(fā)現(xiàn)，瞧，是道德的政府也是富有成效的政府民主不僅是極其美好的，也是極具經(jīng)濟價值的。

在你們慶祝39歲生日的時候，你們能夠休息片刻，回顧一下你們的人生，注視著時光在你們的面前流逝。對于我來說，則猶如河中的樹枝，正漂流至我生命旅程的中途。

我從未想過步入政壇：這也不是我年輕時的志向。但是，我從小就接受這樣的教誨，相信你自己必須為你所得到的恩賜付出代價。我對從事演藝業(yè)感到滿意，但是，我最終進入政 界，是因為我要保護一些彌足珍貴的東西。

我們所經(jīng)歷的變革，是人類歷史上“我們?nèi)嗣瘛闭嬲淖兞苏难葑冞M程的第一次革命。

“我們?nèi)嗣瘛备嬖V政府，而不是政府告訴“我們?nèi)嗣瘛痹撟鍪裁础！拔覀內(nèi)嗣瘛笔邱{駛員一一而政府則是一輛汽車?！拔覀?nèi)嗣瘛睕Q定它行駛的方向、道路與速度。世界上幾乎所有國家的憲法都是告訴人民享有哪些特權(quán)。而在我們的憲法中，“我們?nèi)说娜嗣瘛笔亲杂傻摹?/p>

這種信念，是我在過去8年里作出不懈努力的基礎(chǔ)。

但是，回想60年代，當我開始投身政治時，我們似乎把一切都顛倒了——就是說，政府通過越來越多的法規(guī)和賦稅條例，正在更多地剝奪我們的錢財、我們的選擇權(quán)以及我們的自由。我之所以步入政壇，在某種程度上，就是要舉起我的手，大喝一聲：“住手！”我是一名平民政治家，這是一個平民應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任。

我認為，我們阻止了大量本該阻止的事情的發(fā)生或延續(xù)。我們再次提醒了人們，除非政府的權(quán)力受到限制，人類就不會是自由的。二者之間的因果關(guān)系如同物理定律一樣簡單明了?？梢灶A(yù)料：政府膨脹一分，則自由收縮一分。沒有比純粹的共產(chǎn)主義更不自由的，然而，在過去幾年，我們已同蘇聯(lián)建立了新型的令人滿意的密切聯(lián)系。我曾經(jīng)捫心自間，這難道不是一種賭博嗎？我的回答是否定的。因為我們的決斷是建立在行動上，而不是建立在言辭上的。

70年代的緩和的基礎(chǔ)不是行動，而是許諾。他們許諾善待他們本國的世界各國的人民，但是古拉格還是古拉格，蘇聯(lián)依然是擴張主義國家，他們依然在非洲、亞洲和拉丁美訓(xùn)進行傀儡戰(zhàn)爭。

現(xiàn)在的情況已有所不同：戈爾巴喬夫在國內(nèi)已著手進行某些民主改革，并已開始撤離阿富汗。他還釋放了我們每次會晤時我向他提供了其姓名的那些犯人。但是，生活能夠通過一些細節(jié)使你們回想起某些重要的事情。在莫斯科峰會期間那些令人興奮的日子里，一天上午，南希和我決定擺脫隨行人員，獨自去莫斯科主要購物區(qū)近旁的一條街一到阿爾巴特大街上的商店去逛逛。

盡管我們的到訪出乎人們的意料，但是，那里的每一個俄羅斯人都立刻認出了我們，呼喊我們的名字，與我們握手。我們幾乎被這種熱情所吞沒——假如你們身臨其境，那么你們可能也會有這種感覺。但是，片刻過后，一隊克格勃奮力朝我們擠來，并且開始推搡人群。這是一個多么有趣的時刻，它提醒我，當蘇聯(lián)的大街上的人們渴望和平的時候，而該國的政府卻是共產(chǎn)主義的一一這意味著在諸如自由、人權(quán)等問題上，我們與他們的觀點是截然不同的。

我們必須保持警惕——但是，我們同樣必須繼續(xù)保持合作，減少并且消除緊張和不信任。

我認為，戈爾巴喬夫總統(tǒng)與以前的蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人不同。我認為，他了解蘇聯(lián)社會中存在的那些弊病，并且正在試圖加以解決。我們預(yù)祝他成功。他們將繼續(xù)努力，以確保在經(jīng)歷這 一進程以后而獲得新生的蘇聯(lián)將不再是一個咄咄逼人的國家。歸結(jié)起來就是：我希望繼續(xù)保持這種新型的密切關(guān)系。如同我們表明的那樣，我們將始終視他們是否以一種有益的方式行事，來決定我們將采取何種行動。如果一旦他們并非如此，那么，首先好言相勸，如果他們執(zhí)迷不悟，那么不妨就動真格。

我們之間仍然是互相信任的——但需要得到證實。

游戲還得玩下去——但必須重新開始。

我們還要密切關(guān)注事態(tài)的發(fā)展一一-并且不懼怕面滿所目睹的一切。

曾經(jīng)有人問我，是否有遺憾之處。有的。

如赤字就是其中之一。近來，我對此問題談了許多，但是今晚不宜再作討論，我愿保持緘默。

但是，有人認為：我分享了國會的勝利成果，然而，幾乎無人意識到，我的勝利無不是由你們創(chuàng)造的。他們從不正視我的部隊：從不正視里根團，即美國人民。你們發(fā)出召喚，發(fā)布文告以功員人民，贏得了每一次戰(zhàn)斗。

噢，行動仍然是必不可少的。如果我們想要完成這項工作，那么里根團就應(yīng)當成為布什旅。不久他將成為一各領(lǐng)袖，他像我一樣需要你們。

最后我要說的是，總統(tǒng)告別演說具有向人們提出忠告這樣一種偉大的傳統(tǒng)，而我確有一個忠告，它在我的腦海里已醞釀許久了。

但是，說來奇怪，它是以我在過去8年里引以為豪的事物之一，即被我稱作為“新愛國主義”的民族自豪感的再次振興作為開場白的。這種民族自豪感無可非議，但其價值并非很高，并且不會持久，除非這種情感是建立在思考和知識的基礎(chǔ)上的。

我們需要的是明智的愛國主義。那么，我們是否出色地教育了我們的孩子，使其懂得美國意味著什么？在漫長的世界史上，它又代表著什么？

我們年過35歲左右的那些人，生長在一個與今不同的美國。我們被直截了當?shù)馗嬷鲆粋€美國人意味著什么？我們幾乎能夠在吸入的空氣中感受到對國家的熱愛以及對制度的賞識。假如你無法從你的家人那里感受到這種愛和這種賞識，那么你仍然能夠從鄰居那里，從在韓國進行街頭斗爭的前輩那里，或者從在安齊奧失去親人的那些家庭那里感受到。假如你還感受不到，那么你依然能夠從大眾文化那里感受到愛國主義意識。電影贊頌了民主的價值，并且潛移默化地增強了美國是無與倫比的這種觀念。在整個60年代中期，電視同樣如此。

但是，現(xiàn)在我們即將進入90年代，有些情況已發(fā)生了變化。年輕的父母們無法確信，對美國不加掩飾的賞識，是否仍 然是教育現(xiàn)代的孩子們的靈丹妙藥。至于對那些創(chuàng)造大眾文化的人們來說，具有真憑實據(jù)的愛國主義已不再是一種時尚。

我們的精神已經(jīng)過時，但是我們尚未重建一種精神。我們必須加倍努力，以使人們相信美國象征著自由——言論自由、宗教自由、經(jīng)營自由，而自由是獨特而又富有價值的。它 是脆弱的：它需要得到保護。

我們應(yīng)當不是基于考慮是否符合時尚，而是考慮是否重要來教授歷史早期移民為何來到這里，吉米-杜立德是誰，那30秒對東京意味著什么？你們是否知道，4年前，在諾曼底登陸40周年紀念日，我讀一封一位青年婦女寫給曾參加過奧馬哈海灘之戰(zhàn)的已故父親的信。她叫莉薩-詹納特-亨，——她寫道，我們永遠銘記，我們終身不忘參加諾曼底之戰(zhàn)的小伙子們的偉業(yè)。噢，讓我們助她以一臂之力，以恪守這一諾言吧!

假如我們忘掉了歷史，那么也就意味著忘掉了自己。在此，我對美國人的健忘發(fā)出警告，這種健忘將導(dǎo)致美國精神的墮落。

讓我們從一些基本的事情做起一一更加關(guān)注美國的歷史，更加重視公民的禮儀。請讓我提出與美國有關(guān)的最重要的一條教訓(xùn)：美國所有重大的變革都是從餐桌上開始的。因此，我希望，明晚在廚房里開始談話。孩子們，如果你們的父母從未告訴過你們當一個美國人意味著什么一一那么，讓他們知道并且記住，這是任何一位真正的美國人都不容推辭的責(zé)任。

這就是我今晚要說的全部內(nèi)容。另外，還要補充一點。

最近幾天，當我佇立在樓上的窗子邊時，對這座“屹立在山崗上的”輝煌的城市想了許多。這一說法源出約翰-溫思羅普，他以此來描述他想象中的美國。他的想象十分重要，因為他是一位早期移民一一一位早期的“自由人”。他乘坐我們現(xiàn)在稱之為小木船的那種船來到這里，并且像其他早期移民一樣，他渴望擁有一個自由的家園。

在我的整個政治生涯中，我曾經(jīng)一再的談起這座輝煌的城市，但是，我知道，我是否清楚的表達的我的思想。在我的心目中，這是一座高大的令人驕傲的城市，它建立在堅實的基石上，而絕非是一座空中樓閣，上帝保佑著她，街上人來人往，各種膚色的人生活在和睦與和平之中一一一座擁有自由港、商業(yè)繁榮、并且具有創(chuàng)造性的城市，如果這座城市建有城墻，那么一定是有城門的，并且是向所有夢寐以求要來到這里的人們敞開的。

這曾經(jīng)是并且依然是我的看法。

在這寒玲的冬夜，這座城市又會如何呢？它比8年前更加繁榮、更加安全、更加幸福了。但在200年或者說2個世紀以后，它將更加美好，它穩(wěn)穩(wěn)地屹立在花崗巖山脊上，面對風(fēng)暴，依然巋然不動，仍然是一塊磁石。

我們履行了自己的職責(zé)。當我“走出這里來到這座城市的大街上時”，我要向參與這場里根革命的男人和女人們——在過去8年里為復(fù)興美國而工作的全國各地的男人和女人們道別。

朋友們，我們成功了。我們不僅追回了失去的時光，而且改變了世界。我們使這座城市變得更加堅固——更加自由——并且將她交給優(yōu)秀者手中。

總之，情況不錯，一切順利。

再見了。

上帝保佑你們。上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。

第三篇：里根總統(tǒng)演講稿

January 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice president Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發(fā)言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：

To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.今天對于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。當然，對于這個國家的歷史來說，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交，我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個我們已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實在是一個奇跡。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實：我們是發(fā)誓要團結(jié)起來維護這樣一個政治體制的團體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。

1The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟決策，打擊著節(jié)儉的風(fēng)氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負擔(dān)相當沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟等方面的大動蕩。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。

2/ ◆The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.◆They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.Government is the problem.我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作為現(xiàn)在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else?

我們時常誤以為，社會已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明?？墒?，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團的談?wù)?，然而。我們必須關(guān)心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區(qū)域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有 政黨之分，這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實業(yè)家、店主、職 員、出租汽車 司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們?nèi)嗣瘛?-這個稱之為美國人的民族。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的日標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會，讓美國重新工作起 來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強大、繁榮、國內(nèi)穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政府 除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒有任何別的權(quán)力。目前，政府權(quán)力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)這種狀況的時候到了。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.我打算壓縮聯(lián)邦機構(gòu)的規(guī)模和權(quán)力，并要求大家承認聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng)立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。因此，請不要誤會，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩 而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機會，而不是扼殺機會，它能夠而且必須促進生產(chǎn)力，而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.如果我們要探究這么多年來我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個 人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里，個人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價有時相當高昂，但我們從來沒有不愿意付出這代價。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.我們目前的困難，與政府機構(gòu)因為不必要的過度膨脹而干預(yù)、侵擾我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。

我們是一個泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢想，現(xiàn)在正是認識到這一點的時候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們 什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個國家復(fù)興的時代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。

We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.我們完全有權(quán)去做英雄夢。那些評論我們現(xiàn)在是一個沒有英雄的時代的，他們只不過沒有仔細看?？窗桑∶恳惶爝M出工廠大門的工人，辛勤耕作為我們提供食物的農(nóng)民們，站在柜臺后的服務(wù)生們；盡心盡業(yè)打拼為社會創(chuàng)造財富，提供就業(yè)機會的企業(yè)家們。交納賦稅，以維持國家運作的公民們。所有支持慈善事業(yè)，教會，文化及教育的人們，他們的舉動是無聲的，但愛國心卻是不言自明的。他們的價值造就了我們的國家。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我剛才用了“他們”這個人稱來形容這些英雄們，其實我也可以用”你們”這個人稱。在這個上帝眷顧的國家，你們的夢想，你們的希望，你們的追求就是這個國家存在的理由。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們的天性包含了同情。倘若我們熱愛這個國家，怎么會不熱愛自己的同胞們。當他們挫折時，扶他們一把，當他們生病時，給予關(guān)照。對于弱者，給予體面的幫助，使其自立.我們是否戰(zhàn)能勝現(xiàn)在擺在面前的問題？我說，回答是毫不含糊的“能！”

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在未來的日子里，我們要掃清經(jīng)濟停滯和工業(yè)發(fā)展的路障，政府的各項政策要平衡。我們要一步步塌實緩慢的前進。該是喚醒這個工業(yè)巨人的時候了，削減沉重的賦稅，讓政府回歸理性。這是我們原則，沒有妥協(xié)的余地。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.在國家立國的前夕，我們的建國先賢之一，馬塞諸薩州州長約瑟夫*沃倫對他的同胞們說“我們的國家正在危險之中，但我們絲毫不需絕望--------美國的前途就在我們手中。這個無限自由的幸福的國度即將誕生，讓我們行動吧！”

我相信，同胞們，今天，為了我們孩子的孩子的自由和幸福，我們一定也準備好了，讓我們行動吧！

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.我們慶祝重振美國的此時，全世界的人們都在關(guān)注著，我們依舊是那些尚未獲得自由的人民心中的自由燈塔！

對于我們的鄰居，自由世界的同盟們，我們將進一步加強聯(lián)絡(luò)，保證我們承擔(dān)的義務(wù)。我們將以心換心，但我們決不會干涉你們的主權(quán)，希望你們也不會干涉我們。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對于自由世界的敵人，我們潛在的對手。我們要使其明白，和平是美國人最高愿望。我們可以與你們談判，妥協(xié)，但我們決不會屈服，永遠不會。

請你們不要誤會我們的忍耐，我們努力避免沖突但絕不代表我們的屈服。當我們的國家安全受到威脅，我們會采取行動。我們將保持擁有壓倒性對手的武力，因為我們知道，只有擁有了足夠的武力，才能確保我們不會使用這些武力。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.首先，我們必須認識到世界上沒有任何武器能比自由人民的道義和勇氣更強大。這恰恰是我們，美國人民所具備的，而我們的對手沒有的武器。這一點，所有支持恐怖主義和覬覦弱小國家的都要明白。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.我聽說今天各地舉行了數(shù)以萬計的禱告會，我衷心的感到欣慰。我們是上帝統(tǒng)治的國度，上帝給了我們自由。如果以后每一屆的就職日都能成為禱告日，那是很好的事情。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.大家都知道，這是歷史上第一次在白宮西走廊舉行的就職典禮。在這里，我們能看到整個首都的風(fēng)貌。而在這廣場另一端就是我們先賢們的圣壇。我的正前方就是喬治*華盛頓紀念碑，我們偉大的國父。是他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了獨立革命戰(zhàn)爭的勝利，并創(chuàng)建了這個國家。在其旁邊則是另一位偉大的先賢，托馬斯*杰弗遜，--獨立宣言>的作者。而在水池的盡頭，是雄偉的林肯紀念堂。從林肯的一生你能體會出什么是美國的精神。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.在這些古跡旁是緩緩流淌的波托馬可河，而岸邊的斜斜的山坡正是我們的阿靈頓公墓。這些小小的十字架，六芒星下的墓志銘，述說著我們贏取自由而付出的代價。

每一個墓志銘都是我剛才說的英雄的事跡。這些英雄的生命倒在貝洛森林，阿爾貢丘陵，奧馬哈海灘，薩勒諾，半個地球外的瓜島，塔拉瓦島，上甘嶺，長津湖，以及遍地是稻田叢林的叫越南的地方。

Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

在這些墓碑中，有一個叫Martin Treptow的年輕人，他在1917年辭掉了小鎮(zhèn)的理發(fā)店工作，跟隨著名的“彩虹師"去了法國，在西線，他在為營長傳遞命令時，被重炮擊中犧牲.后來，在他的尸體上我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了一本日記。在扉頁上，他寫到”我發(fā)誓，美國必須贏的這場戰(zhàn)爭，所以，我會奮斗，我會拯救，我會犧牲，我會忍受，我會勇奮戰(zhàn)斗，就好比所有掙扎都將由我一個人來肩負?！?/p>

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.今天我們面臨的危機并不要求我們像 Martin Treptow作出如此的犧牲。但我們也要竭盡全力，有所作為。擁有上帝的協(xié)助，我們能度過危機。

最后，我們有什么理由不相信呢？記??！我們是美國人。上帝保佑你們，謝謝你們。

第四篇：里根總統(tǒng)演講中英文

里根總統(tǒng)就職演講稿完整中文翻譯版

里根總統(tǒng)是個非常擅長演講的人，他的演講從頭至尾一氣呵成.他不看講稿，完全是即席演講。他的語速和聲音的節(jié)奏控制得非常好，聽他的演講本身就是在欣賞一場偉大的演出。

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.尊敬的海特菲爾德議員、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾、貝克議員、發(fā)言人奧尼爾、摩麥以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：今天對于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個非常莊嚴隆重的時刻。對于這個國家的歷史卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交，我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀，很少有人覺得這有什么特別。但在世界上更多人看來，我們這個已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式卻是一個奇跡。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，展示了這樣一個事實：我們是一個團結(jié)一致的民族，這個民族決心捍衛(wèi)一種比任何其他體制更能充分保證個人民主自由的政治制度。我要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承，這種傳承的連續(xù)性恰是我們共和國的支柱。

The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟決策，使儲蓄的人反而受到懲罰，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴。即使那些有工作的人，也因沉重的稅負而得不到公正的勞動報酬，因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負擔(dān)相當沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時的方便，已把自己和子孫的前途都抵押出去。這一趨勢如果長此以往，必然引起社會、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟等方面的大動蕩。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding——we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種入不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時期，我們怎么可以認為，作為一個國家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了明天，我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因為我們作為現(xiàn)在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.在當前這場危機中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們時常誤以為，社會已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負起這個責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick——professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團的談?wù)?，然而。我們必須關(guān)心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團。這個集團沒有區(qū)域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有政黨之分，這個集團由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實業(yè)家、店主、職員、出租汽車司機和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們的人民”—就是美國人民。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的目標是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和日益發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機會。使美國復(fù)興，意味著使全體美國人都有工作；制止通貨膨脹，意味著使全體美國人免除對勢如脫韁之馬的生活費用的恐懼。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇的碩果。我們力量的核心是理想主義和公正對待的精神，有了這些，我們就能建立一個強大繁榮的美國，在國內(nèi)和全世界都相安無事。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government——not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.在我們向復(fù)興美國開始邁步之際，先讓我們看看我們的實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟，我們的政府除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒有任何別的權(quán)力?，F(xiàn)在是制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)政府機構(gòu)和權(quán)力膨脹的時候了，因為種種跡象表明，這種膨脹已超過人民的意愿。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.我想要做的是限制聯(lián)邦政府的規(guī)模和權(quán)力，并要求大家承認聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。必須提醒我們大家注意：不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng)立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此，請不要誤解，我不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩而立，而不是騎在我們的身上。政府能夠而且必須提供而不是扼殺機會，能夠而且必須促進而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.多年來我們能取得巨大成就，獲得世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛的原因是在這片土地上我們比以往任何時候都最大程度地發(fā)揮人的潛能和個人的天才；這里比任何其他任何地方更容易得到、更可以保證個人的自由和尊嚴。得到這種自由所付出的代價有時相當昂貴，但我們從沒不愿意付出這種代價。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.我們目前困難的制造者是政府不必要和過度膨脹對我們生活的干預(yù)和侵擾，這不是偶然的巧合。我們應(yīng)該真正認識到我們是一個偉大的國家，不能自囿于小小的夢想，我們不像有些人要我們相信的那樣注定要不可避免地衰落，我不相信我們命該如此，無論我們做什么都不能改變那些人描繪的宿命，但我相信，如果我們什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。為此，讓我們以我們擁有的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個國家復(fù)興的時代吧。讓我們重新下定決心，拿出我們的勇氣和力量，讓我們重新滿懷信心和希望，我們完全有權(quán)利塑造崇高的理想。

Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter——and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.當下那些不知道去哪發(fā)現(xiàn)英雄的人說我們正身處于一個沒有英雄的時代。你們可以看到每天進出于工廠大門的英雄們；另外一些英雄人數(shù)雖少，但生產(chǎn)的糧食卻足夠養(yǎng)活我們大家和世界其他地區(qū)的人民；你們會在柜臺前遇到英雄--在柜臺的內(nèi)外遇到英雄們，其中的一些人是對自己抱有信心的、有理想的企業(yè)家，他們創(chuàng)造新的職業(yè)、新的財富和機會，政府的維持就是靠這樣一些個人和家族繳納的捐稅，教會、慈善事業(yè)、文化、藝術(shù)和教育事業(yè)也是靠他們的自愿捐獻來維持的。他們的愛國主義精神含而不露，但卻是強烈的，他們創(chuàng)造的價值支撐著我們的國民生活。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak——you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我在說到這些英雄時，用了“他們”和“他們的”這兩個字眼，但也可以說“你們”、“你們的”。因為我現(xiàn)在正給我提及的英雄們講話--就是你們，這個上帝降福的國土上的公民們。你們的理想、希望、目標將是本屆政府的理想、希望、目標，愿上帝保佑我做到這一點。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

我們將體現(xiàn)出在你們的稟性中占很大成分的同情心。怎么能愛我們的國家而不愛我們的同胞呢？我們要愛他們，在他們摔倒時伸出手去扶住他們，在他們患病時給他們治愈，并提供機會使他們自給自足，使他們獲得實在而不是口頭上的平等。

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們能解決擺在我們面前的這些問題嗎？回答是毫不含糊和斷然的兩個字“能夠”，借用溫斯頓丘吉爾的話說，我剛才宣誓并不是想要在我的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下使這個世界最強大的經(jīng)濟瓦解。

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow——measured in inches and feet, not miles——but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在今后的一段時間，我將建議消除一些使得我們經(jīng)濟發(fā)展緩慢和生產(chǎn)力下降的障礙，將要采取一些旨在恢復(fù)各級政府之間保持平衡的步驟，進展也許是緩慢的，用英寸和英尺而不是用英里來衡量，但我們會前進?，F(xiàn)在應(yīng)當是喚醒這個工業(yè)巨人的時候，使政府能夠重新量入為出，減輕我們懲罰性的賦稅負擔(dān)，這將是我們首要的任務(wù)，在這些原則上絕不會妥協(xié)。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of…… On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

在我國為獨立而斗爭的前夕，有一個人曾對他的美國同胞說：“我們現(xiàn)在處于危險之中，但并沒有絕望…美國的命運取決與你們。關(guān)系到尚未出生的千百萬人的幸福和自由的一個重要問題是由你們來決定，你們的行動要無愧與你自己。”這個人就是馬薩諸塞議會主席約瑟夫沃倫博士，如果他當初沒有在邦克山犧牲，他也許成為我國建國的先人中最偉大的任務(wù)之一。

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.我相信，我們當代美國人已做好無愧于我們自己行動的準備，做好為確保我們自己、孩子和子孫后代的幸福和自由必須進行工作的準備。

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.當我們在這塊土地上時代相傳時，全世界將看到，我們所具有的力量更加強大，我們將再度成為自由的典范，成為現(xiàn)在還沒有獲得自由的那些人的希望之光。

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.對于與我們懷有同樣自由理想的那些鄰國和盟國，我們將加強我們之間傳統(tǒng)性的溝通，保證對他們予以支持，對他們履行應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)，忠誠地報答他們的忠誠，努力爭取建立互利的關(guān)系，決不利用這種友誼去影響他們的主權(quán)，因為我們自己的主權(quán)也是不能出賣的。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded thatpeace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it——now or ever.對于那些自由的敵人和潛在的對手，我們要提醒他們，和平是美國人民的最高愿望。我們將為和平而談判，為和平而犧牲，但我們絕不為和平而投降，現(xiàn)在不會，將來也永遠不會。

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not bemisjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對我們的忍讓絕不應(yīng)誤解。不要把我們對沖突采取的克制態(tài)度誤認為是意志不堅強。一旦需要采取行動保衛(wèi)我們國家的安全，我們就采取行動。我們將保持足以在必要時取勝的力量，這樣我們才最有可能不必動用這種力量。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.所以，我們必須認識到，世界各地軍火庫中的任何武器沒有自由人們的意志和維護道義的勇氣強大，這是當今世界上我們美國獨有而我們對手所沒有的武器。要讓那些采取恐怖行動和掠奪自己鄰國的人懂得這一點。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.當?shù)弥裉炫e行的祈禱會成千上萬時，我深為感激。我們是上帝保佑的國家，我們相信，上帝希望我們得到自由。如果每次就職典禮日都能成為祈禱日，那是恰如其逢的好事。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.就職儀式在國會大廈西門舉行是美國歷史的第一次。站在這里，宏偉壯麗的景色盡收眼底，可以看到華盛頓這座城市獨特的美麗和歷史。在這條寬闊林蔭大道盡頭矗立著我國歷史偉大的紀念物。

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.在我的正前方是一位不朽人物的紀念碑，他就是我們的國父喬治華盛頓。他稟性謙恭，處于時勢所迫才做出偉大業(yè)績，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)美國取得革命勝利，建立一個新國家。稍偏一點是莊嚴雄偉的托馬斯杰斐遜紀念堂，獨立宣言閃耀著他的雄辯才華。

And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.在映影池的那一邊，矗立著由大圓柱組成的莊嚴肅穆的林肯紀念堂，任何想徹底了解美國真諦的人都會在亞伯拉罕林肯的一生中得到答案。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.過了這些英雄紀念物就是波托馬克河，河對岸就是阿靈頓國家公墓，坡地上排者一行行刻著十字架和大衛(wèi)王之星的樸實無華的白色墓碑，他們僅僅是為了我們的自由所付出的代價的縮影。

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.這里的每一個墓碑都是對我所提及的那些英雄的紀念。他們在一些叫貝魯伍德、阿爾貢、奧馬哈灘、薩萊諾的地方，在相隔半個地球之遙的瓜達卡鈉爾、塔拉瓦、獨排山、長津水岸和一個叫越南--有著許許多多稻田和叢林的地方獻出了他們的生命。

Under one such marker lies a young man——Martin Treptow——who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.在這里的一塊墓碑下躺著一位名叫馬丁托雷普托的年輕人，他于1917年離開一座小鎮(zhèn)的理發(fā)館，隨同著名的彩虹師來到法國。在那里的西部戰(zhàn)場上，他在猛烈的炮火中為自己的部隊傳遞信息時犧牲了。

We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.” 有人告訴我們在他的身上發(fā)現(xiàn)一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標題：“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語：“美國必須贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭。為此，我會奮斗，我會拯救，我會犧牲，我會忍受，我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰(zhàn)，就好比所有的戰(zhàn)爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負?！?/p>

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.我們今天面臨的危機并不是要求我們作出像馬丁托雷普托和其他數(shù)以千計人那樣的犧牲，然而，它確實要求我們作出最大的努力去工作，要求我們愿意相信自己，相信我們有能力干出偉大的事業(yè)：團結(jié)一致，在上帝的幫助下，能夠并且一定會解決我們面臨的種種問題。

And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.我們?yōu)槭裁床粦?yīng)該相信這一點呢？畢竟我們是美國人。愿上帝祝福你們。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:總統(tǒng) 副總統(tǒng)先生，議長先生，各位兩院議員：

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.昨天，1941年12月7日――這一天將成為我們的國恥日――美利堅合眾國遭到日本帝國的蓄謀已久的海、空突襲。The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.美國曾與該國和平相處，應(yīng)該國之邀，還在與該國政府和天皇進行談判，謀求維護太平洋區(qū)域和平。

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.事實上，在日本航空隊開始轟炸美國的瓦湖島一小時后，日本駐美大使及其同僚向我國務(wù)卿提交了對我國最近照會的正式答復(fù)，其內(nèi)容是繼續(xù)正在進行的外交談判似乎已無意義，沒有任何戰(zhàn)爭或武裝攻擊的威脅或暗示。

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.我們要牢記夏威夷到日本的距離清楚地表明，這次襲擊只能是幾天甚至是幾周前蓄意策劃的。在這期間，日本政府蓄意謀求用維護和平的善意的虛假消息來欺騙美國。

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.昨天對夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國海軍和陸軍造成了嚴重損失。我很遺憾地告訴你們很多美國人喪生。此外，美國船只在舊金山與火努魯魯之間的公海遭魚雷攻擊。

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.昨天夜間，日本政府發(fā)動了對馬來亞的進攻。Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了香港。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了關(guān)島。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了菲律賓群島。Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了威克島。

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.今天上午，日軍攻擊了中途島。

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.因此，日本已經(jīng)實施了對太平洋區(qū)域的突襲。昨天和今天的事實已經(jīng)不言而喻了。美國人民已下定決心，并且深知這對國家安全和每個人意味著什么。

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.作為美國海陸軍總司令，我已下令不惜一切保衛(wèi)國家。但是我們?nèi)珖家烙涍@次偷襲的性質(zhì)。

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.不管用多長時間，我們終將戰(zhàn)勝這次有預(yù)謀的侵略，美國人用他們的正義力量必將徹底勝利。

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.我相信我代表了國會和人民的意志，我宣布我們不僅要盡全力保衛(wèi)自己，還要確保這樣的背信棄義決不會再次發(fā)生。Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.面對敵意，我們不能閃爍其詞，因為我們的人民、國土和利益都在最危險之中。

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.有對軍隊的信心，有人民的不屈決心，我們必勝！上帝保佑！I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.因為周日，1941年12月7日，日本對我國的無故的欺軟怕硬的偷襲，我懇請國會宣布美國和日本帝國進入戰(zhàn)爭狀態(tài)。

第五篇：離職演說

一、思想政治工作落實不到位。具體表現(xiàn)在，一是重業(yè)務(wù)工作，輕政治工作，尤其在基層單位存在重防火滅火等業(yè)務(wù)工作，忽視了政治工作的重要性。出現(xiàn)了談起來重要，干起來次要，忙起來不得了的問題。二是政工干部不被重視，工作任務(wù)重，待遇低，很多同志不愿意到政工崗位上工作。三是政工干部配備不齊，兼職過多責(zé)任不清，根本原因在于對政治工作的作用認識不清，對消防部隊中思想政治工作的首要性認識不足。

二、思想政治工作與實際聯(lián)系不夠緊密。一是調(diào)查研究不及時、不深入、情況掌握不清。有的新情況、新問題，有的官兵想什么、做的什么

同志們：

剛才，省局××副局長宣布了××市地稅局領(lǐng)導(dǎo)班子變動情況的決定，并代表省局作了重要講話，提出了殷切期望。首先，我對省局的安排表示衷心的擁護！同時對××*同志的任職表示最良好的祝賀！

××年的隆冬時節(jié)我來到這里，而今即將伴著和煦的春風(fēng)離去，已過不惑之年的我就要揮別這曾經(jīng)工作過的地方，即將踏上人生新的征程。此時此刻，我的心情很不平靜，回顧過去的一年，這幾日我輾轉(zhuǎn)難眠，有太多的感慨和留戀，依依不舍之情常常浮現(xiàn)在眼前。這里有我朝夕相處的同事，有給予我無私幫助的朋友，有關(guān)懷愛護我的各級領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，有以大局為重支持理解我的同志們，借此機會，我要向你們致以誠摯的謝意！謝謝你們！

一年零四個月的時間轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝了，直到這時我才真正理解了來去匆匆的內(nèi)涵，雖然區(qū)區(qū)一年不過是漫漫人生旅途中的彈指一揮間，但這里良好的環(huán)境，樸實的局風(fēng)，真摯的情感，熱情的同志，都給我留下了永不磨滅的印象。在××*市這片大有希望的熱土上，我度過了值得終生回憶的無悔歲月，也為××市地稅事業(yè)的發(fā)展貢獻了一份微薄之力，與同志們一道見證了××市地稅局的發(fā)展壯大，使我這并非土生土長的××人對這里充滿了濃濃的鄉(xiāng)情?！叭朔遣菽荆肽軣o情”，如今將要離去，真可謂“別有一番滋味在心頭”！但是我想，無論走到哪里，今后，××市都將是我魂牽夢繞的地方，我將時常想起它。即使在今天此時此刻，我每每想起同志們對我工作的大力支持和個人的鼎力相助，我就深受感動，并將永志不忘！

在過去的工作中，作為市局一把手，在班子成員的支持下，我盡最大的努力，做了一些有利于全局、有利于同志們的事情，有一些還在實施之中，有一些沒能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)，我也倍感遺憾！尤其是“人非圣賢、誰能無過”，我在工作中，肯定會有一些事情，難以做到恰到好處，雖然我講原則重感情，但由于對工作要求過嚴、過急，難免會傷害一些同志的情感和自尊，在此我深表謙意懇請諒解！我相信，同志們都能從工作角度對我個人和我的工作給予理解，謝謝你們！

“人生自古傷別離”，工作的需要不以我個人的意志為轉(zhuǎn)移，我要遵照省局安排，離開我曾經(jīng)生活和工作過的地方，離開與我并肩戰(zhàn)斗的同志們。雖然離開了這里和大家，但我會一如既往地關(guān)心××市地稅事業(yè)的發(fā)展，關(guān)注同志們的成長和進步。我相信只要同志們攜手并肩，真抓實干，以××同志為首的新一屆領(lǐng)導(dǎo)班子一定會率領(lǐng)大家開創(chuàng)××市地稅局更加輝煌的明天。我也衷心祝愿呂玉敏同志在××市地稅局工作順利、生活愉快！最后讓我把各種情感匯集成對同志們的良好祝愿！祝同志們身體永遠健康，家庭幸福和睦，萬事順心如意！請大家在路過或者去××市辦事時到我家里做客，我會熱情地接待你們！謝謝同志們！您正在中國教育文摘查看《在離職告別會上的講話》