第一篇:城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)的工作自薦信
城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)的工作自薦信
在現(xiàn)在的社會(huì)生活中,大家逐漸認(rèn)識(shí)到自薦信的重要性,通過自薦信,我們可以達(dá)到自我推薦的目的。來參考自己需要的自薦信吧!下面是小編幫大家整理的城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)的.工作自薦信,僅供參考,歡迎大家閱讀。
尊敬的領(lǐng)導(dǎo):
您好!
感謝您在百忙中翻閱我的自薦信!
我是XX理工大學(xué)城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)的大四在校學(xué)生,即將順利畢業(yè)并獲得工學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。近期獲知貴公司正在招聘實(shí)習(xí)生,我對這一崗位非常感興趣,并對加入土地拓展、規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)類部門以發(fā)揮我的專業(yè)所長十分期盼,希望能把自己培養(yǎng)成為適合貴公司未來發(fā)展的人才。雖然作為在讀本科生,我相對缺乏工作經(jīng)驗(yàn),但是作為規(guī)劃專業(yè)的學(xué)生,長期以來我們通過大量的真實(shí)項(xiàng)目作為設(shè)計(jì)鍛煉,得到了不少模擬真實(shí)工作的機(jī)會(huì),培養(yǎng)了較強(qiáng)的適應(yīng)能力和工作能力,因此我自信能很快的熟悉并投入到工作當(dāng)中。
在校期間,我曾任校XXX學(xué)生創(chuàng)新中心南校區(qū)廣播站的美工部干事,負(fù)責(zé)各類宣傳、設(shè)計(jì)以及活動(dòng)布置等工作,培養(yǎng)了較強(qiáng)的工作能力與協(xié)調(diào)適應(yīng)能力。此外,還利用課余時(shí)間安排各種社會(huì)實(shí)踐工作,先后于XX設(shè)計(jì)院、XX畫廊實(shí)習(xí),累積了一定的社會(huì)經(jīng)驗(yàn),提前適應(yīng)了學(xué)校以外的工作環(huán)境。
我很希望能加盟貴公司,并為貴公司的發(fā)展貢獻(xiàn)自己的一份力量。隨信附上我的中文簡歷。如有機(jī)會(huì)與您面談,我將十分感謝。謹(jǐn)祝貴公司業(yè)績蒸蒸日上!
此致
敬禮!
自薦人:XXX
XXXX年XX月XX日
第二篇:城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)應(yīng)屆畢業(yè)生的自薦信
尊敬的領(lǐng)導(dǎo):
您好!我叫xiexiebang,是XX學(xué)院城市規(guī)劃2013年好范文。能成為一名園林設(shè)計(jì)師,是我夢寐追求的目標(biāo),在此擇業(yè)之際,我真誠的向貴公司推薦自己。
在四年的學(xué)習(xí)中,我的專業(yè)成績一直居于本專業(yè)上等水平,曾連續(xù)兩年獲得學(xué)?!白粤⒆詮?qiáng)先進(jìn)個(gè)人”和“青年志愿者先進(jìn)個(gè)人”稱號(hào)。在學(xué)好了本專業(yè)基礎(chǔ)知識(shí)的同時(shí),我還盡自己所能的拓寬了自己的知識(shí)面,在專業(yè)技能方面,我先后掌握了AutoCAD,photoshop等專業(yè)軟件的使用,使自己更有能力去做好今后的工作。
在能力鍛煉上,我積極參加各種社會(huì)實(shí)踐活動(dòng),在大學(xué)四年期間,積極參加每一學(xué)年的社會(huì)實(shí)踐小分隊(duì),曾經(jīng)在冷凍廠里面打過工,在酒店當(dāng)過服務(wù)生,作為志愿者在小學(xué)進(jìn)行義務(wù)教育,在園林設(shè)計(jì)公司進(jìn)行實(shí)習(xí),社會(huì)實(shí)踐經(jīng)驗(yàn)可謂非常豐富。從而大大提升了自己的組織能力、協(xié)作能力、交際能力和處事應(yīng)變等能力,為我今后能更好地為貴公司工作奠定了能力基礎(chǔ)。
在思想方面,我努力提高自己的政治覺悟和道德修養(yǎng)并積極向黨組織靠攏,向黨總支遞交了入黨申請書,同時(shí)已經(jīng)在黨校結(jié)業(yè),獲得結(jié)業(yè)證書。
作為一名即將踏入社會(huì)的大學(xué)生,我深知過去并不代表未來,勤奮才是真正的內(nèi)涵。我相信以我的熱忱與努力定會(huì)勝任貴公司的職務(wù),并十分樂于將來能同貴公司同事共事合作相處,為貴公司獻(xiàn)上自己的才能和智慧!但“揚(yáng)帆啟航,還賴您東風(fēng)助力”,我愿隨時(shí)接受您的面試,真誠切盼您的回音!
再次感謝您能關(guān)注我的自薦材料,最后衷心祝愿貴單位事業(yè)發(fā)達(dá)、蒸蒸日上!
此致
敬禮!
自薦人:xiexiebang
第三篇:城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)排名
城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)排名
城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)排名
第一名:同濟(jì)大學(xué),原同濟(jì)大學(xué)建筑系于1952年全國高等學(xué)校院系調(diào)整時(shí)合并而成,同年,同濟(jì)大學(xué)由金經(jīng)昌教授主持在國內(nèi)首先創(chuàng)辦了城市規(guī)劃專業(yè),當(dāng)時(shí)的名稱為都市計(jì)劃與經(jīng)營專業(yè),并設(shè)立都市計(jì)劃教研室。1956年該專業(yè)分為城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)和城市建設(shè)工程專業(yè)。1960年開始招收城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)碩士研究生。1986年成立城市規(guī)劃系。1986年開始招收城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)博士研究生,1992年設(shè)博士后流動(dòng)站。同濟(jì)大學(xué)城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)是全國重點(diǎn)學(xué)科。設(shè)城市規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)專業(yè)碩土點(diǎn),含城市和區(qū)域發(fā)展、城市設(shè)計(jì)、城市交通規(guī)劃、住房和社區(qū)發(fā)展、城市發(fā)展歷
史與遺產(chǎn)保護(hù)、城市開發(fā)與規(guī)劃管理、城市規(guī)劃技術(shù)方法、風(fēng)景園林規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)八個(gè)研究方向;設(shè)城市規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)專業(yè)博士點(diǎn),并設(shè)有一個(gè)博土后流動(dòng)站。
第二名:東南大學(xué),東南大學(xué)建筑學(xué)院創(chuàng)建于1927年,歷史悠久,是中國最早的建筑教育基地。著名建筑家、建筑教育家楊廷寶、劉敦楨、童寯教授生前長期在此任教,從事學(xué)術(shù)研究,為建筑學(xué)科的建設(shè)和發(fā)展做出了開創(chuàng)性的貢獻(xiàn)。城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)以城市物質(zhì)形態(tài)規(guī)劃為主線,規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)和規(guī)劃理論為核心課程,學(xué)習(xí)相關(guān)專業(yè)理論課及專業(yè)基礎(chǔ)課,并參加若干實(shí)踐性教學(xué)環(huán)節(jié),以培養(yǎng)學(xué)生具有作為未來規(guī)劃師和規(guī)劃高級管理者應(yīng)有的素質(zhì)和修養(yǎng)。本專業(yè)注重規(guī)劃綜合素質(zhì)教育和專業(yè)能力訓(xùn)練,注重開放性教育,培養(yǎng)學(xué)生社會(huì)適應(yīng)能力。xx年本專業(yè)通過國家城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)評估,獲A級優(yōu)秀。本專業(yè)是江蘇省品牌專業(yè)。建筑學(xué)為國家一級學(xué)科,含有建筑設(shè)計(jì)
及其理論、建筑歷史與理論、城市規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)、建筑技術(shù)科學(xué)、景觀建筑學(xué)、建筑遺產(chǎn)保護(hù)與管理和美術(shù)學(xué)等學(xué)科,六個(gè)博士點(diǎn)、七個(gè)碩士點(diǎn)、一個(gè)博士后流動(dòng)站和一個(gè)國家級專業(yè)實(shí)驗(yàn)室,學(xué)院的專業(yè)圖書中心藏書量居全國建筑院系的前列。擁有城市規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)研究院(甲級)、聯(lián)合國教科文組織(UNESco)GIS中國培訓(xùn)中心。
第三名:華中科技大學(xué),城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)沿襲于當(dāng)初的建設(shè)部直屬的武漢城市建設(shè)學(xué)院,1979年在武漢建筑材料工業(yè)學(xué)院建筑工程系開辦了城市規(guī)劃專業(yè),至1983年共招收了5屆共5班城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)學(xué)生170人。1985年2月,武漢建材學(xué)院的城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)在校三個(gè)班搬遷至武漢城建學(xué)院新校園,并成立武漢城建學(xué)院城市規(guī)劃系,下設(shè)城市規(guī)劃和風(fēng)景園林兩個(gè)專業(yè)。1993年武漢城建學(xué)院系部調(diào)整,風(fēng)景園林系撤銷,并入城市規(guī)劃系;城市管理系撤銷,其中城市管理專業(yè)的部分城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)教師并
入城市規(guī)劃系,成立新的城市規(guī)劃與建筑系,下轄建筑學(xué)、城市規(guī)劃兩個(gè)專業(yè)。2000年5月原華中理工大學(xué)建筑學(xué)院與原武漢城市建設(shè)學(xué)院規(guī)劃建筑系合并成立華中科技大學(xué)建筑與城市規(guī)劃學(xué)院,華中科技大學(xué)城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)是湖北省重點(diǎn)學(xué)科.第四名:重慶大學(xué),重慶大學(xué)建筑城規(guī)學(xué)院的前身重慶建筑工程學(xué)院建筑系,是 1952 年全國院系調(diào)整時(shí)由原重慶大學(xué)、西南工專等院校的建筑系合并而成,是國內(nèi)最早的八大建筑院系之一。1994 年學(xué)校更名重慶建筑大學(xué),建筑系更名為建筑城規(guī)學(xué)院; 2000 年新重慶大學(xué)組建后,更名為重慶大學(xué)建筑城規(guī)學(xué)院。城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)創(chuàng)辦于 20 世紀(jì) 50 年代末,是國內(nèi)最早創(chuàng)辦的專業(yè)學(xué)科之一。1998 年城市規(guī)劃本科和城市規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)碩士研究生國家評估優(yōu)秀級通過,2000 年建筑學(xué)本科和碩士研究生教育第二次國家評估優(yōu)秀級通過,xx 年城市規(guī)劃本科與城市規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)碩士
研究生第二次國家評估優(yōu)秀級通過。建筑城規(guī)學(xué)院有建筑歷史與理論、建筑設(shè)計(jì)及其理論、城市規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)、建筑技術(shù)科學(xué)、景觀建筑學(xué)、室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)、設(shè)計(jì)藝術(shù)學(xué)七個(gè)碩士點(diǎn);有建筑學(xué)以及學(xué)科博士學(xué)位授權(quán)點(diǎn)(包括一級學(xué)科所含的四個(gè)二級學(xué)科博士點(diǎn)),自主建設(shè)景觀建筑學(xué)、室內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)兩個(gè)博士點(diǎn);有建筑學(xué)一級學(xué)科博士后科研流動(dòng)站;《山地城鎮(zhèn)規(guī)劃與建筑科學(xué)》是學(xué)?!?211 工程”重點(diǎn)建設(shè)項(xiàng)目。xx年8月20日,教育部正式公布了新一輪國家重點(diǎn)學(xué)科評審結(jié)果,我院城市規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)被確認(rèn)為國家二級重點(diǎn)學(xué)科 范文
第四篇:城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)外語
Urban Planning and the Contradictions of Sustainable Development城市規(guī)劃與可持續(xù)發(fā)展的矛盾
In the coming years planners face tough decisions about where they stand on protecting the green city, promoting the economically growing city, and advocating social justice.Conflicts among these goals are not superficial ones arising simply from personal preferences.Nor are they merely conceptual, among the abstract notions of ecological, economic, and political logic, nor a temporary problem caused by the untimely confluence of environmental awareness and economic recession.Rather, these conflicts go to the historic core of planning, and are a leitmotif in the contemporary battles in both our cities and rural areas, whether over solid waste incinerators or growth controls, the spotted owls or nuclear power.And though sustainable development aspires to offer an alluring, holistic way of evading these conflicts, they cannot be shaken off so easily.This paper uses a simple triangular model to understand the divergent priorities of planning.在未來幾年規(guī)劃面臨艱難的抉擇,他們站在保護(hù)綠色城市,促進(jìn)城市經(jīng)濟(jì)增長,并倡導(dǎo)社會(huì)正義。之間的沖突,這些目標(biāo)并不膚淺,而只是從個(gè)人喜好。他們也只是概念上的,在抽象的概念,生態(tài),經(jīng)濟(jì),政治邏輯,也不是一個(gè)暫時(shí)的問題引起的過早融合環(huán)保意識(shí)和經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退。相反,這些沖突到歷史核心的規(guī)劃,是一個(gè)主題在現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭中我們的城市和農(nóng)村地區(qū),是否在固體廢物焚化爐或生長控制,斑點(diǎn)貓頭鷹或核電。雖然可持續(xù)發(fā)展渴望提供一個(gè)誘人的,全面的方式逃避這些沖突,他們無法擺脫那么容易。本文利用一個(gè)簡單的三角模型了解不同的優(yōu)先計(jì)劃。
The Planner's Triangle: Three Priorities, Three Conflicts計(jì)劃的三個(gè)重點(diǎn),三個(gè)三角形:沖突 The current environmental enthusiasm among planners and planning schools might suggest their innate predisposition to protect the natural environment.Unfortunately, the opposite is more likely true: our historic tendency has been to promote the development of cities at the cost of natural destruction: to build cities we have cleared forests, fouled rivers and the air, leveled mountains.That is not the complete picture, since planners also have often come to the defense of nature, through the work of conservationists, park planners, open space preservationists, the Regional Planning Association of America, greenbelt planners, and modern environmental planners.Yet along the economic-ecological spectrum, with Robert Moses and Dave Foreman(of Earth First!)standing at either pole, the planner has no natural home, but can slide from one end to the other;moreover, the midpoint has no special claims to legitimacy or fairness.目前的環(huán)保熱情規(guī)劃者和規(guī)劃學(xué)校可能表明他們的先天傾向保護(hù)自然環(huán)境。不幸的是,相反更可能是正確的:我們的歷史潮流,是促進(jìn)城市發(fā)展的成本自然破壞:建造城市我們砍伐森林,河流和空氣污染,夷山。這是不完整的圖片,因?yàn)橐?guī)劃者也經(jīng)常來防御性質(zhì),通過工作的保育,園區(qū)規(guī)劃,開放空間的保護(hù)主義,區(qū)域規(guī)劃協(xié)會(huì)的美國,綠地規(guī)劃,與現(xiàn)代環(huán)境規(guī)劃。然而,在經(jīng)濟(jì)和生態(tài)頻譜,與羅伯特摩西和戴夫福爾曼(地球第一?。┱驹趦蓸O,計(jì)劃者沒有回家,但可以滑動(dòng)到另一端;此外,中點(diǎn)無特殊要求的合法性和公
Similarly, though planners often see themselves as the defenders of the poor and of socio-economic equality, their actions over the profession's history have often belied that self-image(Harvey 1985).Planners' efforts with downtown redevelopment, freeway planning, public-private partnerships, enterprise zones, smokestack-chasing and other economic development strategies don't easily add up to equity planning.At best, the planner has taken an ambivalent stance between the goals of economic growth and economic justice.同樣,盡管規(guī)劃者往往認(rèn)為自己是后衛(wèi)的貧窮和社會(huì)平等,他們的行動(dòng)在專業(yè)的歷史往往掩蓋了形象(哈1985)。計(jì)劃者們的努力與市區(qū)重建計(jì)劃,高速公路,公私伙伴關(guān)系,企業(yè)區(qū),smokestack-chasing等經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略不容易總計(jì)達(dá)股票計(jì)劃。在最好的,計(jì)劃采取了一種矛
盾的立場的目標(biāo)之間的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長和經(jīng)濟(jì)正義。In short, the planner must reconcile not two, but
at least three conflicting interests: to “grow” the economy, distribute this growth fairly, and in the
process not degrade the ecosystem.To classify contemporary battles over environmental racism,pollution-producing jobs, growth control, etc., as simply clashes between economic growth and
environmental protection misses the third issue, of social justice.The “jobs versus environment”
dichotomy(e.g., the spotted owl versus Pacific Northwest timber jobs)crudely collapses under the
“economy” banner the often differing interests of workers, corporations, community members, and
the national public.The intent of this paper's title is to focus planning not only for “green cities
and growing cities,” but also for “just cities.” 總之,策劃者必須不協(xié)調(diào),但至少三個(gè)利益沖突:
“增長”的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長,公平分配,并在這一過程中不破壞生態(tài)系統(tǒng)。分類現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭對環(huán)境種
族主義,污染的工作,生長控制,等等,只是經(jīng)濟(jì)增長與環(huán)境保護(hù)之間的沖突的第三個(gè)問題,社會(huì)正義?!肮ぷ髋c環(huán)境”的二分法(例如,斑點(diǎn)貓頭鷹與西北太平洋木材工作)未成熟下
崩潰的“經(jīng)濟(jì)”的旗幟,往往不同的工人的利益,企業(yè),社區(qū)成員,與國家公共。本文的標(biāo)
題是集中規(guī)劃不僅為“綠色城市,越來越多的城市,但也為“城市?!?/p>
In an ideal world, planners would strive to achieve a balance of all three goals.In practice,however, professional and fiscal constraints drastically limit the leeway of most planners.Serving
the broader public interest by holistically harmonizing growth, preservation, and equality remains
the ideal;the reality of practice restricts planners to serving the narrower interests of their clients,authorities and bureaucracies(Marcuse 1976), despite efforts to work outside those limitations
(Hoffman 1989).In the end, planners usually represent one particular goal--planning perhaps for
increased property tax revenues, or more open space preservation, or better housing for the poor--
while neglecting the other two.Where each planner stands in the triangle depicted in figure 1
defines such professional bias.One may see illustrated in the figure the gap between the call for
integrative, sustainable development planning(the center of the triangle)and the current
fragmentation of professional practice(the edges).This point is developed later.在理想的世界
里,規(guī)劃者將努力實(shí)現(xiàn)平衡的三個(gè)目標(biāo)。在實(shí)踐中,然而,專業(yè)和財(cái)政上的限制大大限制了
余地最規(guī)劃師。為更廣泛的公眾利益的全面協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展,保存,和平等是理想的;現(xiàn)實(shí)的做法
限制規(guī)劃為窄客戶利益,政府和官僚(馬爾庫塞1976),盡管努力工作以外的限制(霍夫曼
1989)。最終,規(guī)劃者通常代表一個(gè)特定的目標(biāo)——規(guī)劃可能增加財(cái)產(chǎn)稅的收入,或多個(gè)開
放空間的保護(hù),或更好的住房的窮人——而忽視其他2。其中每一員站在三角圖1定義等專
業(yè)人士的偏見。你可以看到如圖所示之間的差距,需要一體化,可持續(xù)發(fā)展規(guī)劃(三角形的中心)和目前的分散的專業(yè)實(shí)踐(邊)。這一點(diǎn)后。
Figure 1.The triangle of conflicting goals for planning, and the three associated conflicts.Planners define themselves, implicitly, by where they stand on the triangle.The elusive ideal of
sustainable development leads one to the center.圖1。三角形的矛盾的目標(biāo),規(guī)劃,和三個(gè)相
關(guān)的沖突。規(guī)劃確定自己,含蓄,通過他們的立場上三角。實(shí)現(xiàn)理想的可持續(xù)發(fā)展所導(dǎo)致的一個(gè)中心。
The Points(Corners)of the Triangle: the Economy, the Environment, and Equity點(diǎn)(角)的三角
形:經(jīng)濟(jì),環(huán)境,和公平
The three types of priorities lead to three perspectives on the city: The economic development
planner sees the city as a location where production, consumption, distribution, and innovation
take place.The city is in competition with other cities for markets and for new industries.Space is
the economic space of highways, market areas, and commuter zones.三種類型的優(yōu)先導(dǎo)致三個(gè)
角度對城市的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展計(jì)劃:將城市作為一個(gè)位置,生產(chǎn),消費(fèi),分布,和創(chuàng)新的地方。城
市中的競爭與其他城市市場和新產(chǎn)業(yè)??臻g經(jīng)濟(jì)空間的高速公路,市場領(lǐng)域,和通勤地帶。
The environmental planner sees the city as a consumer of resources and a producer of wastes.The
city is in competition with nature for scarce resources and land, and always poses a threat to nature.Space is the ecological space of greenways, river basins, ecological niches.環(huán)境規(guī)劃看城市作為
一種資源消費(fèi)者和生產(chǎn)者的廢物。城市中的競爭與自然稀缺的資源和土地,并一直構(gòu)成威脅的性質(zhì)??臻g的生態(tài)空間通道,流域,生態(tài)位。
The equity planner sees the city as a location of conflict over the distribution of resources, of
services, and of opportunities.The competition is within the city itself, among different social
groups.Space is the social space of communities, neighborhood organizations, labor unions: the
space of access and segregation.股權(quán)計(jì)劃把城市作為一個(gè)位置的沖突的資源分配,服務(wù),和
機(jī)會(huì)。競爭是在這個(gè)城市本身,不同社會(huì)群體之間??臻g是社會(huì)空間的社區(qū),社區(qū)組織,工
會(huì):空間的訪問和隔離。
Certainly there are other important views of the city, including the architectural, the psychological,and the circulatory(transportation);and one could conceivably construct a planner's rectangle,pentagon, or more complex polygons.The triangular shape itself is not propounded here as the
underlying geometric structure of the planner's world.Rather, it is useful for its conceptual
simplicity.More importantly, it emphasizes the point that a one-dimensional “man versus
environment” spectrum misses the social conflicts in contemporary environmental disputes, such
as loggers versus the Sierra Club, farmers versus suburban developers, or fishermen versus barge
operators(Reisner 1987;Jacobs 1989;McPhee 1989;Tuason 1993).當(dāng)然還有其他重要城市的看法,包括建筑,心理,和循環(huán)(運(yùn)輸);和一個(gè)可以構(gòu)建一個(gè)規(guī)劃師的矩形,五角大廈,或更復(fù)雜的多邊形。三角形狀的本身是沒有提出這里的基本幾何結(jié)構(gòu)的策劃者的世界。相反,它是有用的概念簡單。更重要的是,它強(qiáng)調(diào)指出,“人與環(huán)境”的一維譜忽略了社會(huì)沖突在當(dāng)代環(huán)境糾紛,如伐木與塞拉俱樂部,郊區(qū)農(nóng)民與開發(fā)商,或漁民與駁船運(yùn)營商(萊塞1987;
雅可布1989;麥克菲1989;托爾森1993)。Triangle Axis 1: The Property Conflict三角軸1:
產(chǎn)權(quán)沖突
The three points on the triangle represent divergent interests, and therefore lead to three
fundamental conflicts.The first conflict--between economic growth and equity--arises from
competing claims on and uses of property, such as between management and labor, landlords and
tenants, or gentrifying professionals and long-time residents.This growth-equity conflict is further
complicated because each side not only resists the other, but also needs the other for its own
survival.The contradictory tendency for a capitalist, democratic society to define property(such
as housing or land)as a private commodity, but at the same time to rely on government
intervention(e.g., zoning, or public housing for the working class)to ensure the beneficial social
aspects of the same property, is what Richard Foglesong(1986)calls the “property contradiction.”
This tension is generated as the private sector simultaneously resists and needs social intervention,given the intrinsically contradictory nature of property.Indeed, the essence of property in our
society is the tense pulling between these two forces.The conflict defines the boundary between
private interest and the public good.三點(diǎn)的三角形代表不同的利益,并因此導(dǎo)致三個(gè)基本矛
盾。第一個(gè)沖突——經(jīng)濟(jì)增長與公平——來自競爭的要求和用途的物業(yè),如之間的管理和勞
動(dòng),房東和房客,或gentrifying專業(yè)人員和長期居民。這growth-equity沖突進(jìn)一步復(fù)雜化
因?yàn)槊恳环讲粌H抵抗其他,但還需要其他為自身的生存。矛盾的趨勢,資本主義,民主社會(huì)
確定資產(chǎn)(如住房、土地)作為一個(gè)商品,但在同一時(shí)間依賴政府的干預(yù)(例如,分區(qū),或
公共房屋的工人階級)確保有利的社會(huì)方面的同一性,是李察foglesong(1986)稱為“產(chǎn)
權(quán)矛盾?!边@種張力產(chǎn)生的私營部門同時(shí)抵制和需要社會(huì)的干預(yù),由于內(nèi)在矛盾的本質(zhì)屬性。
事實(shí)上,在我們社會(huì)的本質(zhì)屬性是緊張拉這兩者之間的力量。沖突的定義之間的邊界私人利
益與公共利益。
Triangle Axis 2: The Resource Conflict三角軸2:資源沖突
Just as the private sector both resists regulation of property, yet needs it to keep the economy
flowing, so too is society in conflict about its priorities for natural resources.Business resists the
regulation of its exploitation of nature, but at the same time needs regulation to conserve those
resources for present and future demands.This can be called the “resource conflict.” The
conceptual essence of natural resources is therefore the tension between their economic utility in
industrial society and their ecological utility in the natural environment.This conflict defines the
boundary between the developed city and the undeveloped wilderness, which is symbolized by the
“city limits.” The boundary is not fixed;it is a dynamic and contested boundary between mutually
dependent forces.正如私營部門既抗拒調(diào)節(jié)性能,但它需要保持經(jīng)濟(jì)流動(dòng),因此也是社會(huì)沖
突的優(yōu)先資源。經(jīng)營抗拒調(diào)節(jié)其剝削的本質(zhì),但同時(shí)需要調(diào)節(jié)保護(hù)這些資源,為當(dāng)前和未來的需求。這可以被稱為“資源沖突?!备拍畹谋举|(zhì),因此自然資源的緊張關(guān)系在工業(yè)社會(huì)的經(jīng)濟(jì)特征及其生態(tài)特征的自然環(huán)境。這場沖突的定義之間的邊界發(fā)達(dá)城市和發(fā)達(dá)的荒野,這
是象征的“城市的界限。”的邊界是不固定的;它是一個(gè)動(dòng)態(tài)的和有爭議的邊界之間的相互
依賴的力量。
Is there a single, universal economic-ecological conflict underlying all such disputes faced by
planners? I searched for this essential, Platonic notion, but the diversity of examples--water
politics in California, timber versus the spotted owl in the Pacific Northwest, tropical deforestation
in Brazil, park planning in the Adirondacks, greenbelt planning in Britain, to name a few--
suggests otherwise.Perhaps there is an Ur-Konflikt, rooted in the fundamental struggle between
human civilization and the threatening wilderness around us, and expressed variously over the
centuries.However, the decision must be left to anthropologists as to whether the essence of the
spotted owl controversy can be traced back to Neolithic times.A meta-theory tying all these
multifarious conflicts to an essential battle of “human versus nature”(and, once tools and weapons
were developed and nature was controlled, “human versus human”)--that invites skepticism.In
this discussion, the triangle is used simply as a template to recognize and organize the common
themes;to examine actual conflicts, individual case studies are used.有一個(gè)單一的,普遍的經(jīng)濟(jì)
和生態(tài)的基本所有這些糾紛沖突所面臨的策劃者?我搜索了這個(gè)必不可少的,柏拉圖式的概
念,但多樣性的例子——水在加利福尼亞政治,木材與斑點(diǎn)貓頭鷹在西北太平洋,熱帶森林
在巴西,公園綠地規(guī)劃計(jì)劃在阿迪朗達(dá)克,在英國,等等——都顯示。也許有一個(gè)ur-konflikt,植根于基本的人類文明之間的斗爭和我們周圍的曠野威脅,并表示不同的世紀(jì)。然而,這個(gè)
決定必須由人類學(xué)家是否為本質(zhì)的斑點(diǎn)貓頭鷹的爭議可以追溯到新石器時(shí)代。元理論將這些
五花八門的沖突的一個(gè)重要戰(zhàn)役“人類與自然”(和,一旦工具和武器的發(fā)展和性質(zhì)的控制,“人與人”)——邀請懷疑。在這次討論中,三角形是用來作為模板識(shí)別和組織共同的主題;
審查實(shí)際沖突,個(gè)別案例研究使用。
The economic-ecological conflict has several instructive parallels with the growth-equity conflict.In the property conflict, industrialists must curb their profit-increasing tendency to reduce wages,so as to provide labor enough wages to feed, house, and otherwise “reproduce” itself--that is, the
subsistence wage.In the resource conflict, the industrialists must curb their profit-increasing
tendency to increase timber yields, so as to ensure that enough of the forest remains to
“reproduce” itself(Clawson 1975;Beltzer and Kroll 1986;Lee, Field, and Burch 1990).This
practice is called “sustained yield,” though timber companies and environmentalists disagree about
how far the forest can be exploited and still be “sustainable.”(Of course, other factors also affect
wages, such as supply and demand, skill level, and discrimination, just as lumber demand, labor
prices, transportation costs, tariffs, and other factors affect how much timber is harvested.)In both
cases, industry must leave enough of the exploited resource, be it labor or nature, so that the
resource will continue to deliver in the future.In both cases, how much is “enough” is also
contested.沖突的經(jīng)濟(jì)和生態(tài)有一些有啟發(fā)性的相似之處與growth-equity沖突。在屬性沖突,企業(yè)家必須限制其利潤增長趨勢,減少工資,以提供足夠的工資勞動(dòng)飼料,房子,和其他“再
現(xiàn)”本身——是,生存工資。在資源沖突,企業(yè)家們必須限制其利潤增長趨勢增加木材的產(chǎn)
量,以保證足夠的森林仍然“再現(xiàn)”本身(克勞森1975;beltzer和克羅爾1986;李,領(lǐng)域
范圍,1990)。這種做法被稱為“持續(xù)產(chǎn)量,雖然木材公司和環(huán)保人士不多遠(yuǎn)的森林可以利
用和仍然是“可持續(xù)”。(當(dāng)然,其他因素也影響工資,如供應(yīng)和需求,技能水平,和歧視,正如木材需求,勞動(dòng)力價(jià)格,運(yùn)輸費(fèi)用,關(guān)稅,和其他因素影響多少采伐木材。)在這兩種
情況下,必須留有足夠的資源的利用,是勞動(dòng)或性質(zhì),使資源將繼續(xù)提供在未來。在這兩種
情況下,有多少是“足夠”也是有爭議。
Triangle Axis 3: The Development Conflict三角軸3:發(fā)展沖突
The third axis on the triangle is the most elusive: the “development conflict,” lying between the
poles of social equity and environmental preservation.If the property conflict is characterized by
the economy's ambivalent interest in providing at least a subsistence existence for working people,and the resource conflict by the economy's ambivalent interest in providing sustainable conditions
for the natural environment, the development conflict stems from the difficulty of doing both at
once.Environment-equity disputes are coming to the fore to join the older dispute about economic
growth versus equity(Paehlke 1994, 349-50).This may be the most challenging conundrum of
sustainable development: how to increase social equity and protect the environment
simultaneously, whether in a steady-state economy(Daly 1991)or not.How could those at the
bottom of society find greater economic opportunity if environmental protection mandates
diminished economic growth? On a global scale, efforts to protect the environment might lead to
slowed economic growth in many countries, exacerbating the inequalities between rich and poor
nations.In effect, the developed nations would be asking the poorer nations to forgo rapid
development to save the world from the greenhouse effect and other global emergencies.第三軸的三角形是最難以實(shí)現(xiàn)的:“發(fā)展沖突,“躺在兩極之間的社會(huì)公平和環(huán)境保護(hù)。如果屬性沖
突的特點(diǎn)是經(jīng)濟(jì)矛盾的利益提供至少一個(gè)生存存在勞動(dòng)人民,以及資源沖突的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益的矛
盾提供可持續(xù)的自然環(huán)境條件,發(fā)展沖突源于難以做一次。environment-equity糾紛脫穎而
出參加老年?duì)幾h,經(jīng)濟(jì)增長與公平(paehlke 1994,349-50)。這可能是最具挑戰(zhàn)性的難題的可持續(xù)發(fā)展:如何提高社會(huì)公平和保護(hù)環(huán)境的同時(shí),無論是在穩(wěn)態(tài)經(jīng)濟(jì)(達(dá)利1991)或不。
如何能在社會(huì)底層找到更大的經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)會(huì),如果環(huán)境保護(hù)任務(wù),減少經(jīng)濟(jì)增長?在全球范圍內(nèi),環(huán)境保護(hù)力度可能導(dǎo)致減緩經(jīng)濟(jì)增長在許多國家,加劇了不平等富國和窮國之間。實(shí)際上,發(fā)達(dá)國家將被要求較貧窮的國家放棄發(fā)展迅速,拯救世界從溫室效應(yīng)和全球其他緊急情況。
This development conflict also happens at the local level, as in resource-dependent communities,which commonly find themselves at the bottom of the economy's hierarchy of labor.Miners,lumberjacks, and mill workers see a grim link between environmental preservation and poverty,and commonly mistrust environmentalists as elitists.Poor urban communities are often forced to
make the no-win choice between economic survival and environmental quality, as when the only
economic opportunities are offered by incinerators, toxic waste sites, landfills, and other noxious
land uses that most neighborhoods can afford to oppose and do without(Bryant and Mohai 1992;
Bullard 1990, 1993).If some argue that environmental protection is a luxury of the wealthy, then
environmental racism lies at the heart of the development conflict.Economic segregation leads to
environmental segregation: the former occurs in the transformation of natural resources into
consumer products;the latter occurs as the spoils of production are returned to nature.Inequitable
development takes place at all stages of the materials cycle.這一發(fā)展沖突也發(fā)生在地方一級,作為資源型社區(qū),通常發(fā)現(xiàn)自己在底部的經(jīng)濟(jì)層次的勞動(dòng)。礦工,伐木工,和工廠的工人看
到嚴(yán)峻的環(huán)境保護(hù)和貧窮之間的聯(lián)系,并普遍不信任環(huán)保精英。城市貧困社區(qū)往往被迫作出
選擇的兩難之間的經(jīng)濟(jì)生存環(huán)境的質(zhì)量,因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)經(jīng)濟(jì)所提供的機(jī)會(huì),焚化爐,有毒廢物
處理場,垃圾填埋場,和其他有毒的土地用途大多數(shù)環(huán)境可以負(fù)擔(dān)得起的反對和沒有(布萊
恩特和mohai布拉德1992;1990,1993)。如果有人認(rèn)為,環(huán)境保護(hù)是一個(gè)豪華的富人,那
么環(huán)境種族主義的核心是發(fā)展沖突。經(jīng)濟(jì)隔離導(dǎo)致的環(huán)境隔離:前者發(fā)生在改造自然資源消
費(fèi)電子產(chǎn)品;后者發(fā)生作為戰(zhàn)利品生產(chǎn)回歸自然。不公平的發(fā)展發(fā)生在各個(gè)階段的物質(zhì)循環(huán)。
Consider this conflict from the vantage of equity planning.Norman Krumholz, as the planning
director in Cleveland, faced the choice of either building regional rail lines or improving local bus
lines(Krumholz et al.1982).Regional rail lines would encourage the suburban middle class to
switch from cars to mass transit;better local bus service would help the inner-city poor by
reducing their travel and waiting time.One implication of this choice was the tension between
reducing pollution and making transportation access more equitable, an example of how bias
toward social inequity may be embedded in seemingly objective transit proposals.考慮到這一沖
突的高度股權(quán)計(jì)劃。諾爾曼霍爾茨,作為策劃總監(jiān)的克利夫蘭,面臨的選擇是構(gòu)建區(qū)域鐵路
線或改善當(dāng)?shù)氐墓财嚲€路(克魯姆霍爾茨等人。1982。區(qū)域鐵路線將鼓勵(lì)郊區(qū)中產(chǎn)階級
開關(guān)從汽車到大眾運(yùn)輸;當(dāng)?shù)馗玫陌褪糠?wù)將幫助市內(nèi)窮人減少他們的旅行和等待時(shí)間。
一個(gè)影響這種選擇之間的緊張局勢,減少污染,使交通更加公平,例如何偏向社會(huì)不平等可
能嵌入看似客觀的運(yùn)輸?shù)慕ㄗh。
4
第五篇:城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)
城市設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)院城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)本科人才培養(yǎng)方案
一、專業(yè)代碼、名稱
專業(yè)代碼:080700 專業(yè)名稱:城市規(guī)劃urban planning
二、專業(yè)培養(yǎng)目標(biāo)
本專業(yè)培養(yǎng)具備城市規(guī)劃、城市設(shè)計(jì)等方面的知識(shí),能在城市規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)、城市規(guī)劃管理、決策咨詢、房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)等部門從事城市規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)與管理,開展城市道路交通規(guī)劃、城市市政工程規(guī)劃、城市生態(tài)規(guī)劃、園林游憩系統(tǒng)規(guī)劃,并能參與城市社會(huì)與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展規(guī)劃、區(qū)域規(guī)劃、城市開發(fā)、房地產(chǎn)籌劃以及相關(guān)政策法規(guī)研究等方面工作的城市規(guī)劃學(xué)科高級工程技術(shù)人才。
三、專業(yè)特色和培養(yǎng)要求
城市規(guī)劃是一門專業(yè)性很強(qiáng)的綜合學(xué)科,既要有主干學(xué)科的支持,又要有眾多相關(guān)學(xué)科的支持。武漢大學(xué)是一所文理綜合性大學(xué)。學(xué)科門類比較齊全,現(xiàn)在的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)、社會(huì)學(xué)、管理學(xué)、哲學(xué)、環(huán)境生態(tài)學(xué)等已形成了對城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)的有力支持。武漢大學(xué)城市規(guī)劃專業(yè)畢業(yè)生的特點(diǎn)是:基礎(chǔ)扎實(shí)、知識(shí)面寬,除掌握本專業(yè)的必備知識(shí)外,又受到了良好的人文、社會(huì)、自然科學(xué)熏陶,較系統(tǒng)的了解了一門以上相關(guān)學(xué)科知識(shí)。
本專業(yè)要求畢業(yè)生具有以下幾方面的知識(shí)和能力:
1、掌握城市規(guī)劃學(xué)科的基本理論,基本知識(shí);
2、掌握建筑設(shè)計(jì)的基本理論和技能;
3、掌握與城市規(guī)劃相關(guān)的知識(shí),具有綜合運(yùn)用相關(guān)知識(shí)、理論分析城市問題、解決城市規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)問題的能力;
4、具有專業(yè)調(diào)查研究和正確表達(dá)(圖、文、口頭)的能力;
5、具有應(yīng)用系統(tǒng)工程理論論和GIS技術(shù)的能力;
6、運(yùn)用外語進(jìn)行交流的能力;
7、具有自學(xué)能力。
四、學(xué)制和學(xué)分要求
學(xué)制:五年
學(xué)分要求:畢業(yè)生需達(dá)到180個(gè)學(xué)分,其中必修課126學(xué)分,選修課54學(xué)分。
五、學(xué)位授予
授予工學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位
六、專業(yè)主干(核心)課程
學(xué)科基礎(chǔ)課:建筑設(shè)計(jì)(1-3),建筑設(shè)計(jì)基礎(chǔ)(1-2),城市規(guī)劃原理,中外城市建設(shè)規(guī)劃史,其他主干課程:城市詳細(xì)規(guī)劃原理、詳細(xì)規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)、城市道路與交通、城市總規(guī)原理、城市總規(guī)設(shè)計(jì)、城市發(fā)展與規(guī)劃史、城市規(guī)劃管理與法規(guī)、風(fēng)景園林規(guī)劃與設(shè)計(jì)、城市設(shè)計(jì)、區(qū)域規(guī)劃、城市市政工程規(guī)劃、城市規(guī)劃社會(huì)調(diào)查、城市地理信息系統(tǒng)。
七、專業(yè)主要實(shí)驗(yàn)
計(jì)算機(jī)輔助設(shè)計(jì)操作實(shí)驗(yàn)、模型制作實(shí)驗(yàn)、城市信息系統(tǒng)、攝影、測量及遙感。
八、實(shí)踐性教學(xué)環(huán)節(jié)安排
1、參觀綜合實(shí)習(xí)2周
2、寫生實(shí)習(xí)2周
3、認(rèn)識(shí)實(shí)習(xí)1周
4、測繪實(shí)習(xí)3周
5、詳細(xì)設(shè)計(jì)周1周
6、規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)實(shí)習(xí)16周
7、城市信息系統(tǒng)實(shí)踐2周九、畢業(yè)生條件及其它必要的說明
凡修滿本專業(yè)規(guī)定學(xué)分,各門課程(包括公共基礎(chǔ)課、專業(yè)基礎(chǔ)課、專業(yè)課、實(shí)踐教學(xué)和畢業(yè)設(shè)計(jì))成績合格,符合中華人民共和國教育部和武漢大學(xué)畢業(yè)生要求,授予工學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。