第一篇：尼克松答謝詞

1972年2月21日，美國總統(tǒng)尼克松應周恩來總理的邀請訪問中國，當晚，周總理在人民大會堂舉行了盛大宴會，歡迎尼克松總統(tǒng)一行。總理和總統(tǒng)都發(fā)表了熱情洋溢的講會，回顧他們的講話，再看整整四十年之后中美關系互相提防的現(xiàn)狀，讓人不勝感慨。周恩來總理的歡迎詞如下：

總統(tǒng)先生,尼克松夫人,女士們,先生們,同志們,朋友們: 首先,我高興的代表毛澤東主席和中國政府向尼克松總統(tǒng)及夫人,以及其他的客人們

表示歡迎.同時,我也想利用這個機會代表中國人民向遠在大洋彼岸的美國人民致以親切的問候.克松總統(tǒng)應中國政府的邀請，前來我國訪問，使兩國領導人有機會直接會晤,謀

求兩國關系正?；?并對共同關心的問題交換意見,這是符合中美兩國人民愿望的積極行

動,這在中美兩國關系史上是一個創(chuàng)舉.美國人民是偉大的人民,中國人民是偉大的人民.我們兩國人民一向是友好的.由于大

家都知道的原因,兩國人民之間往來中斷了二十多年.現(xiàn)在經(jīng)過中美雙方的共同努力，友

好往來的大門終于打開了.目前促使兩國關系正?；?爭取和緩緊張趨勢，已經(jīng)成為中美

兩國人民強烈的愿望，人民,只有人民,才是創(chuàng)造這個世界歷

史的動力.我們相信,我們兩

國人民的這種共同愿望,總有一天要實現(xiàn)的.中美兩國的社會制度根本不同，在中美兩國政府之間存在極大分歧.但是這種分歧不應

當妨礙中美兩國在相互尊重主權和領土完整,互不侵犯,互不干涉內政,平等互利和和平共 處五項原則的基礎上建立正常的國際關系，更不應該導致戰(zhàn)爭.中國政府早在1955年就公

開聲明,中國人民不想同美國人民打仗，中國政府愿意坐下來同美國政府談判，這是我們

一貫奉行的方針,我們注意到尼克松總統(tǒng)在來華前的講話中也說到:“我們必須做的事情是 尋找某種辦法使我們可以有分歧而又不能成為戰(zhàn)爭中的敵人.”我們希望通過雙方坦率的 交換意見，弄清彼此之間的分歧，努力尋找共同點，使我們兩國關系能夠有一個新的開

始.最后,我建議為尼克松總統(tǒng)和夫人的健康,為其他美國客人們的健康,為在座的所有朋

友和同志們的健康,為中美兩國之間的友誼,干杯！!

尼克松總統(tǒng)的答謝詞如下：

總理先生，中華人民共和國和美利堅合眾國的我們十分尊貴的客人們：

我們能有機會在貴國做客期間歡迎你和今晚在座的諸位中國客人，感到十分榮幸。

我要代表尼克松夫人和同行的全體正式成員，對你們給予我們的無限盛情的款待，表示深切的感謝。

大家知道，按照我國的習慣，我們的新聞界人士有權代表他們自己講話，而政府中的人誰也不能代表他們講話。但是我相信，今晚在座的全體美國新聞界人士都會授予我這一少有的特權來代表他們感謝你和貴國政府給予他們的種種禮遇。

你們已使全世界空前之多的人們得以讀到、看到、聽到這一歷史性訪問的情景。

昨天，我們同幾億電視觀眾一起，看到了名副其實的世界奇跡之一———中國的長城。當我在城墻上漫步時，我想到為了建筑這座城墻而付出的犧牲；我想到它所顯示的在悠久的歷史上始終保持獨立的中國人民的決心；我想到這樣一個事實，就是，長城告訴我們，中國有偉大的歷史，建造這個世界奇跡的人民也有偉大的未來。

長城已不再是一道把中國和世界其他地區(qū)隔開的城墻。但是，它使人們想起，世界上仍然存在著許多把各個國家和人民隔開的城墻。

長城還使人們想起，在幾乎一代的歲月里，中華人民共和國和美國之間存在著一道城墻。

四天以來，我們已經(jīng)開始了拆除我們之間這座城墻的長期過程；我們開始會談時就承認我們之間有巨大的分歧，但是我們決心不讓這些分歧阻礙我們和平相處。

你們深信你們的制度，我們同樣深信我們的制度。我們在這里聚會，并不是由于我們有共同的信仰，而是由于我們有共同的利益和共同的希望。我們每一方都有這樣的利益，就是維護我們的獨立和我們人民的安全；我們每一方都有這樣的希望，就是建立一種新的世界秩序。具有不同制度和不同價值標準的國家和人民可以在其中和平相處，互有分歧但互相尊重，讓歷史而不是讓戰(zhàn)場對他們的不同思想作出判斷?？偫硐壬?，你已注意到送我們到這里來的飛機名為“七六年精神號”。就在這個星期，我們美國慶祝了我們的國父喬治·華盛頓的生日，是他領導美國在我們的革命中取得了獨立，并擔任了我們的第一屆總統(tǒng)。

在他任期屆滿時，他用下面的話向他的同胞告別：“對一切國家恪守信用和正義。同所有的人和平與和睦相處?！本褪潜局@種精神——七六年精神，我請大家站起來和我一起舉杯，為毛主席，為周總理，為我們兩國人民，為我們的孩子們的希望，即我們這一代能給他們留下和平與和睦的遺產(chǎn)，干杯!

第二篇：演講稿之尼克松

演講題目：理查德·尼克松

理查德·尼克松，出生于1913年9月。1946年，尼克松當選美國眾議員，其政治觀點保守，素有反共斗士之稱，與參議員約瑟夫·雷芒德·麥卡錫齊名，是麥卡錫主義的擁護者和極力倡導者。他在1952年與1956年兩度與德懷特·D·艾森豪威爾搭檔參選并獲得勝利，在1953年到1961年間，擔任了兩屆副總統(tǒng)職務。1960年尼克松競選總統(tǒng)，以微弱票差被約翰·肯尼迪擊敗，又在1962年競選加利福尼亞州州長時落敗而暫時離開國家權力中樞。1968年尼克松重返政壇，在當年的美國大選中順利當選為美國總統(tǒng)。1971年，發(fā)起了舉世聞名，影響美國刑事司法制度深遠至今的“向毒品宣戰(zhàn)（英語：War on Drugs）”。

尼克松生性多疑，在美國政壇有“難以捉摸的迪克”（Tricky Dick）綽號。尼克松在1959年7月莫斯科舉行的美國國家展覽會（American National Exhibition）開幕式上，與時任蘇聯(lián)部長會議主席的赫魯曉夫之間展開過一場關于東西方意識形態(tài)和核戰(zhàn)爭的論戰(zhàn)，史稱“廚房辯論”。在任期內，將美國軍隊撤出了越南，逐漸結束了那場使國家陷入危機的戰(zhàn)爭。透過乒乓球活動嘗試與中華人民共和國建立外交關系，并支持其進入聯(lián)合國，史稱“乒乓外交”，改善了中國大陸與美國的關系。尼克松于1972年2月訪問中國大陸，是美國總統(tǒng)第一次訪問一個與美國沒有正式外交關系的國家，對中國大陸的7天訪問被稱為“改變世界的一周”。當時，尼克松率團訪問了北京、杭州、上海三個城市，在北京與中共中央主席毛澤東會面，并在杭州西湖邊的園林中與中國國務院總理周恩來草簽了轟動世界的《中美聯(lián)合公報》。中華人民共和國與美國兩國關系正?；乐刑K三角外交的態(tài)勢開始形成，在很長一段時間里成為決定國際形勢發(fā)展的重要因素之一。

他平生有兩大事跡而聞名全球。第一，尼克松訪華，這是當時轟動世界的舉動，他這個人確實有遠見卓識的本領。在冷戰(zhàn)時期的人們會認為美蘇的對立是意識形態(tài)的對立，而尼克松卻圖謀與社會主義中國建立正常的外交關系，這一舉動石破天驚。一波驚起萬層浪，也為我國改革開放補充了一個重要的外部條件。這一點，我們在感謝鄧小平的同時，也要稱贊尼克松的聰明之舉。所以我們的歷史老師會一針見血的說，國際關系的決定關系是國家利益。

另外我還想說的是，尼克松訪華肯定有國家領導人的接待？那么接待尼克松是誰呢？毛澤東。對于毛澤東的晚年問題，有諸多的非議。什么發(fā)動大躍進，人民公社化運動啊，還有最恨的是發(fā)動了文化大革命，這個老家伙是晚節(jié)不保啊，恐怕是得了老年癡呆，但這只是我中學時的想法，如果大家還這樣想，說明大家的思想還很年輕。事實上，毛澤東文革時期得罪了最不應該得罪的群體：知識分子。我覺得要不是鄧小平的正確看待毛澤東同志的功與過這句話，恐怕毛澤東的袁世凱形象就要寫在歷史教科書上了。大家應該相信教科書的力量，它能把黑變白，也能把白變黑。所以我希望大家對待某一事件，能有自己的意見和想法，千萬不要隨波逐流。

那么話題重新回到尼克松，他的另一著名事件就是水門事件，相信大家都對水門事件有所了解，在這里就不多說了。不過我是挺佩服那位把總統(tǒng)拉下馬的女性。這里可以看出美國的太多，比如美國人的性格，不屈的精神。但是大家反過來想，尼克松第二任總統(tǒng)新上任沒多久就被拉下來，他有那個勇氣下來，這是中國領導人所不能及的。在中國，好像有為他人遮羞的義務，所以中國不會出現(xiàn)斯諾登，但這正是中國的價值觀，沒有對錯。謝謝

第三篇：尼克松辭職演講

里查德.尼克松總統(tǒng)辭職演講

Richard M.Nixon: Resignation Speech Good evening:

This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office, where so many decisions have been made that shape the history of this nation.Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matter that I believe affected the national interest.In all the decisions I have made in my public life I have always tried to do what was best for the nation.Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere，to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me.In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort.As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion;that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process, and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served.And there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so.But the interests of the nation must always come before any personal considerations.From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the nation will require.I have never been a quitter.To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body.But as President, I must put the interests of America first.America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad.To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow.Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.As I recall the high hopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a great sadness that I will not be here in this office working on your behalf to achieve those hopes in the next two and a half years.But in turning over direction of the Government to Vice President Ford I know, as I told the nation when I nominated him for that office ten months ago, that the leadership of America would be in good hands.In passing this office to the Vice President, I also do so with the profound sense of the weight of responsibility that will fall on his shoulders tomorrow, and therefore of the understanding, the patience, the cooperation he will need from all Americans.As he assumes that responsibility he will deserve the help and the support of all of us.As we look to the future, the first essential is to begin healing the wounds of this nation.To put the bitterness and divisions of the recent past behind us and to rediscover those shared ideals that lie at the heart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.By taking this action, I hope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healing which is so desperately needed in America.I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision.I would say only that if some of my judgments were wrong--and some were wrong--they were made in what I believed at the time to be the best interests of the nation.To those who have stood with me during these past difficult months, to my family, my friends, the many others who joined in supporting my cause because they believed it was right, I will be eternally grateful for your support.And to those who have not felt able to give me your support, let me say I leave with no bitterness toward those who have opposed me, because all of us in the final analysis have been concerned with the good of the country, however our judgments might differ.So let us all now join together in affirming that common commitment and in helping our new President succeed for the benefit of all Americans.I shall leave this office with regret at not completing my term but with gratitude for the privilege of serving as your President for the past five and a half years.These years have been a momentous time in the history of our nation and the world.They have been a time of achievement in which we can all be proud, achievements that represent the shared efforts of the administration, the Congress and the people.But the challenges ahead are equally great.And they, too, will require the support and the efforts of the Congress and the people, working in cooperation with the new Administration.We have ended America's longest war.But in the work of securing a lasting peace in the world, the goals ahead are even more far-reaching and more difficult.We must complete a structure of peace, so that it will be said of this generation--our generation of Americans--by the people of all nations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented future wars.We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood between the United States and the People's Republic of China.We must now insure that the one-quarter of the world's people who live in the People's Republic of China will be and remain, not our enemies, but our friends.In the Middle East, 100 million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have considered us their enemy for nearly 20 years, now look on us as their friends.We must continue to build on that friendship so that peace can settle at last over the Middle East and so that the cradle of civilization will not become its grave.Together with the Soviet Union we have made the crucial breakthroughs that have begun the process of limiting nuclear arms.But, we must set as our goal, not just limiting, but reducing and finally destroying these terrible weapons, so that they cannot destroy civilization.And so that the threat of nuclear war will no longer hang over the world and the people.We have opened a new relation with the Soviet Union.We must continue to develop and expand that new relationship, so that the two strongest nations of the world will live together in cooperation rather than confrontation.Around the world--in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America, in the Middle East--there are millions of people who live in terrible poverty, even starvation.We must keep as our goal turning away from production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere on this earth can at last look forward, in their children's time, if not in our own time, to having the necessities for a decent life.Here, in America, we are fortunate that most of our people have not only the blessings of liberty but also the means to live full and good, and by the world's standards even abundant lives.We must press on, however, toward a goal not only of more and better jobs but of full opportunity for every American, and of what we are striving so hard right now to achieve--prosperity without inflation.For more than a quarter of a century in public life, I have shared in the turbulent history of this evening.I have fought for what I believe in.I have tried, to the best of my ability, to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted to me.Sometimes I have succeeded.And sometimes I have failed.But always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and with the worst if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly.I pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue in that spirit.I shall continue to work for the great causes to which I have been dedicated throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, Vice President and President, the cause of peace--not just for America but among all nations--prosperity, justice and opportunity for all of our people.There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always be devoted for as long as I live.When I first took the oath of office as President five and a half years ago, I made this sacred commitment: to consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations.I've done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge.As a result of these efforts, I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the people of America but for the people of all nations, and that all of our children have a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war.This, more than anything, is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency.This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the Presidency.To have served in this office is to have felt a very personal sense of kinship with each and every American.In leaving it, I do so with this prayer: May God's grace be with you in all the days ahead.

第四篇：尼克松訪華祝酒詞

Toast Speech by Richard Nixon 尼克松訪華祝酒詞

Mr.Prime Minister and all of your distinguished guests this evening:

On behalf of all of your American-guests, I wish to thank you for the incomparably hospitality for which the Chinese people are justly famous throughout the world.I particularly want to pay tribute, not only to those who prepared the magnificent dinner, but also to those who have provided the splendid music.Never have I heard American music played better in a foreign land.Mr.Prime Minister, I wish to thank you for your very gracious and eloquent remarks.At this very moment, through the wonder of telecommunications, more people are seeing and hearing what we say than on any other such occasion in the whole history of the world.Yet, what we say here will not be long remembered.What we do here can change the world.As you said in your toast, the Chinese people are a great people, the American people are a great people.If our two peoples are enemies the future of this world we share, together is dark indeed.But if we can find common ground to work together, the chance for world peace is immeasurably increased.In the spirit of frankness which I hope will characterize our talks this week, let us recognize at the outset these points: We have at times in the past been enemies.We have great differences today.What brings us together is that we have common interests which transcend those differences.As we discuss our differences, neither of us will compromise our principles.But while we cannot close the gulf between us, we can try to bridge it so that we may be able to talk across it.So, let us, in these next five days, start a long march together, not in lockstep, but on different roads leading to the same goal, the goal of building a world structure of peace and justice in which all may stand together with equal dignity and in which each nation, large or small, has a right to determine its own form of government, free of outside interference or domination.The world watches.The world listens.The world waits to see what we will do.What is the world? In a personal sense, I think of my eldest daughter whose birthday is today.As I think of her, I think of all the children in the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Europe, in the Americas, most of whom were born since the date of the foundation of the People's Republic of China.What legacy shall we leave our children? Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world, or are they destined to live because we had the vision to build a new world?

There is no reason for us to be enemies.Neither of us seeks the territory of the other;neither of us seeks domination over the other;neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world.Chairman Mao has written, "So many deeds cry out to be done, and always urgently;The world rolls on, Time presses.Ten thousand years are too long, Seize the day, seize the hour!”

This is the hour.This is the day for our two peoples to rise to the heights of greatness which can build a better world.In that spirit, I ask all of you present to join me in raising your glasses to Chairman Mao, to Prime Minister Chou, and to the friendship of the Chinese and American people which can lead to friendship and peace for all people in the world.(A toast given by president Nixon on his first visit to China in 1972)總理先生，在座的各位貴賓：

我謹代表你們的所有美國客人向你們表示感謝，感謝你們的無可比擬的盛情款待。中國人民以這種盛情款待而聞名世界。我不僅要特別贊揚那些準備了這次盛大晚宴的人，而且還要贊揚那些給我們演奏這樣美好的音樂的人。我在外國從來沒有聽到過演奏得這么好的美國音樂。

總理先生，我要感謝你熱情洋溢而又令人信服的講話。就在這個時刻，通過電訊的奇跡，看到和聽到我們講話的人比在整個世界歷史上任何其他這樣的場合都要多。不過，我在這里講的話，人們不會長久記住。我們在這里所做的事卻能改變世界。

正如你在祝酒時講的那樣，中國人民是偉大的人民，美國人民是偉大的人民。我們兩國人民不是敵人，否則我們共同居住的這個世界的前途就的確是黑暗的了。如果我們能夠找到進行合作的共同點，那么實現(xiàn)世界和平的機會就無可估量地大大增加。

我希望我們這個星期的會談將是坦率的。本著這種坦率的精神，我們一開始就認識到這樣幾點：過去的一些時期我們曾是敵人。今天我們有巨大的分歧．使我們走到一起的，是我們有超過這些分歧的共同利益。在我們討論我們的分歧的時候，我們哪一方都不會在我們的原則上妥協(xié)。但是，雖然我們不能彌合我們之間的鴻溝，我們卻能夠設法搭一座橋，以便我們能夠越過它進行會談。

因此，讓我們在今后的五天里在一起開始一次長征吧，不是在一起邁步，而是在不同的道路上向同一目標前進。這個目標就是建立一個和平和正義的世界結構，在這個世界結構中，所有的人都可以在一起享有同等的尊嚴；每個國家，不論大小，都有權利決定它自己的政府形式，而不受外來的干涉或統(tǒng)治。全世界在注視著，全世界在傾聽著，全世界在等待著看我們將做些什么。這個世界是什么呢?就個人來講，我想到我的大女兒，因為今天是她的生日。當我想到她的時候，我就想到全世界的兒童。亞洲、非洲、歐洲以及美洲的兒童，他們大多數(shù)都是在中華人民共和國成立以后出生的。

我們將給我們的孩子們留下什么遺產(chǎn)呢?他們的命運是要為那些使舊世界受苦受難的仇恨而死去呢，還是他們的命運是由我們有締造一個新世界的遠見而活下去呢？

我們沒有理由要成為敵人。我們哪一方都不企圖取得對方的領土，我們哪一方都不企圖統(tǒng)治對方，我們哪一方都不企圖伸出手去統(tǒng)治世界。

毛主席寫過：“多少事，從來急；天地轉，光陰迫。一萬年太久，只爭朝夕?！?/p>

現(xiàn)在就是只爭朝夕的時候了，是我們兩國人民攀登那種可以締造—個新的、更美好的世界的偉大境界的高峰的時候了。

本著這種精神，我請求諸位同我一起舉杯，為毛主席，為周總理，為能夠導致全世界所有人民的友誼與和平的中國人民和美國人民之間的友誼，干杯。

（美國尼克松總統(tǒng)1972年訪華時的一次祝酒詞)

第五篇：辭職演講(尼克松

Resignation Speech

辭職演講（尼克松）

This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office where so many decisions have been made that shape the history of this nation.Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matters that I believe affected the national interest.And all the decisions I have made in my public life I have always tried to do what was best for the nation.Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me.In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort.As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process, and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served.And there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so.But the interests of the nation must always come before any personal considerations.From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the nation will require.I have never been a quitter.To leave office before my term is completed is opposed to every instinct in my body.But as President I must put the interests of America first.America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad.To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow.Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.注釋：

注釋：

Watergate水門事件agonyn.苦惱，極大的痛苦

Unanimously全體一致地,無異議地

Quittern.輕易停止的人, 懦夫

Vindicationn.辯護, 辯明, 擁護

中文對照

(晚上好！)這是我第37次在這里對你們講話。我曾在這里作過一些對我們這個國家有影響的決定。每次我都與你們討論一些有關影響國民利益之事。我所做出的這些決定，都

力圖為國家最高利益服務。

經(jīng)過漫長而艱難的水門事件，我感覺到，我不得不辭職，盡力盡快結束我的總統(tǒng)工作。在過去幾年里，很明顯，我在國會已不再擁有強大的政治基礎。只要這種基礎還存在，我便會堅決澄清這件事。但現(xiàn)在再做努力已非必要，這樣只會使程序更加艱難，也是對繼任者的刁難。

由于已經(jīng)失去政治基礎，我沒必要拖延這件事。

不管我個人的痛苦有多大，我也寧愿結束它，我家人也這樣黯然催促我。但是，國家利益總是要高于個人利益，通過我與國會及其他領導的商議，由于水門事件后，我已經(jīng)失去了國會的支持，我不得不做出這個艱難的決定，市民也有這個要求，國家利益也要求我這么做。我從來就不是一個半途而廢的人。

在我到任之前便離任，我感到渾身的不自在。但作為總統(tǒng)應把國家利益放在首位。美國需要一位全心全意的總統(tǒng)和全心全意國會，特別是現(xiàn)在我們處于國內外的各種困難時期。

繼續(xù)幾個月前的個人辯護將占去總統(tǒng)和國會幾乎所有的時間，而這時我們應該做的卻是致力于世界和平及無通貨膨脹的國家繁榮。

因此，我決定明天中午正式辭去總統(tǒng)職務，副總統(tǒng)福特將同時在這里宣誓就職。