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      氣候變化演講(英語)-宋哲

      時(shí)間:2019-05-14 17:41:49下載本文作者:會(huì)員上傳
      簡(jiǎn)介:寫寫幫文庫小編為你整理了多篇相關(guān)的《氣候變化演講(英語)-宋哲》,但愿對(duì)你工作學(xué)習(xí)有幫助,當(dāng)然你在寫寫幫文庫還可以找到更多《氣候變化演講(英語)-宋哲》。

      第一篇:氣候變化演講(英語)-宋哲

      Tackle Climate Change Actively and Promote Sustainable Development--Speech at the EastWest Institute Seminar by H.E.Ambassador Song Zhe, Head of the Mission of the P.R.China to the EU

      February 2010

      Ladies and Gentlemen: I am very pleased to be at this meeting and exchange views with you.I would like to take this opportunity to make three points: first, the Copenhagen Conference was a new starting point to tackle climate change;Secondly, the international community should give adequate attention to the issue of adaptation;Thirdly, China and the EU should strengthen dialogue and cooperation on climate change.We still have fresh memories of the Copenhagen Conference which was held two months ago.Although the meeting experienced twists and turns, but thanks to the joint efforts of all parties, it ultimately obtained two important results.First, by adhering to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Kyoto Protocol and the Bali road map, the conference identified clearly the direction for the negotiations in the next step;Secondly, the conference issued the Copenhagen Accord, marking new progress in terms of binding reduction by developed countries and voluntary action by developing countries.It also reached certain consensus on issues such as long-term goals, funding, technology and transparency, which laid the foundation for further strengthening international cooperation on climate change and gave political impetus to future negotiations.It is fair to say that the Copenhagen conference was a success.It produced the best result that can be achieved at this stage, which should be cherished.On tackling climate change, the road is long and tortuous.The Copenhagen Conference is not the end, but a new beginning.In recent weeks, there are nearly one hundred countries which notified the Secretariat of the Copenhagen Accord their respective emission reduction or mitigation targets.A series of important international conferences will be held in Bonn and Mexico this year.As a responsible member of the international community, China will continue to play an active and constructive role, earnestly fulfill its commitment, strengthen international cooperation, and with the Copenhagen Accord as the basis, work together with other parties for an early conclusion of the “Bali road map”, so as to promote continuous progress of the international cooperation on climate change.Recently, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao sent letters to Danish Prime Minister Rasmussen and UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and stated that China supports the Copenhagen Accord.Premier Wen reiterates that China will strive to achieve national voluntary reduction targets, that is, by 2020, carbon dioxide emissions per unit of GDP will drop by 40% to 45% than 2005, non-fossil energy will account for about 15% of primary energy consumption, forest area will increase by 40 million hectares over 2005 and forest carbon sink by 1.3 billion cubic meters.This is a voluntary action China takes according to its own national conditions and stage of development, it is not attached to any conditions, or links to other country's emission reduction targets.It reflects the maximum efforts that the Chinese government can make.Here, I would like to highlight that China is still a developing country.It is in the critical stage of rapid development of industrialization and urbanization.We are facing an arduous task of economic development and improving people's livelihood.China's per capita GDP ranks after the world's first 100.By the UN standard, 150 million Chinese remain in poverty.Every year jobs for 12 million people need to be created, even more than the entire population of Belgium.In addition, China's coal-dominated energy mix poses special difficulties to emission reduction.Even so, the Chinese Government has always taken a responsible attitude towards the nation and mankind, and takes climate change as an important strategic task.To use a metaphor, we want mountains of gold and silver, but first of all we want mountains of trees.China will not repeat the model of “pollution first, treatment later” as it was in the history of the developed countries.China will set its own mitigation targets as compulsory targets of the national economic and social development plan and make efforts to meet our committed targets and do even more.We will unswervingly pursue sustainable development and honor our commitment by taking concrete actions.Ladies and gentlemen,Mitigation and adaptation are two integral aspects in tackling climate change.Mitigation is a relatively longer-term and challenging task, whereas adaptation is more immediate and urgent.The core of adaptation is funding.The UNFCCC explicitly stipulates the obligation on the part of developed countries to provide funding and technology to developing countries.At present, the international community has established a number of multilateral financing mechanisms, including the Least Developed Countries Fund.But frankly speaking, the international community's emphasis on adaptation is far from enough.The funds that are available and can really be put in place by the existing mechanisms are very limited, and falling far short of the actual needs and expectations from the developing countries.The international community should give more attention to adaptation.It's been wrong that we put so much emphasis on mitigation but so little on adaptation.The developed countries, in particular, should shoulder the responsibility, and in accordance with the Convention, deliver their promises to developing countries on financial and technology support.The Copenhagen Conference, having reached a preliminary consensus on the issue of funding, represented a step in the right direction.However, the Accord does not clearly specify the sources of funding in the short term or how they are going to be implemented.Neither does it stipulate the exact amount of long-term funding commitment of the countries concerned.There leaves much uncertainty.We hope that the developed countries will demonstrate political sincerity and take concrete action to fulfill its obligations, rather than evading or shifting to others their responsibilities.Ladies and gentlemen,China-EU cooperation on climate change is already a long story.As early as in 2005, the two sides established partnership on climate change.At the 12th China-EU Summit last year, the two sides decided to upgrade such partnership and strengthen policy dialogue and practical cooperation in the field of climate change.Following the Copenhagen Conference, the two sides plan to add an extra round of consultations on climate change which will take place in the near future.The EU possess advanced concepts and technologies in the field of energy saving and environmental protection.China has a vast market demand.The two sides should further tap the potentials for cooperation on energy and climate change, especially in the following areas:

      First, energy conservation and energy efficiency.China's energy utilization efficiency is far lower than the EU and other developed countries, and China needs to further reduce carbon dioxide emissions per unit of GDP.The second area is renewable energy.By cooperation under the Clean Development Mechanism, the EU could help China to promote renewable energy development, improve energy structure, and strengthen social environmental awareness.The third area is clean energy.For quite a long time in the future, China's energy production and consumption will continue to be dominated by coal, which present us a vast platform for technical cooperation.Ladies and Gentlemen:

      The EU is the world's biggest economy, and China is the world's biggest developing country.To strengthen practical cooperation between China and the EU on climate change, and sustainable development not only serves the fundamental interests of both sides, but is also conducive to world prosperity and development.We are willing to cooperate with all communities in the EU and make unremitting efforts to cope with climate change and achieve sustainable development.Thank you!

      第二篇:施瓦辛格關(guān)于氣候變化的演講

      施瓦辛格關(guān)于氣候變化的演講

      Well, thank you very much for the wonderful introduction.Thank you, Secretary General, Mr.President, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen:

      I have come to feel great affection for the peoples of the world because they've always been so

      welcoming to me—if it is as a bodybuilding champion, or as a movie star, private citizen, or as the

      governor of the great state of California.And you, their delegates, have also made me feel very

      welcome here this morning.So I want to thank you for this great honor for having me here.004km.cn

      I also want to thank my wife and my partner and the First Lady of California, Maria Shriver, for

      being here today with me.Give her a big hand—right over there she is.Now, I've been asked—I've been asked to talk to you today about what is happening in California.What are we doing about climate change? Well, ladies and gentlemen, something remarkable is

      beginning to stir—something revolutionary, something historic and transformative.Let me give you some background.California already leads the nation in information technology.We lead the nation in nanotechnology,in biotechnology, and in medical technology.We generate one of every four U.S.patents, and we

      attract almost half of all U.S.venture capital.And according to The Economist magazine, California

      is also home to three of the top six universities in the world.And in addition to all of this, California

      is the seventh largest economy in the world.Now I do not mention these things to just simply boast or brag.I'm mentioning it because

      California is a very powerful state, a very powerful place.And when do something, it has

      consequences.And here is what we are doing.California is mobilizing—technologically, financially, and politically—to fight global climate

      change.Now we're not doing this alone.While California is leading in the U.S., we are building on

      the work of the European countries who have led the way up until now and have done extraordinary

      work.England has already met its Kyoto goals.Germany has pioneered solar.The EU has led with

      its trading system.And the list goes on and on.But California, because of its unique position, is on the cutting edge of what is to come.And what

      is coming will benefit the countries and peoples represented in this chamber.Last year in California,we enacted greenhouse gas emission standards that were beyond anyone else's dreams.We enacted

      the world’s first low carbon fuel standards.Now do I believe that California’s standards will solve global warming? Of course not.What we’re

      doing is changing the dynamic, preparing the way and encouraging the future.The aerospace

      industry built the modern economy of Southern California.The computer industry and the internet

      built the economy of the Silicon Valley.And now green, clean technology—along with

      biotech—will take California to the next level.Right now, in California, the brightest scientists from around the world and the smartest venture

      capitalists are racing to find new energy technologies and the solution to global warming.It is a

      race that is fueled by billions and billions of dollars.Last year alone, California received more than

      1.1 billion dollars in clean tech investment.And this amount is expected to grow by 20 to 30%

      annually for the next ten years.More venture capital is being invested in clean tech than in

      telecommunications.Now I have been to those labs and research parks.I have talked with the

      scientists and to the venture capitalists.I have seen their ambition.And let me tell you, I would not

      004km.cn bet against it.So what does all this mean for the nations in this chamber? Well the cell phone, which started as a

      tool for the rich, is now widespread in the developing world.The price has dropped dramatically,and therefore it can be afforded by almost everyone.And the same thing will happen with

      environmental technologies.And it is in the developed world's best interests to help the poor

      nations finance these advancements.When it comes to the environment, the technologies are changing? the economics are changing? and

      the urgency's changing.So the question today is this: Are the nations of the world ready are to

      change? I believe that California will do great things, amazing things, but we need the world to do great things, too.The time has come to stop looking back at the Kyoto protocol.The time has come to stop looking

      back in blame or suspicion.The consequences of global climate change are so pressing—that it

      doesn’t matter who was responsible for the past.What matters is who is answerable for the future.And that means all of us.The rich nations and the poor nations have different responsibilities, but one responsibility we all

      have—and that is action.Action, action, action.The current stalemate between the developed and

      the developing worlds must be broken.It is time to come together in a new international agreement

      that can be embraced by rich and poor nations alike.California is moving the United States beyond

      debate and doubt to action.So I urge this body to push its members to action also.Ladies and gentlemen, in closing, let me just say this: Do not lose hope.I do not believe that doom

      and gloom and disaster are the only outcomes.Humanity is smart, and nature is amazingly regenerative.I believe that we can renew the climate of this planet.I believe this 100 percent.So I

      pledge to you, the members of the United Nations, that we in California will work with all our heart to this end for which we all long.Thank you very much.Thank you.

      第三篇:宋祺哲工會(huì)工作調(diào)研報(bào)告

      關(guān)于工會(huì)工作的調(diào)研報(bào)告

      一、基本情況

      近年來,工會(huì)工作在公司工會(huì)辦公室的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)支持和各基層分工會(huì)的共同努力下,堅(jiān)持走中國特色社會(huì)主義工會(huì)發(fā)展道路,認(rèn)真貫徹“組織起來、切實(shí)維權(quán)”的工會(huì)工作方針,在加強(qiáng)自身建設(shè)、發(fā)展和諧穩(wěn)定的勞動(dòng)關(guān)系、推進(jìn)民主管理、服務(wù)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展等方面取得了可喜成績,各項(xiàng)工作穩(wěn)步扎實(shí)地開展和推進(jìn)。

      1、組織和工作體系基本健全。工會(huì)組織較為健全,設(shè)立了(工會(huì)委員會(huì)、經(jīng)審會(huì)),辦公室在辦公條件、活動(dòng)場(chǎng)地、活動(dòng)經(jīng)費(fèi)等方面給予工會(huì)以大力支持,各項(xiàng)制度建立健全,辦公軟硬環(huán)境條件也比較好。干部、職工100%加入了工會(huì)組織,工作開展良好。

      2、黨政重視支持工會(huì)工作。長期以來,公司領(lǐng)導(dǎo)高度重視和支持工會(huì)工作,把加強(qiáng)和改進(jìn)對(duì)工會(huì)工作的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)納入黨政重要議事日程,切實(shí)加強(qiáng)對(duì)工會(huì)工作的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和支持,堅(jiān)持每年至少1-2次聽取工會(huì)工作匯報(bào),及時(shí)研究解決工會(huì)工作中遇到的困難和問題,保證了工會(huì)在黨政的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和支持下較好地獨(dú)立自主開展工會(huì)工作。我公司工會(huì)從不同的方面對(duì)特困職工進(jìn)行幫扶,建立貧困職工檔案。2011年8月份,舉辦了“獻(xiàn)愛心,金秋助學(xué)”活動(dòng),共募集資金6000余元,資助了公司內(nèi)困難職工高中應(yīng)屆畢業(yè)生2人,初中應(yīng)屆畢業(yè)生3人。

      3、自身建設(shè)得到加強(qiáng),作用發(fā)揮良好。工會(huì)能夠緊密結(jié)合各自實(shí)際,抓住制度建設(shè)、工會(huì)干部素質(zhì)提升、實(shí)踐科學(xué)發(fā)展觀等重要環(huán)節(jié)和主要內(nèi)容,不斷加強(qiáng)自身建設(shè),工會(huì)自身建設(shè)基本達(dá)

      到規(guī)范化、制度化。

      5、注重處理與地方工會(huì)的關(guān)系。工會(huì)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)高度重視與基層工會(huì)的聯(lián)絡(luò)與溝通,把開展活動(dòng)與處理矛盾關(guān)系有機(jī)地結(jié)合起來,總體關(guān)系上下通暢,內(nèi)外良好。工會(huì)堅(jiān)持每年組織開展1-2次大型活動(dòng),提升工會(huì)的影響力,豐富職工精神文化生活。

      二、存在的主要問題

      1、工作活力不足。當(dāng)前,工會(huì)還缺乏應(yīng)有的活力,難以為職工提供全面有效的服務(wù),不能充分滿足職工的需求。一是工作內(nèi)容滯后。工會(huì)工作的內(nèi)容大多按照上級(jí)工會(huì)部署按部就班完成任務(wù)的時(shí)候多,結(jié)合自身實(shí)際,有針對(duì)性地、開創(chuàng)性地開展工作的內(nèi)容少。導(dǎo)致工會(huì)工作忙于應(yīng)付,工作成效不明顯;二是工作手段缺乏。面對(duì)職工迫切需要解決的維權(quán)、幫扶、救助等問題,由于工會(huì)受到維權(quán)政策不配套、物質(zhì)基礎(chǔ)保障弱等因素制約,當(dāng)遇到相當(dāng)數(shù)量的困難職工群體需要救助、一些職工權(quán)益受損需要維護(hù)時(shí),作為工會(huì)此時(shí)往往缺乏有效的工作手段。

      2、民主政治建設(shè)亟待加強(qiáng)。雖然職代會(huì)制度建立起來了,但在規(guī)范運(yùn)作、落實(shí)職權(quán),真正體現(xiàn)廣大職工主人翁地位和發(fā)揮作用上,還存在一些問題。職工迫切需要的知情權(quán)、參與權(quán)、建議權(quán)難以落實(shí)。

      3、干部隊(duì)伍建設(shè)步伐緩慢。工會(huì)干部隊(duì)伍人員少,且還是兼職,與適應(yīng)新形勢(shì)新任務(wù)要求有差距。

      三、對(duì)加強(qiáng)和改進(jìn)工會(huì)工作的意見和建議

      工會(huì)要按照“組織起來、切實(shí)維權(quán)”的工會(huì)工作方針,以“擴(kuò)大覆蓋面,增強(qiáng)凝聚力”為著力點(diǎn),不斷推進(jìn)工會(huì)工作邁上新臺(tái)

      階。工會(huì)要在本級(jí)黨組織和上級(jí)工會(huì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下,認(rèn)真貫徹黨中央關(guān)于工會(huì)工作的指示要求,以維護(hù)職工權(quán)益為工作原則,獨(dú)立自主地開展工作。密切聯(lián)系職工群眾,關(guān)心職工群眾生產(chǎn)生活,熱忱為職工群眾辦實(shí)事、做好事、解難事,努力把工會(huì)建設(shè)成為組織健全、維權(quán)到位、工作活躍、作用明顯、職工信賴的職工之家。

      1、強(qiáng)化領(lǐng)導(dǎo),務(wù)實(shí)基礎(chǔ)。應(yīng)進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)對(duì)工會(huì)工作的領(lǐng)導(dǎo),定期召開會(huì)議,聽取工作情況匯報(bào),尊重和支持工會(huì)依法開展各項(xiàng)活動(dòng),幫助經(jīng)工會(huì)解決工作中遇到的實(shí)際困難和問題,在機(jī)構(gòu)設(shè)臵、人員配備、經(jīng)費(fèi)落實(shí)、辦公設(shè)備等方面,為工會(huì)創(chuàng)造良好的外部環(huán)境和工作條件。

      2、加強(qiáng)對(duì)工會(huì)干部業(yè)務(wù)知識(shí)的培訓(xùn)。通過舉辦培訓(xùn)班、召開現(xiàn)場(chǎng)指導(dǎo)會(huì)、經(jīng)驗(yàn)交流會(huì)等多種形式加強(qiáng)對(duì)鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)工會(huì)干部的業(yè)務(wù)知識(shí)的培訓(xùn),提高工會(huì)干部隊(duì)伍的整體素質(zhì),使他們能熟練掌握和運(yùn)用相關(guān)知識(shí),同時(shí)把工會(huì)干部培養(yǎng)成敢于監(jiān)督、善于監(jiān)督的專業(yè)人才。

      二○一二年元月十九日調(diào)研人:宋祺哲

      第四篇:馬哲課演講

      中國古代哲學(xué)的妥協(xié)與叛逆

      中國古代哲學(xué)大約萌芽于殷、周之際,成形于春秋末期,戰(zhàn)國時(shí)代已出現(xiàn)百家爭(zhēng)鳴的繁榮局面。

      它的發(fā)展已有3000多年的歷史,截至1840年,大體可分為:奴隸制及其向封建制轉(zhuǎn)變時(shí)期的哲學(xué);封建制時(shí)期的哲學(xué)。

      文藝復(fù)興是個(gè)認(rèn)識(shí)“人”的過程,中國的古代哲學(xué),一路走來也是一個(gè)認(rèn)識(shí)“人”的過程。

      軸心時(shí)代

      公元前800至公元前200年之間,尤其是公元前600至前300年間,是人類文明的“軸心時(shí)代”.“軸心時(shí)代”發(fā)生的地區(qū)大概是在北緯30度上下,就是北緯25度至35度區(qū)間。這段時(shí)期是人類文明精神的重大突破時(shí)期。在軸心時(shí)代里,各個(gè)文明都出現(xiàn)了偉大的精神導(dǎo)師———古希臘有蘇格拉底、柏拉圖、亞里士多德,以色列有猶太教的先知們,古印度有釋迦牟尼,中國有孔子、老子……他們提出的思想原則塑造了不同的文化傳統(tǒng),也一直影響著人類的生活。

      此時(shí)正是中原在王權(quán)列國時(shí)代和皇權(quán)帝國時(shí)代之間的轉(zhuǎn)型期,大家很清楚,那就是春秋戰(zhàn)國時(shí)代。

      伴隨著春秋戰(zhàn)國時(shí)代的社會(huì)大轉(zhuǎn)型的,是思想觀念的大轉(zhuǎn)型,也就是雅斯貝爾斯(K.T.Jaspers)所說的“軸心時(shí)期”(Axial Period)[2]。這個(gè)時(shí)期,諸子百家興起。

      諸子百家

      法家、道家、墨家、儒家、陰陽家、名家、雜家、農(nóng)家、小說家、縱橫家、兵家、醫(yī)家

      法家商鞅的愚民政策 商鞅戰(zhàn)國時(shí)期政治家、改革家、思想家,法家代表人物,衛(wèi)國人,衛(wèi)國國君的后裔,姬姓公孫氏,故又稱衛(wèi)鞅、公孫鞅。后因在河西之戰(zhàn)中立功獲封商于十五邑,號(hào)為商君,故稱之為商鞅。

      商鞅通過變法使秦國成為富裕強(qiáng)大的國家。政治上,商鞅改革了秦國戶籍、軍功爵位、土地制度、行政區(qū)劃、稅收、度量衡以及民風(fēng)民俗,并制定了嚴(yán)酷的法律;經(jīng)濟(jì)上商鞅主張重農(nóng)抑商、獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)耕織,軍事上商鞅作為統(tǒng)帥率領(lǐng)秦軍收復(fù)了河西

      “當(dāng)時(shí)而立法,因事而制禮”以歷史進(jìn)化的思想駁斥了舊貴族所謂“法古”“循禮”的復(fù)古主張,為實(shí)行變法作了輿論準(zhǔn)備。

      商鞅變法理念的核心:若要國家富強(qiáng)首在愚民弱民

      事實(shí)上,一言以蔽之,商鞅變法果真就是一場(chǎng)極端的、匪夷所思的從政治到經(jīng)濟(jì),從文化到民風(fēng)的激進(jìn)改革。改革的目標(biāo)是為了大國崛起,公正地說,商鞅做到了。但他本人卻慘遭橫死,而生活于這場(chǎng)崛起運(yùn)動(dòng)下的秦國民眾,盡管眼見祖國一天比一天強(qiáng)大,卻不僅沒能擁有日甚一日的幸福,反而與這個(gè)冷冰冰的祖國越來越對(duì)立。

      商鞅在秦國歷時(shí)l9年的變法,要言之,最核心的東西不過兩個(gè)字:農(nóng)戰(zhàn)。農(nóng)是農(nóng)業(yè),戰(zhàn)是軍事。和當(dāng)時(shí)的大多數(shù)變法一樣,商鞅的從農(nóng)戰(zhàn)著手的改革看起來也沒有什么新鮮之處。--顯然,他的新鮮之處不在于改革對(duì)象,而在于改革理念和改革手段。

      商鞅的改革理念,在《商君書》里可以找出幾句話來概括。

      其一:“國家政策制定的是人民憎惡的東西,人民就弱;國家政策制定的是人民喜好的東西,人民就強(qiáng)。人民弱了,國家就強(qiáng);人民強(qiáng)了,國家就弱?!?政作民之所惡,民弱;政作民之所樂,民強(qiáng)。民弱國強(qiáng),民強(qiáng)國弱。)其二:“國家施行善政,民眾中就一定會(huì)出現(xiàn)許多奸詐之人。國家富有,但執(zhí)行讓人民貧窮的政策,叫做富上加富,富上加富的一定就強(qiáng)大。國家貧窮,但執(zhí)行讓人民富有的政策,叫做貧上加貧,貧上加貧的一定就衰弱。”(國為善。奸必多。國富而貧治,日重富,重富者強(qiáng)。國贊而富治,日重貧,重貧者弱。)其三:“人民弱勢(shì),國家就強(qiáng)大,人民強(qiáng)大,國家就弱勢(shì),所以治理有方的國家一定要使人民處于弱勢(shì)。”(民弱國強(qiáng),民強(qiáng)國弱。故有道之國務(wù)在弱民。)凡此種種,在《商君書》的不同篇章里,都以大同小異的表述出現(xiàn)過,它們無疑就是商鞅變法的核心理念。

      --他的理念就是將國家與人民對(duì)立起來,有國家的強(qiáng)大就沒有人民的幸福,有人民的幸福就沒有國家的強(qiáng)大。要實(shí)現(xiàn)獨(dú)裁者讓國家強(qiáng)大的理想,最重要的事情就是使人民更加弱小--換言之,大國崛起的基石,就是人民的苦難和淚水。一個(gè)雄視四海的大國的崛起,注定要以犧牲全體民眾的幸福為代價(jià)。

      愚民、辱民和窮民。

      商鞅的成功,在于他的改革抓住了問題的核心,那就是帝道、王道的理想境界,秦孝公等不及,因而必須用簡(jiǎn)單的、易于操作的、見效快的辦法,像魔術(shù)師一樣,變出一個(gè)生龍活虎的秦國。

      法家思想的興榮就在于他們滿足了大多數(shù)統(tǒng)治者的利益需求??梢钥闯鲈诋?dāng)時(shí)想要一個(gè)思想盛行,就得向統(tǒng)治者妥協(xié)。

      儒家董仲舒

      儒家是其中的一家。儒家的學(xué)說最終取得了國家哲學(xué)的地位,這是在漢代才完成的,眾所周知,董仲舒在其中扮演了最重要的角色。

      董仲舒出生在擁有大量藏書的大地主階級(jí)家庭,也從小熱愛讀書。他還當(dāng)過不少時(shí)間的夫子,招收大批學(xué)生,教導(dǎo)儒學(xué)。教出來的學(xué)生也很優(yōu)秀,不少當(dāng)過大官。他講課講得好,漸漸名氣越來越大,在漢景帝時(shí)當(dāng)了博士,掌管經(jīng)學(xué)講授。

      董仲舒以《公羊春秋》為依據(jù),將周代以來的宗教天道觀和陰陽、五行學(xué)說結(jié)合起來,吸收法家、道家、陰陽家思想,建立了一個(gè)新的思想體系,成為漢代的官方統(tǒng)治哲學(xué),對(duì)當(dāng)時(shí)社會(huì)所提出的一系列哲學(xué)、政治、社會(huì)、歷史問題,給予了較為系統(tǒng)的回答。

      公元前134年,漢武帝下詔征求治國方略。儒生董仲舒在著名的《舉賢良對(duì)策》中系統(tǒng)地提出了“天人感應(yīng)”、“大一統(tǒng)”學(xué)說和“罷黜百家,表彰六經(jīng)”的主張。董仲舒認(rèn)為,“道之大原出于天”,自然、人事都受制于天命,因此反映天命的政治秩序和政治思想都應(yīng)該是統(tǒng)一的。董仲舒的儒家思想大大維護(hù)了漢武帝的集權(quán)統(tǒng)治,為當(dāng)時(shí)社會(huì)政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)的穩(wěn)定做出了一時(shí)的貢獻(xiàn)。

      董仲舒在儒學(xué)扮演帝國意識(shí)形態(tài)的歷史過程中的地位,在于他改造先秦儒學(xué),使它更能適應(yīng)帝國的需要,使儒學(xué)成為主導(dǎo)帝國統(tǒng)治秩序的核心思想,能有效扮演帝國意識(shí)形態(tài)的角色。

      董仲舒在第三次《對(duì)策》中主張:“臣愚以為諸不在六藝之科、孔子之術(shù)者,皆絕其道,勿使并進(jìn)。邪辟之說滅息,然后統(tǒng)紀(jì)可一而法度可明,民知所從矣?!边@段話簡(jiǎn)要有力地表達(dá)了董仲舒透過尊儒達(dá)到意識(shí)形態(tài)控制的用心。

      透過意識(shí)形態(tài)控制,達(dá)到統(tǒng)紀(jì)、法度的齊一,并非始于儒家,而是法家首創(chuàng)的?!渡叹龝肪头磳?duì)人民信奉法令以外的知識(shí);《韓非子》更重視思想統(tǒng)制的工作,認(rèn)為國法的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)若與世俗的毀譽(yù)不同,將造成國法權(quán)威的陵替,“治強(qiáng)不可得也”,所以主張統(tǒng)一價(jià)值標(biāo)準(zhǔn),排斥儒、俠、縱橫、帶劍之徒,希望達(dá)到以法的賞罰為唯一的價(jià)值規(guī)范。

      后來李斯《焚書議》主張焚書的理由,是害怕不同的學(xué)說產(chǎn)生不同的思想,造成不同的價(jià)值標(biāo)準(zhǔn),使國家的“法教”喪失獨(dú)一無二的權(quán)威性,使國君的權(quán)勢(shì)受到損害。這種主張與韓非完全一致,所以秦始皇的焚書之舉,是法家理論的實(shí)現(xiàn),一點(diǎn)也不偶然。

      (儒家學(xué)說)后來變成一個(gè)體系,成了士大夫背后一個(gè)組織力量,并充分地表達(dá)了他們的利益、思想和理想?!寮覍W(xué)說被用作保護(hù)士大夫階級(jí)利益的工具,其做法之巧妙(姑且不說不誠實(shí)),迄今為止欺騙了不少學(xué)者?!?士大夫集團(tuán)與儒學(xué)之間的利益連系,使得透過尊儒達(dá)到意識(shí)形態(tài)控制的目的得到更大的助力,更易收效。

      “廢黜百家,獨(dú)尊儒術(shù)”對(duì)中國文化的傷害很大,使中國在孔孟之道的泥坑里深陷而難以自拔,這種悲慘局面確實(shí)始自于董仲舒。中國很多搞哲學(xué)的人對(duì)自然科學(xué)歷史與科學(xué)精神缺乏了解,這是他們昏招迭出的一大原因。

      PS:鹽鐵論,一些平民學(xué)士也能有機(jī)會(huì)和朝堂高官共商國事??梢姰?dāng)時(shí)的朝堂還是相當(dāng)有大胸懷的

      PS:公羊?qū)W是什么東西?董仲舒是公羊?qū)W的大家,后世大家比較熟悉的龔自珍,還有梁?jiǎn)⒊涤袨槎己凸驅(qū)W有些關(guān)系。

      公羊?qū)W派,是儒家經(jīng)學(xué)中專門研究和傳承《春秋公羊傳》的一個(gè)學(xué)派,它屬于今文經(jīng)學(xué)內(nèi)部最重要的一個(gè)分支學(xué)派。西漢景帝時(shí)期,立治《春秋》“公羊?qū)W”的博士胡毋生、董仲舒(當(dāng)時(shí)的博士還不是專經(jīng)的博士)。漢武帝立五經(jīng)博士,其中的《春秋》博士就是公羊?qū)W派,而傳授系統(tǒng)就是胡毋生和董仲舒兩條線索。

      明朝王陽明的弟子們

      王陽明對(duì)知有兩種用法,用作動(dòng)詞和用作名詞。用作名詞,就是存在于內(nèi)心的知識(shí),或者認(rèn)知能力。用作動(dòng)詞就是將內(nèi)心之知推送、賦予給外物,將內(nèi)心的認(rèn)知能力應(yīng)用到外物上,這就是知的過程。

      王陽明說的知(名詞),即知識(shí),主要的和重要的并非物理屬性的知識(shí),而是義理之知。義理就是道理,就是該做什么,該怎么做,什么是正確,什么事錯(cuò)誤。

      王陽明認(rèn)為,義理是內(nèi)在于人心的,而且是天然地內(nèi)在于人心的。這就是所謂的“良知”、“良能”,是不學(xué)而知,不學(xué)而能的。

      王陽明提出“知行合一”,其目的就是在于對(duì)抗外在的“真理”,外在的“權(quán)威”,就是徹底否定任何外在的真理,否定任何外在的權(quán)威,唯有每個(gè)人自己的內(nèi)心,才是真理之本源,才是權(quán)威之本源。這樣就破除了任何形式和任何程度的迷信,而讓人建立徹底的自信。

      概而言之,王陽明的“知行合一”意見建立和實(shí)現(xiàn)真正的心性獨(dú)立和心性自由。

      王艮

      王艮的“百姓日用是道“,“百姓日用之學(xué)”,是王艮思想的閃光點(diǎn)和泰州學(xué)派思想的主旨和重要的進(jìn)步命題,具有鮮明的人民性。王艮還在孝悌觀上有自己獨(dú)特的看法。

      但王艮主張的“孝”和“悌”,不是絕對(duì)盲從,而是堅(jiān)持獨(dú)立思考,有所選擇。他說:“父兄所為,不可不識(shí);父兄所命,不可不擇”。這就是說:對(duì)的,當(dāng)然要尊敬從命;不對(duì)的,怎么辦呢?他說:“所為未是,不可姑息”;“所命未善,反復(fù)思繹”。這些都說明王艮不僅能真心誠意地事奉他的父兄,但絕不是“愚孝”、“盲從”,而且能做到抵制和糾正他們的一些錯(cuò)誤的東西。因此說,王艮的“孝悌觀”和傳統(tǒng)的“孝”和“悌”是有原則區(qū)別的。

      (陸王心學(xué),宋明兩代心學(xué)的開山鼻祖)陸九淵

      一、這是哲學(xué)家陸九淵的一句話,很有氣魄: 六經(jīng)皆我注腳。

      不管做人還是做學(xué)問,應(yīng)該遵從德行第一的原則,而做學(xué)問假如想要求得根本,就不要拘泥于對(duì)古代經(jīng)書的追根究底,而是要另辟蹊徑,所謂的六經(jīng)都是為我做注腳的。

      二、詳解他的石破天驚的話語:

      1,以心求道,而不要執(zhí)迷于六經(jīng)的言論。學(xué)者的任務(wù)是探明天地人生之道,并用之于實(shí)踐,而不是為學(xué)習(xí)而學(xué)習(xí)。即使將六經(jīng)背得滾得爛熟,卻不能明道,不能行道,跟沒有學(xué)習(xí)毫無二致。為此,陸九淵還提出了一個(gè)口號(hào):“一意實(shí)學(xué),不事空言?!?/p>

      有人會(huì)問:學(xué)習(xí)六經(jīng)不就是為了明道嗎?陸九淵顯然不同意這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)。事實(shí)上,人們學(xué)習(xí)、理解、運(yùn)用、迷信六經(jīng),是基于一個(gè)假設(shè):六經(jīng)之旨即是道。但實(shí)際上,六經(jīng)某些觀點(diǎn)也許總結(jié)出了部分社會(huì)與人生規(guī)律,某些觀點(diǎn)卻偏離了社會(huì)與人生規(guī)律。這就是說,創(chuàng)作六經(jīng)的人未必真正明道,六經(jīng)的觀點(diǎn)也不等于道。那么,通過學(xué)習(xí)六經(jīng)而明道,不是緣木求魚嗎?

      按陸九淵的觀點(diǎn),一個(gè)想明道的人,應(yīng)該“發(fā)明本心”,用心去體悟道的本原,而不能寄希望于六經(jīng)。中國的傳統(tǒng)觀念是?崇古非今”,老是覺得古人比現(xiàn)代人聰明,古人的東西總是好的,是牢不可破的經(jīng)典。陸九淵敢于懷疑、看輕六經(jīng),在當(dāng)時(shí)可以說是通天徹地的覺醒。

      2,借助六經(jīng),為自己服務(wù)。陸九淵雖然看輕六經(jīng),但并不完全否定六經(jīng)的價(jià)值。他的“六經(jīng)注我,我注六經(jīng)”,是把六經(jīng)當(dāng)作明道的工具。用現(xiàn)代話來說:站在前人的肩膀上,達(dá)到更高的境界。

      李贄

      《萬歷十五年》里面有這樣一個(gè)故事:

      前文中大致講,耿定向說“昔顏山農(nóng)(顏鈞)于講學(xué)會(huì)中忽起就地打滾,曰:‘試看我良知!’士友紙巾傳為笑柄。”還說李贄跑到寡婦臥室里化緣等,皆以惡語攻擊。李贄在1587年對(duì)這種攻擊作出答辯。除了關(guān)于寡婦的事件以外,他對(duì)自己不拘形跡毫不掩飾。最值得注意的是他對(duì)“就地打滾”的評(píng)論。他說,他從來沒有聽到過這一故事,如果真有這件事,只能證明顏山農(nóng)確實(shí)參透了“良知真趣”。他又說:“世間打滾人和限?日夜無休時(shí)。大庭廣眾之中,諂事權(quán)貴人以保一日之榮;暗室屋漏之內(nèi),為奴顏婢膝事以幸一時(shí)之寵。無人不滾,無時(shí)不然,無一刻不打滾?!碑?dāng)一個(gè)人真能領(lǐng)悟到打滾的真趣,則另有境界,此即:“當(dāng)打滾時(shí),內(nèi)不見己,外不見人,無美于中,無丑于外,不背而身不獲,外庭而人不見,內(nèi)外兩忘,身心如一。難矣,難矣!”他認(rèn)為耿定向的恥笑無損于顏山農(nóng),“即千笑萬笑、百年笑千年笑,山農(nóng)不理也。何也?佛法原不為庸眾說也,原不為不可語上者說也,原不以恐人笑不敢說而止也?!币?yàn)檫@一段“就地打滾”論,我對(duì)李贄有十分好的印象,只是并沒有深究過他,僅是憑借《萬歷十五年》而對(duì)他略知一二,他的所謂思想系統(tǒng),我也是似懂非懂,僅是在此摘錄一段比較喜歡的話。

      在這些討論中,他不以孔孟之是非為是非

      “雖孔夫子亦庸眾人類也”

      認(rèn)為孔子也沒什么了不起的。這在當(dāng)時(shí)可是說是在思想界放了一顆精神原子彈。以至于即便是他最親密的友人,也感到難以接受。

      可以這么說,李贄對(duì)孔子及孔孟之道的批判確已達(dá)到了“非圣無法”的地步,也難怪會(huì)驚動(dòng)十幾年不理事的萬歷皇帝,將他逮入監(jiān)獄。

      其實(shí)李贄很少因?yàn)樗难孕卸艿狡群?,恰恰相反,在麻城他還是挺受世家大族歡迎的,公然支持李贄的更是大有人在,這種支持最明顯的是體現(xiàn)在經(jīng)濟(jì)上。

      因?yàn)閷?duì)封建禮教的叛逆可以說是當(dāng)時(shí)最時(shí)髦的事情,就像我們今天喜歡的搖滾樂一樣,娛樂價(jià)值遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)高于思想價(jià)值。

      第五篇:(宋哲雨)給媽媽的一封信

      給媽媽的一封信

      【三級(jí)】常蒿路小學(xué)宋哲雨

      親愛的媽媽:

      媽媽,我聽爸爸說:“你的生日馬上要到了?!眿寢專易D闵者^得很快樂!

      媽媽,我有一次寫作業(yè)惹你發(fā)起脾氣來。我想對(duì)你說:都是我不好,惹你發(fā)起脾氣來了。媽媽你就原諒我吧,我下次不敢了。媽媽,我這攢了幾元錢作為生日禮物。媽媽我謝謝你,我把我養(yǎng)的這么大。我其實(shí)是很優(yōu)秀的,有時(shí)候就有一點(diǎn)粗心大意。

      媽媽,我祝你生日過得很快樂!

      你的兒子:宋哲雨

      2014年5月3日

      雖然只是簡(jiǎn)短的幾句話,卻包含著對(duì)媽媽深深的愛與感恩之情,努力做好自己!

      下載氣候變化演講(英語)-宋哲word格式文檔
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