里根總統(tǒng)關(guān)于戰(zhàn)略防御計(jì)劃(星球大戰(zhàn))的講話

第一篇：里根總統(tǒng)關(guān)于戰(zhàn)略防御計(jì)劃(星球大戰(zhàn))的講話

President Reagan Announces the Strategic Defense Initiative March 23, 1983

My fellow Americans, thank you for sharing your time with me tonight.The subject I want to discuss with you, peace and national security, is both timely and important.Timely, because I've reached a decision which offers a new hope for our children in the 21st century, a decision I'll tell you about in a few minutes.And important because there's a very big decision that you must make for yourselves.This subject involves the most basic duty that any President and any people share, the duty to protect and strengthen the peace.At the beginning of this year, I submitted to the Congress a defense budget which reflects my best judgment of the best understanding of the experts and specialists who advise me about what we and our allies must do to protect our people in the years ahead.That budget is much more than a long list of numbers, for behind all the numbers lies America's ability to prevent the greatest of human tragedies and preserve our free way of life in a sometimes dangerous world.It is part of a careful, long-term pla n to make America strong again after too many years of neglect and mistakes.Our efforts to rebuild America's defenses and strengthen the peace began 2 years ago when we requested a major increase in the defense program.Since then, the amount of those increases we first proposed has been reduced by half, through improvements in management and procurement and other savings.The budget request that is now before the Congress has been trimmed to the limits of safety.Further deep cuts cannot be made without seriously endangering the security of the Nation.The choice is up to the men and women you've elected to the Congress, and that means the choice is up to you.Tonight, I want to explain to you what this defense debate is all about and why I'm convinced that the budget now before the Congress is necessary, responsible, and deserving of your support.And I want to offer hope for the future.But first, let me say what the defense debate is not about.It is not about spending arithmetic.I know that in the last few weeks you've been bombarded with numbers and percentages.Some say we need only a 5-percent increase in defense spending.The so-called alternate budget backed by liberals in the House of Representatives would lower the figure to 2 to 3 percent, cutting our defense spending by $163 billion over the next 5 years.The trouble with all these numbers is that they tell us little about the kind of defense program America needs or the benefits and security and freedom that our defense effort buys for us.What seems to have been lost in all this debate is the simple truth of how a defense budget is arrived at.It isn't done by deciding to spend a certain number of dollars.Those loud voices that are occasionally heard charging that the Government is trying to solve a security problem by throwing money at it are nothing more than noise based on ignorance.We start by considering what must be done to maintain peace and review all the possible threats against our security.Then a strategy for strengthening peace and defending against those threats must be agreed upon.And, finally, our defense establishment must be evaluated to see what is necessary to protect against any or all of the potential threats.The cost of achieving these ends is totaled up, and the result is the budget for national defense.There is no logical way that you can say, let's spend x billion dollars less.you can only say, which part of our defense measures do we believe we can do without and still have security against all contingencies? Anyone in the Congress who advocates a percentage or a specific dollar cut in defense spending should be made to say what part of our defenses he would eliminate and he should be candid enough to acknowledge that his cuts mean cutting our commitments to allies or inviting greater risk or both.The defense policy of the United States is based on a simple premise: The United States does not start fights.We will never be an aggressor.We maintain our strength in order to deter and defend against aggression–to preserve freedom and peace.Since the dawn of the atomic age, we've sought to reduce the risk of war by maintaining a strong deterrent and by seeking genuine arms control.“Deterrence” means simply this: making sure any adversary who thinks about attacking the United States, or our allies, or our vital interests, concludes that the risks to him outweigh any potential gains.Once he understands that, he won't attack.We maintain the peace through our strength;weakness only invites aggression.This strategy of deterrence has not changed.It still works.But what it takes to maintain deterrence has changed.It took one kind of military force to deter an attack when we had far more nuclear weapons than any other power;it takes another kind now that the Soviets, for example, have enough accurate and powerful nuclear weapons to destroy virtually all of our missiles on the ground.Now, this is not to say that the Soviet Union is planning to make war on us.Nor do I believe a war is inevitable–quite the contrary.But what must be recognized is that our security is based on being prepared to meet all threats.There was a time when we depended on coastal forts and artillery batteries, because, with the weaponry of that day, any attack would have had to come by sea.Well, this is a different world, and our defenses must be based on recognition and awareness of the weaponry possessed by other nations in the nuclear age.We can't afford to believe that we will never be threatened.There have been two world wars in my lifetime.We didn't start them and, indeed, did everything we could to avoid being drawn into them.But we were ill-prepared for both.Had we been better prepared, peace might have been preserved.For 20 years the Soviet Union has been accumulating enormous military might.They didn't stop when their forces exceeded all requirements of a legitimate defensive capability.And they haven't stopped now.During the past decade and a half, the Soviets have built up a massive arsenal of new strategic nuclear weapons–weapons that can strike directly at the United States.As an example, the United States introduced its last new intercontinental ballistic missile, the Minute Man III, in 1969, and we're now dismantling our even older Titan missiles.But what has the Soviet Union done in these intervening years? Well, since 1969 the Soviet Union has built five new classes of ICBM's, and upgraded these eight times As a result, their missiles are much more powerful and accurate than they were several years ago, and they continue to develop more, while ours are increasingly obsolete.The same thing has happened in other areas.Over the same period, the Soviet Union built 4 new classes of submarine-launched ballistic missiles and over 60 new missile submarines.We built 2 new types of submarine missiles and actually withdrew 10 submarines from strategic missions.The Soviet Union built over 200 new Backfire bombers, and their brand new Blackjack bomber is now under development.We haven't built a new long-range bomber since our B-52's were deployed about a quarter of a century ago, and we've already retired several hundred of those because of old age.Indeed, despite what many people think, our strategic forces only cost about 15 percent of the defense budget.Another example of what's happened: in 1978 the Soviets had 600 intermediaterange nuclear missiles based on land and were beginning to add the SS-20–a new, highly accurate, mobile missile with 3 warheads.We had none.Since then the Soviets have strengthened their lead.By the end of 1979, when Soviet leader Brezhnev declared “a balance now exists,” the Soviets had over 800 warheads.We still had none.A year ago this month, Mr.Brezhnev pledged a moratorium, or freeze, on SS-20 deployment.But by last August, their 800 warheads had become more than 1,200.We still had none.Some freeze.At this time Soviet Defense Minister Ustinov announced “approximate parity of forces continues to exist.” But the Soviets are still adding an average of 3 new warheads a week, and now have 1,300.These warheads can reach their targets in a matter of a few minutes.We still have none.So far, it seems that the Soviet definition of parity is a box score of 1,300 to nothing, in their favor.So, together with our NATO allies, we decided in 1979 to deploy new weapons, beginning this year, as a deterrent to their SS-20ss and as an incentive to the Soviet Union to meet us in serious arms control negotiations.We will begin that deployment late this year.At the same time, however, we're willing to cancel our program if the Soviets will dismantle theirs.This is what we've called a zero-zero plan.The Soviets are now at the negotiating table–and I think it's fair to say that without our planned deployments, they wouldn't be there.Now let's consider conventional forces.Since 1974 the United States has produced 3,050 tactical combat aircraft.By contrast, the Soviet Union has produced twice as many.When we look at attack submarines, the United States has produced 27 while the Soviet Union has produced 61.For armored vehicles, including tanks, we have produced 11,200.The Soviet Union has produced 54,000–nearly 5 to 1 in their favor.Finally, with artillery, we've produced 950 artillery and rocket launchers while the Soviets have produced more than 13,000–a staggering 14-to-1 ratio.There was a time when we were able to offset superior Soviet numbers with higher quality, but today they are building weapons as sophisticated and modern as our own.As the Soviets have Increased their military power, they've been emboldened to extend that power.They're spreading their military influence in ways that can directly challenge our vital interests and those of our allies.The following aerial photographs, most of them secret until now, illustrate this point in a crucial area very close to home: Central America and the Caribbean Basin.They're not dramatic photographs.But I think they help give you a better understanding of what I'm talking about.This Soviet intelligence collection facility, less than a hundred miles from our coast, is the largest of its kind in the world.The acres and acres of antennae fields and intelligence monitors are targeted on key U.S.military installations and sensitive activities.The installation in Lourdes, Cuba, is manned by 1,500 Soviet technicians.And the satellite ground station allows instant communications with Moscow.This 28 square-mile facility has grown by more than 60 percent in size and capability during the past decade.In western Cuba, we see this military airfield and it complement of modern, Soviet-built Mig-23 aircraft.The Soviet Union uses this Cuban airfield for its own long-range reconnaissance missions.And earlier this month, two modern Soviet antisubmarine warfare aircraft began operating from it.During the past 2 years, the level of Soviet arms exports to Cuba can only be compared to the levels reached during the Cuban missile crisis 20 years ago.This third photo, which is the only one in this series that has been previously made public, shows Soviet military hardware that has made its way to Central America.This airfield with its Ml-8 helicopters, anti-aircraft guns, and protected fighter sites is one of a number of military facilities in Nicaragua which has received Soviet equipment funneled through Cuba, and reflects the massive military buildup going on in that country.On the small island of Grenada, at the southern end of the Caribbean chain, the Cubans, with Soviet financing and backing, are in the process of building an airfield with a 10,000-foot runway.Grenada doesn't even have an air force.Who is it intended for? The Caribbean is a very important passageway for our international commerce and military lines of communication.More than half of all American oil imports now pass through the Caribbean.The rapid buildup of Grenada's military potential is unrelated to any conceivable threat to this island country of under 110,000 people and totally at odds with the pattern of other eastern Caribbean States, most of which are unarmed.The Soviet-Cuban militarization of Grenada, in short, can only be seen as power projection into the region.And it is in this important economic and strategic area that we're trying to help the Governments of El Salvador, Costa Rica, Honduras, and others in their struggles for democracy against guerrillas supported through Cuba and Nicaragua.These pictures only tell a small part of the story.I wish I could show you more without compromising our most sensitive intelligence sources and methods.But the Soviet Union is also supporting Cuban military forces in Angola and Ethiopia.They have bases in Ethiopia and South Yemen, near the Persian Gulf oil fields-They've taken over the port that we built at Carn Ranh Bay in Vietnam.And now for the first time in history, the Soviet Navy is a force to be reckoned with in the South Pacific.Some people may still ask: Would the Soviets ever use their formidable military power? Well, again, can we afford to believe they won't? There is Afghanistan.And in Poland, the Soviets denied the will of the people and in so doing demonstrated to the world how their military power could also be used to intimidate.The final fact is that the Soviet Union is acquiring what can only be considered an offensive military force.They have continued to build far more intercontinental ballistic missiles than they could possibly need simply to deter an attack.Their conventional forces are trained and equipped not so much to defend against an attack as they are to permit sudden, surprise offensives of their own.Our NATO allies have assumed a great defense burden, including the military draft in most countries.We're working with them and our other friends around the world to do more.Our defensive strategy means we need military forces that can move very quickly, forces that are trained and ready to respond to any emergency.Every item in our defense program–our ships, our tanks, our planes, our funds for training and spare parts–is intended for one all-important purpose: to keep the peace.Unfortunately, a decade of neglecting our military forces had called into question our ability to do that.When I took office in January 1981, I was appalled by what I found: American planes that couldn't fly and American ships that couldn't sail for lack of spare parts and trained personnel and insufficient fuel and ammunition for essential training.The inevitable result of all this was poor morale in our Armed Forces, difficulty in recruiting the brightest young Americans to wear the uniform, and difficulty in convincing our most experienced military personnel to stay on.There was a real question then about how well we could meet a crisis.And it was obvious that we had to begin a major modernization program to ensure we could deter aggression and preserve the peace in are the years ahead.We had to move immediately to improve the basic readiness and staying power of our conventional forces, so they could meet–and therefore help deter–a crisis.We had to make up for lost years of investment by moving forward with a long-term plan to prepare our forces to counter the military capabilities our adversaries were developing for the future.I know that all of you want peace, and so do I.I know too that many of you seriously believe that a nuclear freeze would further the cause of peace.But a freeze now would make us less, not more, secure and would raise, not reduce, the risks of war.It would be largely unverifiable and would seriously undercut our negotiations on arms reduction.It would reward the Soviets for their massive military buildup while preventing us from modernizing our aging and increasingly vulnerable forces.With their pr esent margin of superiority, why should they agree to arms reductions knowing that we were prohibited from catching up?

Believe me, it wasn't pleasant for someone who had come to Washington deterrmined to reduce government spending, but we had to move forward with the task of repairing our defenses or we would lose our ability to deter conflict now and in the future.We had to demonstrate to any adversary that aggression could not succeed, and that the only real solution was substantial, equitable, and effectively verifiable arms reduction–the kind we're working for right now in Geneva.Thanks to your strong support, and bipartisan support from the Congress, we began to turn things around.Already, we're seeing some very encouraging results.Quality recruitment and retention are up dramatically–more high school graduates are choosing military careers, and more experienced career personnel are choosing to stay.our men and women in uniform at last are getting the tools and training they need to do their jobs.Ask around today, especially among our young people, and I think you will find a whole new attitude toward serving their country This reflects more than just better pay, equipment, and leadership.You the American people have sent a signal to these young people that it is once again an honor to wear the uniform.That's not something you measure in a budget, but it's a very real part of our nation's strength.It'll take us longer to build the kind of equipment we need to keep peace in the future, but we've made a good start.We haven't built a new long-range bomber for 21 years.Now we're building the B-1.We hadn't launched one new strategic submarine for 17 years.Now we're building one Trident submarine a year.our land-based missiles are increasingly threatened by the many huge, new Soviet ICBM's.We're determining how to solve that problem.At the same time, we're working in the START and INF negotiations with the goal of achieving deep reductions in the strategic and intermediate nuclear arsenals of both sides.We have also begun the long-needed modernization of our conventional forces.The Army is getting its first new tank in 20 years.The Air Force is modernizing.We're rebuilding our Navy, which shrank from about a thousand ships in the late 1960's to 453 during the 1970's.Our nation needs a superior navy to support our military forces and vital interests overseas.We're now on the road to achieving a 600-ship navy and increasing the amphibious capabilities of our marines, who are now serving the cause of peace in Lebanon.And we're building a real capability to assist our friends in the vitally important Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf region.This adds up to a major effort, and it isn't cheap.It comes at a time when there are many other pressures on our budget and when the American people have already had to make major sacrifices during the recession.But we must not be misled by those who would make defense once again the scapegoat of the Federal budget.The fact is that in the past few decades we have seen a dramatic shift in how we spend the taxpayer's dollar.Back in 1955, payments to individuals took up only about 20 percent of the Federal budget.For nearly three decades, these payments steadily increased and, this year, will account for 49 percent of the budget.By contrast, in 1955 defense took up more than half of the Federal budget.By 1980 this spending had fallen to a low of 23 percent.Even with the increase that I am requesting this year, defense will still amount to only 28 percent of the budget.The calls for cutting back the defense budget come in nice, simple arithmetic.They're the same kind of talk that led the democracies to neglect their defenses in the 1930's and invited the tragedy of World War II.We must not let that grim chapter of history repeat itself through apathy or neglect.This is why I'm speaking to you tonight to urge you to tell your Senators and Congressmen that you know we must continue to restore our military strength.If we stop in midstream, we will send a signal of decline, of lessened will, to friends and adversaries alike.Free people must voluntarily through open debate and democratic means, meet the challenge that totalitarians pose by compulsion.It's up to us, in our time, to choose and choose wisely between the hard but necessary task of preserving peace and freedom and the temptation to ignore our duty and blindly hope for the best while the enemies of freedom grow stronger day by day.The solution is well within our grasp.But to reach it, there is simply no alternative but to continue this year, in this budget, to provide the resources we need to preserve the peace and guarantee our freedom.Now, thus far tonight I've shared with you my thoughts on the problems of national security we must face together.My predecessors in the Oval Office have appeared before you on other occasions to describe the threat posed by Soviet power and have proposed steps to address that threat.But since the advent of nuclear weapons, those steps have been increasingly directed toward deterrence of aggression through the promise of retaliation.This approach to stability through offensive threat has worked.We and our allies have succeeded in preventing nuclear war for more than three decades.In recent months, however, my advisers, including in particular the Joint Chiefs of Staff, have underscored the necessity to break out of a future that relies solely on offensive retaliation for our security.Over the course of these discussions, I've become more and more deeply convinced that the human spirit must be capable of rising above dealing with other nations and human beings by threatening their existence.Feeling this way, I believe we must thoroughly examine every opportunity for reducing tensions and for introducing greater stability into the strategic calculus on both sides.One of the most important contributions we can make is, of course, to lower the level of all arms, and particularly nuclear arms.We're engaged right now in several negotiations with the Soviet Union to bring about a mutual reduction of weapons.I will report to you a week from tomorrow my thoughts on that score.But let me just say, I'm totally committed to this course.If the Soviet Union will join with us in our effort to achieve major arms reduction we will have succeeded in stabilizing the nuclear balance.Nevertheless, it will still be necessary to rely on the specter of retaliation, on mutual threat.And that's a sad commentary on the human condition.Wouldn't it be better to save lives than to avenge them? Are we not capable of demonstrating our peaceful intentions by applying all our abilities and our ingenuity to achieving a truly lasting stability? I think we are.Indeed, we must.After careful consultation with my advisers, including the Joint Chiefs of Staff, I believe there is a way.Let me share with you a vision of the future which offers hope.It is that we embark on a program to counter the awesome Soviet missile threat with measures that are defensive.Let us turn to the very strengths in technology that spawned our great industrial base and that have given us the quality of life we enjoy today.What if free people could live secure in the knowledge that their security did not rest upon the threat of instant U.S.retaliation to deter a Soviet attack, that we could intercept and destroy strategic ballistic missiles before they reached our own soil or that of our allies? I know this is a formidable, technical task, one that may not be accomplished before the end of this century.Yet, current technology has attained a level of sophistication where it's reasonable for us to begin this effort.It will take years, probably decades of effort on many fronts.There will be failures and setbacks, just as there will be successes and breakthroughs.And as we proceed, we must remain constant in preserving the nuclear deterrent and maintaining a solid capability for flexible response.But isn't it worth every investment necessary to free the world from the threat of nuclear war? We know it is.In the meantime, we will continue to pursue real reductions in nuclear arms, negotiating from a position of strength that can be ensured only by modernizing our strategic forces.At the same time, we must take steps to reduce the risk of a conventional military conflict escalating to nuclear war by improving our nonnuclear capabilities.America does possess now the technologies to attain very significant improvements in the effectiveness of our conventional, nonnuclear forces.Proceeding boldly with these new technologies, we can significantly reduce any incentive that the Soviet Union may have to threaten attack against the United States or its allies.As we pursue our goal of defensive technologies, we recognize that our allies rely upon our strategic offensive power to deter attacks against them.Their vital interests and ours are inextricably linked.Their safety and ours are one.And no change in technology can or will alter that reality.We must and shall continue to honor our commitments.I clearly recognize that defensive systems have limitations and raise certain problems and ambiguities.If paired with offensive systems, they can be viewed as fostering an aggressive policy, and no one wants that.But with these considerations firmly in mind, I call upon the scientific community in our country, those who gave us nuclear weapons, to turn their great talents now to the cause of mankind and world peace, to give us the means of rendering these nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete.Tonight, consistent with our obligations of the ABM treaty and recognizing the need for closer consultation with our allies, I'm taking an important first step.I am directing a comprehensive and intensive effort to define a long-term research and development program to begin to achieve our ultimate goal of eliminating the threat posed by strategic nuclear missiles.This could pave the way for arms control measures to eliminate the weapons themselves.We seek neither military superiority nor political advantage.Our only purpose–one all people share–is to search for ways to reduce the danger of nuclear war.My fellow Americans, tonight we're launching an effort which holds the promise of changing the course of human history.There will be risks, and results take time.But I believe we can do it.As we cross this threshold, I ask for your prayers and your support.Thank you, good night, and God bless you.

第二篇：里根總統(tǒng)演講稿

January 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice president Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發(fā)言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國(guó)同胞們：

To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.今天對(duì)于我們中間的一些人來(lái)說(shuō)，是一個(gè)非常莊嚴(yán)隆重的時(shí)刻。當(dāng)然，對(duì)于這個(gè)國(guó)家的歷史來(lái)說(shuō)，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交，我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個(gè)世紀(jì)，很少有人覺(jué)得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來(lái)，這個(gè)我們已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實(shí)在是一個(gè)奇跡。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們同胞們都能知道你為了這個(gè)傳承而付出的努力。通過(guò)移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個(gè)事實(shí)：我們是發(fā)誓要團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)維護(hù)這樣一個(gè)政治體制的團(tuán)體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個(gè)人自由。同時(shí)我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因?yàn)槟銈儓?jiān)持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國(guó)的根基。

1The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國(guó)家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國(guó)正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)困難。我們?cè)庥龅轿覈?guó)歷史上歷時(shí)最長(zhǎng)、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策，打擊著節(jié)儉的風(fēng)氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國(guó)千百萬(wàn)人民的生計(jì)。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動(dòng)報(bào)酬，因?yàn)檫@種稅收制度使我們無(wú)法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無(wú)法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重，但還是跟不上公共開(kāi)支的增長(zhǎng)。數(shù)十年來(lái)，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時(shí)的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢(shì)如果長(zhǎng)此以往，必然引起社會(huì)、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)等方面的大動(dòng)蕩。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個(gè)人，你們和我可以靠借貸過(guò)一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時(shí)期，我們?cè)趺纯梢哉J(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)國(guó)家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動(dòng)起來(lái)。大家都要明白無(wú)誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動(dòng)。

2/ ◆The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.◆They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.Government is the problem.我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟(jì)弊病，幾十年來(lái)一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會(huì)在幾天、幾星期或幾個(gè)月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因?yàn)槲覀冏鳛楝F(xiàn)在的美國(guó)人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個(gè)最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當(dāng)前這場(chǎng)危機(jī)中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問(wèn)題。政府的管理就是問(wèn)題所在。

我們時(shí)常誤以為，社會(huì)已經(jīng)越來(lái)越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個(gè)由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明?？墒牵偃缥覀冎姓l(shuí)也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰(shuí)還能去管理他人呢。

All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個(gè)責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個(gè)群體付出較高的代價(jià)。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽(tīng)到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團(tuán)的談?wù)?，然而。我們必須關(guān)心一個(gè)被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團(tuán)。這個(gè)集團(tuán)沒(méi)有區(qū)域之分，沒(méi)有人種之分，沒(méi)有民族之分，沒(méi)有政黨之分，這個(gè)集團(tuán)由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實(shí)業(yè)家、店主、職員、出租汽車司機(jī)和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們?nèi)嗣瘛?-這個(gè)稱之為美國(guó)人的民族。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的日標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為全體美國(guó)人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機(jī)會(huì)，讓美國(guó)重新工作起來(lái)，意味著讓全體美國(guó)人重新工作起來(lái)。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國(guó)人從失控的生活費(fèi)用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來(lái)。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開(kāi)端”的富有成效的工作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的碩果。我國(guó)制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強(qiáng)大、繁榮、國(guó)內(nèi)穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國(guó)。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.因此，在我們開(kāi)始之際，讓我們看看實(shí)際情況。我們是一個(gè)擁有政府的國(guó)家--而不是一個(gè)擁有國(guó)家的政府。這一點(diǎn)使我們?cè)谑澜绾蠂?guó)中獨(dú)樹(shù)一幟，我們的政府除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒(méi)有任何別的權(quán)力。目前，政府權(quán)力的膨脹已顯示出超過(guò)被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)這種狀況的時(shí)候到了。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.我打算壓縮聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)的規(guī)模和權(quán)力，并要求大家承認(rèn)聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng)立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。因此，請(qǐng)不要誤會(huì)，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機(jī)會(huì)，而不是扼殺機(jī)會(huì)，它能夠而且必須促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力，而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.如果我們要探究這么多年來(lái)我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個(gè)民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個(gè) 人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里，個(gè)人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴(yán)超過(guò)了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價(jià)有時(shí)相當(dāng)高昂，但我們從來(lái)沒(méi)有不愿意付出這代價(jià)。

我們是一個(gè)泱泱大國(guó)，不能自囿于小小的夢(mèng)想，現(xiàn)在正是認(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)的時(shí)候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點(diǎn)。我不相信，無(wú)論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來(lái)開(kāi)創(chuàng)一個(gè)國(guó)家復(fù)興的時(shí)代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。

We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.我們完全有權(quán)去做英雄夢(mèng)。那些評(píng)論我們現(xiàn)在是一個(gè)沒(méi)有英雄的時(shí)代的，他們只不過(guò)沒(méi)有仔細(xì)看?？窗桑∶恳惶爝M(jìn)出工廠大門(mén)的工人，辛勤耕作為我們提供食物的農(nóng)民們，站在柜臺(tái)后的服務(wù)生們；盡心盡業(yè)打拼為社會(huì)創(chuàng)造財(cái)富，提供就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)的企業(yè)家們。交納賦稅，以維持國(guó)家運(yùn)作的公民們。所有支持慈善事業(yè)，教會(huì)，文化及教育的人們，他們的舉動(dòng)是無(wú)聲的，但愛(ài)國(guó)心卻是不言自明的。他們的價(jià)值造就了我們的國(guó)家。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我剛才用了“他們”這個(gè)人稱來(lái)形容這些英雄們，其實(shí)我也可以用”你們”這個(gè)人稱。在這個(gè)上帝眷顧的國(guó)家，你們的夢(mèng)想，你們的希望，你們的追求就是這個(gè)國(guó)家存在的理由。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們的天性包含了同情。倘若我們熱愛(ài)這個(gè)國(guó)家，怎么會(huì)不熱愛(ài)自己的同胞們。當(dāng)他們挫折時(shí)，扶他們一把，當(dāng)他們生病時(shí)，給予關(guān)照。對(duì)于弱者，給予體面的幫助，使其自立.我們是否戰(zhàn)能勝現(xiàn)在擺在面前的問(wèn)題？我說(shuō)，回答是毫不含糊的“能！”

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在未來(lái)的日子里，我們要掃清經(jīng)濟(jì)停滯和工業(yè)發(fā)展的路障，政府的各項(xiàng)政策要平衡。我們要一步步塌實(shí)緩慢的前進(jìn)。該是喚醒這個(gè)工業(yè)巨人的時(shí)候了，削減沉重的賦稅，讓政府回歸理性。這是我們?cè)瓌t，沒(méi)有妥協(xié)的余地。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.在國(guó)家立國(guó)的前夕，我們的建國(guó)先賢之一，馬塞諸薩州州長(zhǎng)約瑟夫*沃倫對(duì)他的同胞們說(shuō)“我們的國(guó)家正在危險(xiǎn)之中，但我們絲毫不需絕望--------美國(guó)的前途就在我們手中。這個(gè)無(wú)限自由的幸福的國(guó)度即將誕生，讓我們行動(dòng)吧！”

我相信，同胞們，今天，為了我們孩子的孩子的自由和幸福，我們一定也準(zhǔn)備好了，讓我們行動(dòng)吧！

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.我們慶祝重振美國(guó)的此時(shí)，全世界的人們都在關(guān)注著，我們依舊是那些尚未獲得自由的人民心中的自由燈塔！

對(duì)于我們的鄰居，自由世界的同盟們，我們將進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)聯(lián)絡(luò)，保證我們承擔(dān)的義務(wù)。我們將以心換心，但我們決不會(huì)干涉你們的主權(quán)，希望你們也不會(huì)干涉我們。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對(duì)于自由世界的敵人，我們潛在的對(duì)手。我們要使其明白，和平是美國(guó)人最高愿望。我們可以與你們談判，妥協(xié)，但我們決不會(huì)屈服，永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)。

請(qǐng)你們不要誤會(huì)我們的忍耐，我們努力避免沖突但絕不代表我們的屈服。當(dāng)我們的國(guó)家安全受到威脅，我們會(huì)采取行動(dòng)。我們將保持擁有壓倒性對(duì)手的武力，因?yàn)槲覀冎?，只有擁有了足夠的武力，才能確保我們不會(huì)使用這些武力。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.首先，我們必須認(rèn)識(shí)到世界上沒(méi)有任何武器能比自由人民的道義和勇氣更強(qiáng)大。這恰恰是我們，美國(guó)人民所具備的，而我們的對(duì)手沒(méi)有的武器。這一點(diǎn)，所有支持恐怖主義和覬覦弱小國(guó)家的都要明白。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.我聽(tīng)說(shuō)今天各地舉行了數(shù)以萬(wàn)計(jì)的禱告會(huì)，我衷心的感到欣慰。我們是上帝統(tǒng)治的國(guó)度，上帝給了我們自由。如果以后每一屆的就職日都能成為禱告日，那是很好的事情。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.大家都知道，這是歷史上第一次在白宮西走廊舉行的就職典禮。在這里，我們能看到整個(gè)首都的風(fēng)貌。而在這廣場(chǎng)另一端就是我們先賢們的圣壇。我的正前方就是喬治*華盛頓紀(jì)念碑，我們偉大的國(guó)父。是他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了獨(dú)立革命戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的勝利，并創(chuàng)建了這個(gè)國(guó)家。在其旁邊則是另一位偉大的先賢，托馬斯*杰弗遜，--獨(dú)立宣言>的作者。而在水池的盡頭，是雄偉的林肯紀(jì)念堂。從林肯的一生你能體會(huì)出什么是美國(guó)的精神。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.在這些古跡旁是緩緩流淌的波托馬可河，而岸邊的斜斜的山坡正是我們的阿靈頓公墓。這些小小的十字架，六芒星下的墓志銘，述說(shuō)著我們贏取自由而付出的代價(jià)。

每一個(gè)墓志銘都是我剛才說(shuō)的英雄的事跡。這些英雄的生命倒在貝洛森林，阿爾貢丘陵，奧馬哈海灘，薩勒諾，半個(gè)地球外的瓜島，塔拉瓦島，上甘嶺，長(zhǎng)津湖，以及遍地是稻田叢林的叫越南的地方。

Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

在這些墓碑中，有一個(gè)叫Martin Treptow的年輕人，他在1917年辭掉了小鎮(zhèn)的理發(fā)店工作，跟隨著名的“彩虹師"去了法國(guó)，在西線，他在為營(yíng)長(zhǎng)傳遞命令時(shí)，被重炮擊中犧牲.后來(lái)，在他的尸體上我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了一本日記。在扉頁(yè)上，他寫(xiě)到”我發(fā)誓，美國(guó)必須贏的這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，所以，我會(huì)奮斗，我會(huì)拯救，我會(huì)犧牲，我會(huì)忍受，我會(huì)勇奮戰(zhàn)斗，就好比所有掙扎都將由我一個(gè)人來(lái)肩負(fù)?！?/p>

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.今天我們面臨的危機(jī)并不要求我們像 Martin Treptow作出如此的犧牲。但我們也要竭盡全力，有所作為。擁有上帝的協(xié)助，我們能度過(guò)危機(jī)。

最后，我們有什么理由不相信呢？記??！我們是美國(guó)人。上帝保佑你們，謝謝你們。

第三篇：你或許不信,《星球大戰(zhàn)》塑造了里根總統(tǒng)乃至整個(gè)時(shí)代

你或許不信，《星球大戰(zhàn)》塑造了里根總統(tǒng)乃至整個(gè)時(shí)代

你以為《星球大戰(zhàn)》只是一部科幻片嗎？那你還是太年輕了。

1.星球大戰(zhàn)系列其實(shí)是一個(gè)典型的美國(guó)式的故事：我們似乎可以在《星球大戰(zhàn)》中看到美國(guó)西部邊境蠻荒之地燃起了戰(zhàn)火，隨后又蔓延到了各個(gè)種族，范圍不斷擴(kuò)大，并最終演變成了第二次世界大戰(zhàn)。這是一個(gè)關(guān)于流浪者與夢(mèng)想家的故事，他們?cè)谝黄兰诺牟幻刂姓覍さ搅俗约旱姆较?，并最終領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了一場(chǎng)與一個(gè)龐大帝國(guó)為敵的革命。

喬治·盧卡斯（George Lucas）的這一系列以太空探險(xiǎn)為主題的電影誕生之時(shí)，恰好是美國(guó)陷入到一片巨大的質(zhì)疑聲中無(wú)法自拔的時(shí)候?！靶纳癫粚帯边@個(gè)如今看起來(lái)只適用于神經(jīng)質(zhì)、萎靡不振的嬉皮士們的詞語(yǔ)，用來(lái)形容當(dāng)時(shí)的美國(guó)實(shí)在是再合適不過(guò)。剛剛當(dāng)選的美國(guó)總統(tǒng)因一場(chǎng)骯臟的丑聞被逼辭職。與此同時(shí)，在一場(chǎng)不光彩的慘烈戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中，美國(guó)被迫與越南議和。經(jīng)濟(jì)滯脹讓美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)積重難返，作為一個(gè)國(guó)家，美國(guó)看起來(lái)將會(huì)一事無(wú)成。

在很多觀察家眼中，盡管星球大戰(zhàn)系列對(duì)于當(dāng)時(shí)美國(guó)式的樂(lè)觀以及愚蠢的道德準(zhǔn)則是一次徹底的顛覆，但是它出現(xiàn)的時(shí)機(jī)恰到好處，并幫助美國(guó)重新樹(shù)立了自信心。正如《華盛頓郵報(bào)》在1983年所說(shuō)，《星球大戰(zhàn)》的初作“彌補(bǔ)了越南戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)給美國(guó)人帶來(lái)的心靈上的創(chuàng)傷，《星球大戰(zhàn)》挖掘到了人們內(nèi)心深處的靈感，超越了政治上的忠誠(chéng)。它反映了人們?cè)谡紊献钤?、最樸素的訴求----做正確的事，與正義為伍，推翻暴政?！?/p>

盧卡斯實(shí)際上是在同美國(guó)當(dāng)時(shí)荒淫無(wú)道的暴行作斗爭(zhēng)，作品中的邪惡帝國(guó)指代的正是美國(guó)。但是盧卡斯同時(shí)也希望借鑒在他成長(zhǎng)過(guò)程中使他著迷的那些電影，包括西部片、閃電俠系列以及那些反映了二戰(zhàn)時(shí)期英雄主義的史詩(shī)巨作。他所借鑒的這些電影在本質(zhì)上都是對(duì)美國(guó)雄厚軍事實(shí)力的宣傳，盧卡斯成功將它們提煉出來(lái)，并把它們用一種最為純粹的方式表達(dá)出來(lái)。而這又為羅納德·里根當(dāng)政期間美國(guó)的復(fù)蘇搭建了舞臺(tái)。

2.在1975年，喬治·盧卡斯正處于人生的十字路口，他被確定為電影《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》的導(dǎo)演。這是一部越戰(zhàn)題材電影，改編自約瑟夫·康納德（Joseph Conrad）的小說(shuō)《黑暗之心》。在他的制作搭檔加里·庫(kù)爾茨（Gary Kurtz）尋找影片的拍攝地時(shí)，他已經(jīng)著手開(kāi)始制作《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》。盡管現(xiàn)在，拜電影《教父2》的巨大成功所賜，這部電影交由他的朋友，也是他的人生導(dǎo)師弗蘭西斯·福特·科波拉（Francis Ford Coppola）執(zhí)導(dǎo)，但是盧卡斯在完成了一個(gè)叫做《星球大戰(zhàn)》的劇本的初稿之后，也花費(fèi)了幾年的時(shí)間參與到《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》藍(lán)本的創(chuàng)作。所以在這部電影制作之初，他也被折騰的精疲力竭----之后科波拉對(duì)他說(shuō)，拍攝《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》如今正是時(shí)候，機(jī)不可失時(shí)不再來(lái)。

正如克里斯·泰勒（Chris Taylor）在他的著作《〈星球大戰(zhàn)〉是如何征服世界的》里寫(xiě)的那樣：對(duì)于盧卡斯的朋友來(lái)說(shuō)，這或許是一步好棋。但是盧卡斯畢竟是一名獨(dú)立電影人，那時(shí)已經(jīng)到了他實(shí)現(xiàn)他的野心的時(shí)候了，他要拍出像《唐人街》和《出租車司機(jī)》那樣黑暗而現(xiàn)實(shí)的電影。

最終，盧卡斯沒(méi)有讓拍攝《星球大戰(zhàn)》的計(jì)劃繼續(xù)拖延下去，他從《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》的拍攝之中抽身，一門(mén)心思撲到了《星球大戰(zhàn)》的制作中，科波拉只能獨(dú)自導(dǎo)演他的電影。而關(guān)于他這樣做的原因，泰勒寫(xiě)道：這是因?yàn)樗诳吹剿那白鳌睹绹?guó)風(fēng)情畫(huà)》對(duì)于青少年們起到了重大的積極影響之后，他決心為孩子們?cè)僮鲆恍┦隆?/p>

在1977年《滾石》雜志的采訪中，盧卡斯做出了進(jìn)一步的解釋：“我看到如今孩子們的生活里已經(jīng)沒(méi)有了像我們之前那樣的奇幻色彩，他們沒(méi)有西部片，沒(méi)有海盜題材的電影，也沒(méi)有曾是我們這一代人信仰的天真的幻想世界----我們并不一定相信它們，但我們發(fā)自內(nèi)心熱愛(ài)它們。當(dāng)今的年輕人除了一些警匪題材的電影，和一些諸如《人猿星球》以及雷·哈里豪森（Ray Harryhausen）的電影之外一無(wú)所有，但這些電影并沒(méi)有值得深究之處。我意識(shí)到如果這一代人成長(zhǎng)的過(guò)程中失去了那些幻想的元素，那么這對(duì)于我們的文化將是毀滅性的打擊?！?/p>

據(jù)美國(guó)加州大學(xué)伯克利分校研究中心副主任凱思琳·莫蘭（Kathleen Moran）介紹，在盧卡斯提到約瑟夫·坎貝爾（Joseph Campbell）和他研究神話之謎的著作《千面一人的英雄》的很久之前，他就已經(jīng)承認(rèn)星球大戰(zhàn)系列借鑒了許多他在成長(zhǎng)過(guò)程中所接觸的電影。

事實(shí)上，盧卡斯稱《星球大戰(zhàn)》與他在《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》中所要表達(dá)的主旨并無(wú)二致，只是將故事發(fā)生的地點(diǎn)重新設(shè)定在了很久以前的另一個(gè)星系。他希望將《星球大戰(zhàn)》寫(xiě)成當(dāng)?shù)鼐用衿鹆x反抗慘無(wú)人道的暴君的故事----莫蘭指出，在盧卡斯的初稿中，皇帝的原型就是理查德·尼克松（Richard Nixon）?！缎乔虼髴?zhàn)》曾被認(rèn)為意指“在越南所發(fā)生的一切”。盧卡斯是在“嘗試用劇本中的帝國(guó)映射美國(guó)的軍隊(duì)”。這一點(diǎn)在星球大戰(zhàn)系列的的第三部電影作品《星球大戰(zhàn)之絕地大反擊》中體現(xiàn)的尤為明顯?！皬囊廖挚俗逯锌梢钥吹皆侥瞎伯a(chǎn)黨的影子，”泰勒說(shuō)道?！斑@很明顯地表達(dá)了他想要表達(dá)出來(lái)的東西：即使是弱小的力量也可以在與強(qiáng)大對(duì)手的較量中掀起波瀾?！?直到他在幾年之后制作了這個(gè)系列的前傳之后，盧卡斯才將他希望用《星球大戰(zhàn)》所傳遞出來(lái)的政治主題完全表達(dá)出來(lái)----這所導(dǎo)致的結(jié)果就是，它們的可看性或許并不算高。

但與此同時(shí)，盧卡斯也從西部片、海盜電影、傳統(tǒng)冒險(xiǎn)題材電影以及二戰(zhàn)題材電影（如《轟炸魯爾水壩記》和《虎！虎！虎！》）的束縛之中解脫出來(lái)。正如《華盛頓郵報(bào)》在1983年所說(shuō)，盧卡斯在《星球大戰(zhàn)》系列中最大的貢獻(xiàn)就在于“復(fù)興了瀕死的好萊塢動(dòng)作片流派”，包括“黑幫題材、西部片、戰(zhàn)斗情節(jié)以及科幻系列題材”。

所以在盧卡斯的腦海中，《星球大戰(zhàn)》是關(guān)于美國(guó)的力量過(guò)度擴(kuò)張的一個(gè)顛覆傳統(tǒng)、超越了政治性的故事。但他依然堅(jiān)持要給年輕人們帶去樂(lè)觀、陽(yáng)光的電影----他在宣揚(yáng)他年輕時(shí)不顧一切熱愛(ài)的美國(guó)精神上（盡管他自己并不這樣認(rèn)為）做得遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)要比他在傳遞反獨(dú)裁的信息上做的要好。沒(méi)有人在看過(guò)《星球大戰(zhàn)》之后會(huì)高聲咒罵“狗娘養(yǎng)的美國(guó)佬！” 3.事實(shí)上，沒(méi)有人會(huì)在看的時(shí)候關(guān)注影片中所標(biāo)榜的惡棍，除非讓艾倫·里克曼（Alan Rickman）或者西格妮·韋弗（Sigourney Weaver）來(lái)扮演這樣的角色。《星球大戰(zhàn)》在使觀眾認(rèn)同盧克·天行者和莉亞公主上做的尤為出色。盧克·天行者的身世就是就是一個(gè)關(guān)于美國(guó)式英雄的游戲：他是一個(gè)農(nóng)家孩子，被暗中賦予了偉大的使命，走上了絕地武士的道路并最終掌握了自己的命運(yùn)。盧克對(duì)認(rèn)識(shí)自己和認(rèn)清自己的命運(yùn)所系的渴望是《星球大戰(zhàn)》系列的情感紐帶，正是它將這個(gè)國(guó)家里的探險(xiǎn)者、冒險(xiǎn)家和救世主們緊密地聯(lián)系到了一起。

每一個(gè)熱血的美國(guó)人都?jí)粝胫鴣?lái)到邊境，為了征服這片土地同賈瓦人和塔斯肯襲擊者浴血奮戰(zhàn)，掌握著機(jī)器人的控制權(quán)；或者成為像漢·索羅那樣的英勇的浪子，驍勇善戰(zhàn)但卻有著一顆金子般善良的心；或者帶領(lǐng)著美國(guó)革命軍對(duì)抗英國(guó)軍隊(duì)，而這正是當(dāng)莉亞公主還是一個(gè)命運(yùn)凄慘的少女時(shí)最合適的角色。

當(dāng)你看到電影結(jié)束的時(shí)候，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)有大規(guī)模的飛船空襲和炸彈轟炸的場(chǎng)面，這正是第二次世界大戰(zhàn)的場(chǎng)面---而這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)正是每一個(gè)美國(guó)人都認(rèn)同自己代表正義一方的最后一次戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，而且很明確，我們?nèi)〉昧俗罱K的勝利。

第一部《星球大戰(zhàn)》并不僅僅是一部脫離現(xiàn)實(shí)，只是為了取悅觀眾的電影。他也是對(duì)懷有必勝信念的人們和意義重大的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的一部禮贊。

在《星球大戰(zhàn)》出現(xiàn)的前十年，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)題材的電影幾乎已經(jīng)絕跡。盡管據(jù)《Back to Our Future:How The 1980s Explain The World We Live in now》的作者大衛(wèi)·西羅塔（David Sirota）所說(shuō)，五角大樓愿意為好萊塢提供免費(fèi)的軍隊(duì)和器械供其拍攝使用，但這一類型的電影依然鮮有出現(xiàn)?！缎乔虼髴?zhàn)》的誕生拯救了垂死的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)電影。也許你會(huì)提到在1968年上映的《綠色貝雷帽》和1970年上映的《虎！虎！虎！》，但是在越南戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間，相比于歌頌英雄主義和英勇士兵題材的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)片，這兩部電影更像是反戰(zhàn)題材的影片。

“星球大戰(zhàn)顯然是關(guān)于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的，”西羅塔說(shuō)。但是“因?yàn)樗l(fā)生在太空這一科幻的設(shè)定，它可以利用那些在越南戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之前人們已經(jīng)習(xí)慣的手法，來(lái)表現(xiàn)越南戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)剛剛結(jié)束之后人們已經(jīng)不情愿提及的現(xiàn)實(shí)中的軍事主題。當(dāng)然，之后的十年里又涌現(xiàn)出了一大批越戰(zhàn)題材的電影，包括《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》，但是《星球大戰(zhàn)》找尋到了一條以好萊塢的手法表現(xiàn)英雄主義軍事故事的道路，同時(shí)又避免了在一場(chǎng)現(xiàn)實(shí)的慘烈的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之后讓國(guó)人的內(nèi)心無(wú)法接受?！薄缎乔虼髴?zhàn)》展示了“美國(guó)軍隊(duì)中的英雄是一個(gè)保險(xiǎn)的設(shè)定，因?yàn)樗鼘⑵渲糜诨孟胫小?。在此之后，五角大樓重新?duì)這一題材的電影表示了關(guān)注，好萊塢也可以在拍攝戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)題材的電影時(shí)從美國(guó)軍隊(duì)那里得到必要的援助，電影《壯志凌云》就是這一類型的代表。

《星球大戰(zhàn)》的過(guò)人之處不僅僅是將戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)片重新帶回了人們的視野之中，也在于他可以讓你幻想在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中可以“做一個(gè)好人”。從某種程度上來(lái)說(shuō)，這是一種對(duì)在現(xiàn)實(shí)生活中阻止如核武器一類的大規(guī)模殺傷性武器的發(fā)明的愿景，它向我們展示了任何勝利都要付出高昂的代價(jià)，都要忍受民不聊生的混亂。《星球大戰(zhàn)》中有一個(gè)名為“死星”的超級(jí)武器，它傳遞出了盧卡斯對(duì)于“科技所引發(fā)的恐怖”的全部看法，在《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》中，這一主題同樣得到了展示。但是“死星”有一個(gè)巨大的弱點(diǎn)，它的覆滅也使得《星球大戰(zhàn)》的戰(zhàn)局被重新定義。4.我們之中大多數(shù)的科幻小說(shuō)愛(ài)好者在談及上世界80年代的電影時(shí)都會(huì)心懷一種特殊的敬意。80年代是經(jīng)久不衰的英雄形象和無(wú)可比擬的動(dòng)作場(chǎng)面不斷涌現(xiàn)的大片時(shí)代的濫觴。在觀看它們奢華的特效時(shí)，人們感受到的是一種最純粹的力量。

當(dāng)你在今天再度觀看80年代的電影時(shí)，你也許會(huì)感到跟今天的電影相比，它們的節(jié)奏有些緩慢，畫(huà)面似乎也有一些粗糙。但是羅納德·里根（Ronald Reagan）總統(tǒng)當(dāng)政期間，電影也是力求刺激，動(dòng)作和場(chǎng)面與今天的電影也不乏相似之處。然而當(dāng)你去看70年代的電影時(shí)，情況卻是完全不同。在《星球大戰(zhàn)》出現(xiàn)前的十年，慢節(jié)奏、引人深思的科幻電影在電影界占據(jù)主流。這些電影大多是反烏托邦的。相比于看阿諾德·施瓦辛格大展拳腳，這些電影給人的感覺(jué)更像是查爾頓·赫斯頓在咬緊牙關(guān)向著無(wú)盡的未來(lái)前行。這些電影鮮有大團(tuán)圓結(jié)局或是很容易走出的困境。

而《星球大戰(zhàn)》，包括斯皮爾伯格導(dǎo)演的《大白鯊》和《第三類接觸》，都為后來(lái)的轟動(dòng)一時(shí)的大片提供了樣板?！斑@些80年代的電影，”西羅塔說(shuō)，“實(shí)際上沒(méi)有很大的差別。事情往往都是‘善與惡’、‘我們和他們’，并且有著清晰的道德準(zhǔn)則。你只能選擇其中一邊。這并不像美劇《火線》中所表現(xiàn)的那樣?！?/p>

“你可能會(huì)好奇，如果沒(méi)有《星球大戰(zhàn)》與《大白鯊》開(kāi)創(chuàng)了大片時(shí)代，我們還能看到蘭博嗎？”泰勒問(wèn)道?！拔覀兪遣皇沁€能欣賞到80年代那些充滿自信與肌肉力量的電影？”

“我們來(lái)看一下《星球大戰(zhàn)》最早的一部作品，然后回憶一下1977年時(shí)的環(huán)境，”泰勒補(bǔ)充道。“它看起來(lái)并不屬于吉米·卡特領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下的那個(gè)‘心神不寧’的1977年，也不屬于美國(guó)所經(jīng)歷的那些黑暗的時(shí)光。它是昂揚(yáng)向上的，也是反映了軍事化的。他告訴我們要全副武裝，天真即地獄?！?/p>

即使喬治·盧卡斯執(zhí)導(dǎo)的是《現(xiàn)代啟示錄》而不是《星球大戰(zhàn)》，這種“概念”的電影也會(huì)成為蓬勃而出的新現(xiàn)象。技術(shù)的進(jìn)步為更精彩的動(dòng)作、更劇烈的爆炸以及更壯觀的場(chǎng)面提供了保障。但是《星球大戰(zhàn)》將20世紀(jì)中期電影里那種不完整的樂(lè)觀主義變成了一種全新的信仰。這讓80年代的電影更加昂揚(yáng)，并且在道德上更加簡(jiǎn)潔。

5.流行文化塑造了政治，我們的電影、電視節(jié)目、游戲和其他媒體為我們建立了世界是如何運(yùn)行的概念。我們所虛構(gòu)的英雄人物正是現(xiàn)實(shí)人物在我們心中內(nèi)化的產(chǎn)物。虛幻的勝利讓我們相信我們?cè)诂F(xiàn)實(shí)中也可以無(wú)堅(jiān)不摧---盡管有些問(wèn)題確實(shí)十分棘手。

羅納德·里根競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)時(shí)適逢《星球大戰(zhàn)》第二部的宣傳達(dá)到了白熱化?！缎乔虼髴?zhàn)》不僅代表著高科技的星球探險(xiǎn)，也是對(duì)過(guò)往的一種追思---《星球大戰(zhàn)》正傳的三部曲的設(shè)定看起來(lái)好像不是發(fā)生在很久很久以前，看起來(lái)更加是不久之前那個(gè)單純簡(jiǎn)單的時(shí)期的產(chǎn)物。而這與里根的“懷舊主義的樂(lè)觀”不謀而合。

1983年的《華盛頓郵報(bào)》的文章已經(jīng)表述得非常清楚，美國(guó)人已經(jīng)厭倦了自我批判，討厭失敗主義。而《星球大戰(zhàn)》系列正如同毒品一樣，刺激了他們內(nèi)心必勝的信念。我們可以把所有事情解決之后回家享受清閑。我們可以成為好人。而壞人都是很容易辨認(rèn)的。

里根的政策在兩處顯示了與《星球大戰(zhàn)》的聯(lián)系：一次是他將蘇聯(lián)稱為“邪惡帝國(guó)”，另一次是他將自己的導(dǎo)彈計(jì)劃命名為“星球大戰(zhàn)”計(jì)劃?！斑@里或多或少的有一些偶然的成分，”泰勒說(shuō)。里根的演講稿撰寫(xiě)人稱自己無(wú)意引用《星球大戰(zhàn)》中的“邪惡帝國(guó)”一詞，但是演講的時(shí)間正好是《星球大戰(zhàn)》上映的時(shí)間，所以這一聯(lián)系是人為制造的。

讓里根用“星球大戰(zhàn)”來(lái)描述自己的導(dǎo)彈計(jì)劃實(shí)際是民主黨人的主意，但是他們很快就后悔了，因?yàn)椤靶乔虼髴?zhàn)計(jì)劃”聽(tīng)起來(lái)不僅不愚蠢，而且還出乎意料的好。

當(dāng)你在冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期審視“邪惡帝國(guó)”時(shí)，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)它簡(jiǎn)直就是前蘇聯(lián)在“漫畫(huà)中的重現(xiàn)”。西羅塔說(shuō)，前蘇聯(lián)是一個(gè)“高度官僚化、不民主、技術(shù)落后的帝國(guó)”，你很容易在“邪惡帝國(guó)”中找到它的影子。

“在70年代末即將進(jìn)入80年代時(shí)，這個(gè)反抗帝國(guó)的故事也不可避免的帶上了政治的色彩，”西羅塔說(shuō)?！袄锔J(rèn)為他是在與一個(gè)龐大的政府作斗爭(zhēng)，我認(rèn)為這當(dāng)然有時(shí)代精神在其中起作用。”

曾是一名演員的里根也敏銳地意識(shí)到這是電影的一個(gè)全新的時(shí)代。電影的場(chǎng)面比以往更加壯觀，也更能給觀眾身臨其境的體驗(yàn)。正如莫蘭所指出的，里根曾經(jīng)說(shuō)過(guò)一句著名的話：這是電影，它不僅向我們展示了我們的容貌和聲音，更重要的是，他展示了我們內(nèi)心的感受。在里根治理下的美國(guó)，我們不僅與盧克·天行者同行，也通過(guò)他們看到了我們內(nèi)心真正的自己。

《星球大戰(zhàn)》給予里根最偉大的禮物就是堅(jiān)定不移地同邪惡作斗爭(zhēng)。

第四篇：里根總統(tǒng)演講中英文

里根總統(tǒng)就職演講稿完整中文翻譯版

里根總統(tǒng)是個(gè)非常擅長(zhǎng)演講的人，他的演講從頭至尾一氣呵成.他不看講稿，完全是即席演講。他的語(yǔ)速和聲音的節(jié)奏控制得非常好，聽(tīng)他的演講本身就是在欣賞一場(chǎng)偉大的演出。

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.尊敬的海特菲爾德議員、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾、貝克議員、發(fā)言人奧尼爾、摩麥以及廣大支持我的美國(guó)同胞們：今天對(duì)于我們中間的一些人來(lái)說(shuō)，是一個(gè)非常莊嚴(yán)隆重的時(shí)刻。對(duì)于這個(gè)國(guó)家的歷史卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交，我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個(gè)世紀(jì)，很少有人覺(jué)得這有什么特別。但在世界上更多人看來(lái)，我們這個(gè)已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式卻是一個(gè)奇跡。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個(gè)傳承而付出的努力。通過(guò)移交程序中的通力合作，展示了這樣一個(gè)事實(shí)：我們是一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)一致的民族，這個(gè)民族決心捍衛(wèi)一種比任何其他體制更能充分保證個(gè)人民主自由的政治制度。我要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因?yàn)槟銈儓?jiān)持了這樣的傳承，這種傳承的連續(xù)性恰是我們共和國(guó)的支柱。

The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國(guó)家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國(guó)正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)困難。我們?cè)庥龅轿覈?guó)歷史上歷時(shí)最長(zhǎng)、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策，使儲(chǔ)蓄的人反而受到懲罰，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國(guó)千百萬(wàn)人民的生計(jì)。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人，也因沉重的稅負(fù)而得不到公正的勞動(dòng)報(bào)酬，因?yàn)檫@種稅收制度使我們無(wú)法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無(wú)法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重，但還是跟不上公共開(kāi)支的增長(zhǎng)。數(shù)十年來(lái)，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時(shí)的方便，已把自己和子孫的前途都抵押出去。這一趨勢(shì)如果長(zhǎng)此以往，必然引起社會(huì)、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)等方面的大動(dòng)蕩。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding——we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個(gè)人，你們和我可以靠借貸過(guò)一種入不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時(shí)期，我們?cè)趺纯梢哉J(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)國(guó)家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了明天，我們今天就必須行動(dòng)起來(lái)。大家都要明白無(wú)誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動(dòng)。

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟(jì)弊病，幾十年來(lái)一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會(huì)在幾天、幾星期或幾個(gè)月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因?yàn)槲覀冏鳛楝F(xiàn)在的美國(guó)人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個(gè)最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.在當(dāng)前這場(chǎng)危機(jī)中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問(wèn)題。政府的管理就是問(wèn)題所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們時(shí)常誤以為，社會(huì)已經(jīng)越來(lái)越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個(gè)由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明?？墒?，假如我們之中誰(shuí)也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰(shuí)還能去管理他人呢。我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個(gè)責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個(gè)群體付出較高的代價(jià)。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick——professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽(tīng)到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團(tuán)的談?wù)摚欢?。我們必須關(guān)心一個(gè)被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團(tuán)。這個(gè)集團(tuán)沒(méi)有區(qū)域之分，沒(méi)有人種之分，沒(méi)有民族之分，沒(méi)有政黨之分，這個(gè)集團(tuán)由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實(shí)業(yè)家、店主、職員、出租汽車司機(jī)和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們的人民”—就是美國(guó)人民。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的目標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和日益發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為全體美國(guó)人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機(jī)會(huì)。使美國(guó)復(fù)興，意味著使全體美國(guó)人都有工作；制止通貨膨脹，意味著使全體美國(guó)人免除對(duì)勢(shì)如脫韁之馬的生活費(fèi)用的恐懼。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開(kāi)端”的富有成效的工作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的碩果。我們力量的核心是理想主義和公正對(duì)待的精神，有了這些，我們就能建立一個(gè)強(qiáng)大繁榮的美國(guó)，在國(guó)內(nèi)和全世界都相安無(wú)事。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government——not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.在我們向復(fù)興美國(guó)開(kāi)始邁步之際，先讓我們看看我們的實(shí)際情況。我們是一個(gè)擁有政府的國(guó)家--而不是一個(gè)擁有國(guó)家的政府。這一點(diǎn)使我們?cè)谑澜绾蠂?guó)中獨(dú)樹(shù)一幟，我們的政府除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒(méi)有任何別的權(quán)力?，F(xiàn)在是制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)政府機(jī)構(gòu)和權(quán)力膨脹的時(shí)候了，因?yàn)榉N種跡象表明，這種膨脹已超過(guò)人民的意愿。

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此，請(qǐng)不要誤解，我不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩而立，而不是騎在我們的身上。政府能夠而且必須提供而不是扼殺機(jī)會(huì)，能夠而且必須促進(jìn)而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.多年來(lái)我們能取得巨大成就，獲得世界上任何一個(gè)民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛的原因是在這片土地上我們比以往任何時(shí)候都最大程度地發(fā)揮人的潛能和個(gè)人的天才；這里比任何其他任何地方更容易得到、更可以保證個(gè)人的自由和尊嚴(yán)。得到這種自由所付出的代價(jià)有時(shí)相當(dāng)昂貴，但我們從沒(méi)不愿意付出這種代價(jià)。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.我們目前困難的制造者是政府不必要和過(guò)度膨脹對(duì)我們生活的干預(yù)和侵?jǐn)_，這不是偶然的巧合。我們應(yīng)該真正認(rèn)識(shí)到我們是一個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家，不能自囿于小小的夢(mèng)想，我們不像有些人要我們相信的那樣注定要不可避免地衰落，我不相信我們命該如此，無(wú)論我們做什么都不能改變那些人描繪的宿命，但我相信，如果我們什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。為此，讓我們以我們擁有的一切創(chuàng)造力來(lái)開(kāi)創(chuàng)一個(gè)國(guó)家復(fù)興的時(shí)代吧。讓我們重新下定決心，拿出我們的勇氣和力量，讓我們重新滿懷信心和希望，我們完全有權(quán)利塑造崇高的理想。

Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter——and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.當(dāng)下那些不知道去哪發(fā)現(xiàn)英雄的人說(shuō)我們正身處于一個(gè)沒(méi)有英雄的時(shí)代。你們可以看到每天進(jìn)出于工廠大門(mén)的英雄們；另外一些英雄人數(shù)雖少，但生產(chǎn)的糧食卻足夠養(yǎng)活我們大家和世界其他地區(qū)的人民；你們會(huì)在柜臺(tái)前遇到英雄--在柜臺(tái)的內(nèi)外遇到英雄們，其中的一些人是對(duì)自己抱有信心的、有理想的企業(yè)家，他們創(chuàng)造新的職業(yè)、新的財(cái)富和機(jī)會(huì)，政府的維持就是靠這樣一些個(gè)人和家族繳納的捐稅，教會(huì)、慈善事業(yè)、文化、藝術(shù)和教育事業(yè)也是靠他們的自愿捐獻(xiàn)來(lái)維持的。他們的愛(ài)國(guó)主義精神含而不露，但卻是強(qiáng)烈的，他們創(chuàng)造的價(jià)值支撐著我們的國(guó)民生活。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak——you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我在說(shuō)到這些英雄時(shí)，用了“他們”和“他們的”這兩個(gè)字眼，但也可以說(shuō)“你們”、“你們的”。因?yàn)槲椰F(xiàn)在正給我提及的英雄們講話--就是你們，這個(gè)上帝降福的國(guó)土上的公民們。你們的理想、希望、目標(biāo)將是本屆政府的理想、希望、目標(biāo)，愿上帝保佑我做到這一點(diǎn)。

我們將體現(xiàn)出在你們的稟性中占很大成分的同情心。怎么能愛(ài)我們的國(guó)家而不愛(ài)我們的同胞呢？我們要愛(ài)他們，在他們摔倒時(shí)伸出手去扶住他們，在他們患病時(shí)給他們治愈，并提供機(jī)會(huì)使他們自給自足，使他們獲得實(shí)在而不是口頭上的平等。

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們能解決擺在我們面前的這些問(wèn)題嗎？回答是毫不含糊和斷然的兩個(gè)字“能夠”，借用溫斯頓丘吉爾的話說(shuō)，我剛才宣誓并不是想要在我的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下使這個(gè)世界最強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)瓦解。

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow——measured in inches and feet, not miles——but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在今后的一段時(shí)間，我將建議消除一些使得我們經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展緩慢和生產(chǎn)力下降的障礙，將要采取一些旨在恢復(fù)各級(jí)政府之間保持平衡的步驟，進(jìn)展也許是緩慢的，用英寸和英尺而不是用英里來(lái)衡量，但我們會(huì)前進(jìn)。現(xiàn)在應(yīng)當(dāng)是喚醒這個(gè)工業(yè)巨人的時(shí)候，使政府能夠重新量入為出，減輕我們懲罰性的賦稅負(fù)擔(dān)，這將是我們首要的任務(wù)，在這些原則上絕不會(huì)妥協(xié)。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of…… On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

在我國(guó)為獨(dú)立而斗爭(zhēng)的前夕，有一個(gè)人曾對(duì)他的美國(guó)同胞說(shuō)：“我們現(xiàn)在處于危險(xiǎn)之中，但并沒(méi)有絕望…美國(guó)的命運(yùn)取決與你們。關(guān)系到尚未出生的千百萬(wàn)人的幸福和自由的一個(gè)重要問(wèn)題是由你們來(lái)決定，你們的行動(dòng)要無(wú)愧與你自己。”這個(gè)人就是馬薩諸塞議會(huì)主席約瑟夫沃倫博士，如果他當(dāng)初沒(méi)有在邦克山犧牲，他也許成為我國(guó)建國(guó)的先人中最偉大的任務(wù)之一。

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.我相信，我們當(dāng)代美國(guó)人已做好無(wú)愧于我們自己行動(dòng)的準(zhǔn)備，做好為確保我們自己、孩子和子孫后代的幸福和自由必須進(jìn)行工作的準(zhǔn)備。

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.當(dāng)我們?cè)谶@塊土地上時(shí)代相傳時(shí)，全世界將看到，我們所具有的力量更加強(qiáng)大，我們將再度成為自由的典范，成為現(xiàn)在還沒(méi)有獲得自由的那些人的希望之光。

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.對(duì)于與我們懷有同樣自由理想的那些鄰國(guó)和盟國(guó)，我們將加強(qiáng)我們之間傳統(tǒng)性的溝通，保證對(duì)他們予以支持，對(duì)他們履行應(yīng)盡的義務(wù)，忠誠(chéng)地報(bào)答他們的忠誠(chéng)，努力爭(zhēng)取建立互利的關(guān)系，決不利用這種友誼去影響他們的主權(quán)，因?yàn)槲覀冏约旱闹鳈?quán)也是不能出賣的。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded thatpeace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it——now or ever.對(duì)于那些自由的敵人和潛在的對(duì)手，我們要提醒他們，和平是美國(guó)人民的最高愿望。我們將為和平而談判，為和平而犧牲，但我們絕不為和平而投降，現(xiàn)在不會(huì)，將來(lái)也永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)。

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not bemisjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對(duì)我們的忍讓絕不應(yīng)誤解。不要把我們對(duì)沖突采取的克制態(tài)度誤認(rèn)為是意志不堅(jiān)強(qiáng)。一旦需要采取行動(dòng)保衛(wèi)我們國(guó)家的安全，我們就采取行動(dòng)。我們將保持足以在必要時(shí)取勝的力量，這樣我們才最有可能不必動(dòng)用這種力量。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.所以，我們必須認(rèn)識(shí)到，世界各地軍火庫(kù)中的任何武器沒(méi)有自由人們的意志和維護(hù)道義的勇氣強(qiáng)大，這是當(dāng)今世界上我們美國(guó)獨(dú)有而我們對(duì)手所沒(méi)有的武器。要讓那些采取恐怖行動(dòng)和掠奪自己鄰國(guó)的人懂得這一點(diǎn)。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.當(dāng)?shù)弥裉炫e行的祈禱會(huì)成千上萬(wàn)時(shí)，我深為感激。我們是上帝保佑的國(guó)家，我們相信，上帝希望我們得到自由。如果每次就職典禮日都能成為祈禱日，那是恰如其逢的好事。

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.在我的正前方是一位不朽人物的紀(jì)念碑，他就是我們的國(guó)父喬治華盛頓。他稟性謙恭，處于時(shí)勢(shì)所迫才做出偉大業(yè)績(jī)，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)美國(guó)取得革命勝利，建立一個(gè)新國(guó)家。稍偏一點(diǎn)是莊嚴(yán)雄偉的托馬斯杰斐遜紀(jì)念堂，獨(dú)立宣言閃耀著他的雄辯才華。

And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.在映影池的那一邊，矗立著由大圓柱組成的莊嚴(yán)肅穆的林肯紀(jì)念堂，任何想徹底了解美國(guó)真諦的人都會(huì)在亞伯拉罕林肯的一生中得到答案。

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.這里的每一個(gè)墓碑都是對(duì)我所提及的那些英雄的紀(jì)念。他們?cè)谝恍┙胸愻斘榈?、阿爾貢、奧馬哈灘、薩萊諾的地方，在相隔半個(gè)地球之遙的瓜達(dá)卡鈉爾、塔拉瓦、獨(dú)排山、長(zhǎng)津水岸和一個(gè)叫越南--有著許許多多稻田和叢林的地方獻(xiàn)出了他們的生命。

Under one such marker lies a young man——Martin Treptow——who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.在這里的一塊墓碑下躺著一位名叫馬丁托雷普托的年輕人，他于1917年離開(kāi)一座小鎮(zhèn)的理發(fā)館，隨同著名的彩虹師來(lái)到法國(guó)。在那里的西部戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上，他在猛烈的炮火中為自己的部隊(duì)傳遞信息時(shí)犧牲了。

We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.” 有人告訴我們?cè)谒纳砩习l(fā)現(xiàn)一本日記。扉頁(yè)上寫(xiě)著這樣的標(biāo)題：“我的誓言”。他寫(xiě)下了這樣的話語(yǔ)：“美國(guó)必須贏得這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。為此，我會(huì)奮斗，我會(huì)拯救，我會(huì)犧牲，我會(huì)忍受，我會(huì)并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰(zhàn)，就好比所有的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)問(wèn)題都將由我一個(gè)人來(lái)肩負(fù)?！?/p>

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.我們今天面臨的危機(jī)并不是要求我們作出像馬丁托雷普托和其他數(shù)以千計(jì)人那樣的犧牲，然而，它確實(shí)要求我們作出最大的努力去工作，要求我們?cè)敢庀嘈抛约?，相信我們有能力干出偉大的事業(yè)：團(tuán)結(jié)一致，在上帝的幫助下，能夠并且一定會(huì)解決我們面臨的種種問(wèn)題。

And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.我們?yōu)槭裁床粦?yīng)該相信這一點(diǎn)呢？畢竟我們是美國(guó)人。愿上帝祝福你們。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:總統(tǒng) 副總統(tǒng)先生，議長(zhǎng)先生，各位兩院議員：

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.昨天，1941年12月7日――這一天將成為我們的國(guó)恥日――美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)遭到日本帝國(guó)的蓄謀已久的海、空突襲。The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.美國(guó)曾與該國(guó)和平相處，應(yīng)該國(guó)之邀，還在與該國(guó)政府和天皇進(jìn)行談判，謀求維護(hù)太平洋區(qū)域和平。

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.事實(shí)上，在日本航空隊(duì)開(kāi)始轟炸美國(guó)的瓦湖島一小時(shí)后，日本駐美大使及其同僚向我國(guó)務(wù)卿提交了對(duì)我國(guó)最近照會(huì)的正式答復(fù)，其內(nèi)容是繼續(xù)正在進(jìn)行的外交談判似乎已無(wú)意義，沒(méi)有任何戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)或武裝攻擊的威脅或暗示。

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.我們要牢記夏威夷到日本的距離清楚地表明，這次襲擊只能是幾天甚至是幾周前蓄意策劃的。在這期間，日本政府蓄意謀求用維護(hù)和平的善意的虛假消息來(lái)欺騙美國(guó)。

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.昨天對(duì)夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國(guó)海軍和陸軍造成了嚴(yán)重?fù)p失。我很遺憾地告訴你們很多美國(guó)人喪生。此外，美國(guó)船只在舊金山與火努魯魯之間的公海遭魚(yú)雷攻擊。

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.昨天夜間，日本政府發(fā)動(dòng)了對(duì)馬來(lái)亞的進(jìn)攻。Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了香港。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了關(guān)島。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了菲律賓群島。Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.昨天夜間，日軍攻擊了威克島。

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.今天上午，日軍攻擊了中途島。

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.因此，日本已經(jīng)實(shí)施了對(duì)太平洋區(qū)域的突襲。昨天和今天的事實(shí)已經(jīng)不言而喻了。美國(guó)人民已下定決心，并且深知這對(duì)國(guó)家安全和每個(gè)人意味著什么。

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.作為美國(guó)海陸軍總司令，我已下令不惜一切保衛(wèi)國(guó)家。但是我們?nèi)珖?guó)都要永記這次偷襲的性質(zhì)。

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.不管用多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間，我們終將戰(zhàn)勝這次有預(yù)謀的侵略，美國(guó)人用他們的正義力量必將徹底勝利。

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.我相信我代表了國(guó)會(huì)和人民的意志，我宣布我們不僅要盡全力保衛(wèi)自己，還要確保這樣的背信棄義決不會(huì)再次發(fā)生。Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.面對(duì)敵意，我們不能閃爍其詞，因?yàn)槲覀兊娜嗣?、?guó)土和利益都在最危險(xiǎn)之中。

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.有對(duì)軍隊(duì)的信心，有人民的不屈決心，我們必勝！上帝保佑！I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.因?yàn)橹苋眨?941年12月7日，日本對(duì)我國(guó)的無(wú)故的欺軟怕硬的偷襲，我懇請(qǐng)國(guó)會(huì)宣布美國(guó)和日本帝國(guó)進(jìn)入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)狀態(tài)。

第五篇：里根總統(tǒng)的離職演說(shuō)

Ronald Reagan： Farewell Address to the Nation My fellow Americans：

This is the 34th time I'll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last.We've been together 8 years now，and soon it'll be time for me to go.But before I do，I wanted to share some thoughts，some of which I've been saving for a long time.It's been the honor of my life to be your President.So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks，but I could say as much to you.Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve.One of the things about the Presidency is that you're always somewhat apart.You spent a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving，and seeing the people through tinted glass —— the parents holding up a child，and the wave you saw too late and couldn't return.And so many times I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass，and connect.Well，maybe I can do a little of that tonight.People ask how I feel about leaving.And the fact is，“parting is such sweet sorrow.” The sweet part is California and the ranch and freedom.The sorrow —— the goodbyes，of course，and leaving this beautiful place.You know，down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the President and his family live.There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning.The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument，and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low，you can see past the Jefferson to the river，the Potomac，and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks，the morning traffic as people make their way to work，now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past ,then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low，you can see past the

Jefferson to the river，the Potomac，and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks，the morning traffic as people make their way to work，now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past 8 years have meant and mean.And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one —— a small story about a big ship，and a refugee，and a sailor.It was back in the early eighties，at the height of the boat people.And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway，which was patrolling the South China Sea.The sailor，like most American servicemen，was young，smart，and fiercely observant.The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat.And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America.The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety.As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas，one spied the sailor on deck，and stood up，and called out to him.He yelled，“Hello，American sailor.Hello，freedom man.”

A small moment with a big meaning，a moment the sailor，who wrote it in a letter，couldn't get out of his mind.And，when I saw it，neither could I.Because that's what it has to —— it was to be an American in the 1980's.We stood，again，for freedom.I know we always have，but in the past few years the world again —— and in a way，we ourselves —— rediscovered it.It's been quite a journey this decade，and we held together through some stormy seas.And at the end，together，we're reaching our destination.The fact is，from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits，from the recession of '81 to '82，to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day，we've made a difference.The way I see it，there were two great triumphs，two things that I'm proudest of.One is the economic recovery，in which the people of America created —— and filled —— 19

million new jobs.The other is the recovery of our morale.America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this.It was back in 1981，and I was attending my first big economic summit，which was held that year in Canada.The meeting place rotates among the member countries.The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations.Well I sat there like the new kid in school and listened，and it was all Francois this and Helmut that.They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis.Well，at one point I sort of leaned in and said，“My name's Ron.” Well，in that same year，we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback —— cut taxes and regulation，started to cut spending.And soon the recovery began..Two years later，another economic summit with pretty much the same cast.At the big opening meeting we all got together，and all of a sudden，just for a moment，I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me.And then one of them broke the silence.“Tell us about the American miracle，” he said.Well，back in 1980，when I was running for President，it was all so different.Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe.Our views on foreign affairs would cause war.Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soar and bring about economic collapse.I even remember one highly respected economist saying，back in 1982，that “The engines of economic growth have shut down here，and they're likely to stay that way for years to come.” Well，he and the other opinion leaders were wrong.The fact is what they call “radical” was really “right.” What they called “dangerous” was just “desperately needed.”

And in all of that time I won a nickname，“The Great Communicator.” But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference： it was the content.I wasn't a great communicator，but I communicated great things，and they didn't spring full bloom from my

brow，they came from the heart of a great nation —— from our experience，our wisdom，and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.They called it the “Reagan Revolution.” Well，I'll accept that，but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery，a rediscovery of our values and our common sense.Common sense told us that when you put a big tax on something，the people will produce less of it.So，we cut the people's tax rates，and the people produced more than ever before.The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger.Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history： real family income up，the poverty rate down，entrepreneurship booming，and an explosion in research and new technology.We're exporting more than ever because American industry became more competitive.And at the same time，we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at home.Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace，we'd have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion.So，we rebuilt our defenses，and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe.Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons —— and hope for even more progress is bright —— but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease.The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone.The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan.The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia，and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50，000 Cuban troops home from Angola.The lesson of all this was，of course，that because we're a great nation，our challenges seem complex.It will always be this way.But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves，the future will always be ours.And something else we learned： Once you begin a great movement，there's no telling where it'll end.We meant to change a nation，and instead，we changed a world.Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away from

the ideologies of the past.For them，the great rediscovery of the 1980's has been that，lo and behold，the moral way of government is the practical way of government： Democracy，the profoundly good，is also the profoundly productive.When you've got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday，you can sit back sometimes，review your life，and see it flowing before you.For me there was a fork in the river，and it was right in the middle of my life.I never meant to go into politics.It wasn't my intention when I was young.But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you.I was happy with my career in the entertainment world，but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious.Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government，and with three little words： “We the People.” “We the People” tell the government what to do； it doesn't tell us.“We the People” are the driver； the government is the car，and we decide where it should go，and by what route，and how fast.Almost all the world's constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are.Our Constitution is a document in which “We the People” tell the government what it is allowed to do.“We the People” are free.This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I've tried to do these past 8 years.But back in the 1960's，when I began，it seemed to me that we'd begun reversing the order of things —— that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes，the government was taking more of our money，more of our options，and more of our freedom.I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say，“Stop.” I was a citizen politician，and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do.I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping.And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited.There's a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics： “As government expands，liberty contracts.”

Nothing is less free than pure communism —— and yet we have，the past few years，forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union.I've been asked if this isn't a gamble，and my answer is no because we're basing our actions not on words but deeds.The detente of this 1970's was based not on actions but promises.They'd promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better.But the gulag was still the gulag，and the state was still expansionist，and they still waged proxy wars in Africa，Asia，and Latin America.Well，this time，so far，it's different.President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan.He has also freed prisoners whose names I've given him every time we've met.But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents.Once，during the heady days of the Moscow summit，Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Arbat Street —— that's a little street just off Moscow's main shopping area.Even though our visit was a surprise，every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands.We were just about swept away by the warmth.You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy.But within seconds，a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd.It was an interesting moment.It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace，the government is Communist.And those who run it are Communists，and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and human rights very differently.We must keep up our guard，but we must also continue to work together to lessen and eliminate tension and mistrust.My view is that President Gorbachev is different from previous Soviet leaders.I think he knows some of the things wrong with his society and is trying to fix them.We wish him well.And we'll continue to work to make sure that the Soviet Union that eventually emerges from this process is a less threatening one.What it all boils down to is this： I want the new closeness to continue.And it will，as long as we make it clear that we will continue to act in a certain way as long as they continue to act in a helpful manner.If and when they don't，at first pull your punches.If they persist，pull the plug.It's still trust but verify.It's

still play，but cut the cards.It's still watch closely.And don't be afraid to see what you see.I've been asked if I have any regrets.Well，I do.The deficit is one.I've been talking a great deal about that lately，but tonight isn't for arguments，and I'm going to hold my tongue.But an observation： I've had my share of victories in the Congress，but what few people noticed is that I never won anything you didn't win for me.They never saw my troops； they never saw Reagan's regiments，the American people.You won every battle with every call you made and letter you wrote demanding action.Well，action is still needed.If we're to finish the job，Reagan's regiments will have to become the Bush brigades.Soon he'll be the Chief，and he'll need you every bit as much as I did.Finally，there is a great tradition of warnings in Presidential farewells，and I've got one that's been on my mind for some time.But oddly enough it starts with one of the things I'm proudest of in the past 8 years： the resurgence of national pride that I called，“The New Patriotism.” This national feeling is good，but it won't count for much，and it won't last unless it's grounded in thoughtfulness and knowledge.An informed patriotism is what we want.And are we doing a good enough job teaching our children what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world？ Those of us who are over 35 or so years of age grew up in a different America.We were taught，very directly，what it means to be an American.And we absorbed，almost in the air，a love of country and an appreciation of its institutions.If you didn't get these things from your family you got them from the neighborhood，from the father down the street who fought in Korea or the family who lost someone at Anzio.Or you could get a sense of patriotism from school.And if all else failed you could get a sense of patriotism from the popular culture.The movies celebrated democratic values and implicitly reinforced the idea that America was special.TV was like that，too，through the mid-sixties.But now，we're about to enter the nineties，and some things have changed.Younger parents aren't sure that an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right thing to teach modern children.And as for those who create the popular culture，well-grounded patriotism is no longer the style.Our spirit is back，but we haven't reinstitutionalized it.We've got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom —— freedom of speech，freedom of religion，freedom of enterprise.And freedom is special and rare.It's fragile； it needs production [protection].So，we've got to teach history based not on what's in fashion but what's important —— why the Pilgrims came here，who Jimmy Doolittle was，and what those 30 seconds over Tokyo meant.You know，4 years ago on the 40th anniversary of D-day，I read a letter from a young woman writing to her late father，who had fought on Omaha Beach.Her name was Lisa Zanatta Henn，and she said，“we will always remember，we will never forget what the boys of Normandy did.” Well，let's help her keep her word.If we forget what we did，we won't know who we are.I'm warning of an eradication of that —— of the American memory that could result，ultimately，in an erosion of the American spirit.Let's start with some basics： more attention to American history and a greater emphasis on civic ritual.And let me offer lesson number one about America： All great change in America begins at the dinner table.So，tomorrow night in the kitchen I hope the talking begins.And children，if your parents haven't been teaching you what it means to be an American，let 'em know and nail 'em on it.That would be a very American thing to do.And that's about all I have to say tonight，except for one thing.The past few days when I've been at that window upstairs，I've thought a bit of the 'shining city upon a hill.' The phrase comes from John Winthrop，who wrote it to describe the America he imagined.What he

imagined was important because he was an early Pilgrim，an early freedom man.He journeyed here on what today we'd call a little wooden boat； and like the other Pilgrims，he was looking for a home that would be free.I've spoken of the shining city all my political life，but I don't know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it.But in my mind it was a tall，proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans，windswept，God-blessed，and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace； a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity.And if there had to be city walls，the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here.That's how I saw it，and see it still.And how stands the city on this winter night？ More prosperous，more secure，and happier than it was 8 years ago.But more than that： After 200 years，two centuries，she still stands strong and true on the granite ridge，and her glow has held steady no matter what storm.And she's still a beacon，still a magnet for all who must have freedom，for all the pilgrims from all the lost places who are hurtling through the darkness，toward home.We've done our part.And as I walk off into the city streets，a final word to the men and women of the Reagan Revolution，the men and women across America who for 8 years did the work that brought America back.My friends： We did it.We weren't just marking time.We made a difference.We made the city stronger； we made the city freer； and we left her in good hands.All in all，not bad —— not bad at all.And so，goodbye，God bless you，and God bless the United States of America.

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里根總統(tǒng)關(guān)于戰(zhàn)略防御計(jì)劃(星球大戰(zhàn))的講話

第一篇：里根總統(tǒng)關(guān)于戰(zhàn)略防御計(jì)劃(星球大戰(zhàn))的講話

第二篇：里根總統(tǒng)演講稿

第三篇：你或許不信,《星球大戰(zhàn)》塑造了里根總統(tǒng)乃至整個(gè)時(shí)代

第四篇：里根總統(tǒng)演講中英文

第五篇：里根總統(tǒng)的離職演說(shuō)

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