第一篇：布萊爾在清華演講

布萊爾在清華

央視國際 2003年07月28日 11:11

主持人（陳偉鴻）：

觀眾朋友，大家好，歡迎各位收看我們的《對話》節(jié)目。這里是我們設(shè)在清華大學(xué)的對話現(xiàn)場，稍候?qū)⒂?/p>

一位國際政壇的風(fēng)云人物，要在這里和近百位的清華學(xué)子展開對話，這位對話嘉賓就是英國現(xiàn)任首相托尼·布萊爾。闊別五年，布萊爾再度訪華，將會收到怎樣的效果？他的這次中國

之行，將會為中英關(guān)系的發(fā)展帶來哪些新的信息？尤其令人關(guān)注的是，面對英國國內(nèi)最新爆發(fā)的政治**，作

為首相的托尼·布萊爾將會做出怎樣的選擇呢？當(dāng)然，還有更多更精彩的問題都在我們今天的《對話》節(jié)目當(dāng)中。好了，稍后我們一塊來關(guān)注托尼·布萊爾和清華學(xué)生的圓桌對話。

布萊爾：

謝謝清華大學(xué)給我這次珍貴的機(jī)會，我想說一些話，你們可以提問，什么問題都可以問，或者是一些很尖銳的問題。令人振奮的是，英國是中國留學(xué)生最多的國家，在英的中國留學(xué)生是中國人在美國留學(xué)人數(shù)的兩倍。我很高興，可以想象中國大學(xué)比如清華跟英國大學(xué)之間的合作有多么緊密。英國最主要的大學(xué)有倫敦經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院，我的太太就在那里，她就是從這所學(xué)校畢業(yè)的。她畢業(yè)于倫敦經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院，她的學(xué)歷比我還高。這次我再次來到北京，給我最深刻的印象是看到中國巨大的變化，將來英國發(fā)展與中國的關(guān)系將會非常重要。非常令人振奮的是，盡管中國有SARS，還有其他的問題，上半年的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長率仍然達(dá)到8％。在未來的兩個(gè)世紀(jì)，中國將會成為世界第一經(jīng)濟(jì)大國。中國有十三億人口，中國在經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治上的發(fā)展，將對全世界有著深刻的影響。我們也要保證中國和英國、中國和美國緊密的合作，我們有很多事情可以合作。你們學(xué)生是中國的未來，你做的決定、執(zhí)行的方式，即將對整個(gè)世界產(chǎn)生影響，你們是這個(gè)國家未來的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，你們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方式和你們的價(jià)值取向?qū)τ嗣褚矔a(chǎn)生影響！我的講話完畢，請你們發(fā)問，謝謝。

董關(guān)鵬（清華現(xiàn)場主持）：

謝謝布萊爾首相?，F(xiàn)在我們就來開始提問，每提出三個(gè)問題我們請布萊爾先生回答?，F(xiàn)在請我們的同學(xué)發(fā)問，同學(xué)們請?zhí)崛齻€(gè)問題。

布萊爾：

你來點(diǎn)名，我來回答問題。

董關(guān)鵬：

請發(fā)問，很難讓我指出讓誰提問，請這位女同學(xué)。

同學(xué)：

布萊爾先生，早上好，歡迎你到清華大學(xué)來。謝謝你的演說，我的名字是陸婭楠，我來自新聞傳播學(xué)院?，F(xiàn)在當(dāng)我們想到英國，我們會想起伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭，會想到凱利的悲劇，我很不情愿提到這些。到目前為止，還沒有足夠的證據(jù)能證明伊拉克有大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。你覺 得這個(gè)時(shí)期，是不是你政治生涯中最嚴(yán)峻的時(shí)候？你是怎么想的？你對發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭有沒有后悔過？謝謝。

董關(guān)鵬：

請你們提問的時(shí)候盡量地簡明扼要，第二個(gè)問題由這位男同學(xué)提問。

同學(xué)：

早上好，首相先生，我是楊偉，來自經(jīng)管學(xué)院。我今天能夠在這里感到非常地榮幸。您曾在美國國會上說，英國會參與改變歐盟的活動。我的問題是，如果歐盟拒絕按照英國提倡的方式來做，英國還會是歐盟的一部分嗎？謝謝。

董關(guān)鵬：

再來一個(gè)問題，好，左邊這位女士。

同學(xué)：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我的名字是何凡，來自電子工程系。前幾天你們對有關(guān)的媒體進(jìn)行監(jiān)管，這是事實(shí)嗎？你不覺得這是違反新聞自由的行為嗎？謝謝。

布萊爾：

謝謝。我們可以看到英國的媒體就在那里，他們也許在想這個(gè)問題對我來說是非常簡單的。但我覺得前面三個(gè)問題非常有挑戰(zhàn)性，所以如果我

想控制媒體的話，那我肯定失敗了。這上面的就是英國的媒體，有時(shí)候他們提的一些問題讓人很難過，有時(shí)候你會對一些問題感到非常氣憤或者很傷心。但我仍然認(rèn)為無論多么困難，你們能夠?qū)φ渭姨岢稣蔚碾y題讓他們回答，這是非常不錯(cuò)的。我并不希望控制媒體，我只想以我的方式表

達(dá)我的觀點(diǎn)。你們剛才提到的兩個(gè)問題，關(guān)于伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭和大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，以及歐洲這些問題，無論對英國還是世界都是比較難的。對于大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，我可以毫無疑問地告訴你們，伊拉克是在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器?，F(xiàn)在我們在伊拉克有一個(gè)專門的調(diào)查小組，他們正在做有關(guān)的取證工作，這組人剛剛開始他們的調(diào)查工作。當(dāng)他們遞交他們的調(diào)查結(jié)果的時(shí)候，我們才能知道他們的發(fā)現(xiàn)，然后人們才能知道事實(shí)的真相。所以這個(gè)調(diào)查小組正在那里，我們稱之為伊拉克調(diào)查小組，他們將會采訪有關(guān)的專家和目擊者，而且他們會到現(xiàn)場去采集有關(guān)殺傷性武器的證據(jù)。如果殺傷性武器的證據(jù)成立的話，關(guān)于這個(gè)話題也許我們會有更多更為正式的討論。你問到我對于伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭會不會感到后悔，我會說，不，我不會感到后悔。我相信無論有多么的困難，這是正確的決定。同時(shí)我也覺得這不僅是對世界安全的考慮，同時(shí)也是為了伊拉克苦難的人民。推翻薩達(dá)姆政權(quán)對伊拉克人民是有好處的，因?yàn)樗_達(dá)姆是一個(gè)非常殘酷的統(tǒng)治者，他殘殺了無數(shù)無辜的人民。我覺得這個(gè)問題對當(dāng)今國際社會來說也是很難的，我做出那樣的決定，因?yàn)槲矣X得這無論對于我的國家還是世界來說都是正確的。到現(xiàn)在為止，我仍然認(rèn)為是正確的決定。所以作為國家的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，我做出了這樣的決定。關(guān)于歐洲這是一個(gè)很好的問題，因?yàn)檫@是英國所面臨的一個(gè)兩難的抉擇，英國想成為歐盟的一部分，但同時(shí)也希望歐盟做出改變。如果歐盟不改變的話，英國加入歐盟非常重要。并且我們相信，英國能以自己的方式去改變歐盟。因?yàn)槲覀儾荒馨炎约簭臍W洲分離出來，我們是歐洲大陸的一個(gè)部分，所以我們繼續(xù)保留作為歐洲大陸的一個(gè)部分。這無論在經(jīng)濟(jì)角度和政治角度考慮都是非常重要的。剛剛我提到中國有十三億人口，盡管我們有十個(gè)國家新近加入歐盟，現(xiàn)在歐盟共有二十五個(gè)國家。盡管這樣，我們也只有四億五千萬人口，而中國一個(gè)國家卻有十三億人口。所以英國作為歐盟各國里面的一部分這是非常重要的。我覺得把英國從歐盟里面分離出來是個(gè)重大的錯(cuò)誤，我不知道在改變歐盟的努力中英國能否成功，但 是我覺得我們會的。而且我覺得歐盟應(yīng)該保持開放，加強(qiáng)與世界其他國家的合作。我覺得英國作為歐盟的一部分非常重要，盡管有時(shí)這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)在英國很不受歡迎，有些人并不喜歡歐洲。但我覺得這是英國應(yīng)該做的。并且我認(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，假如我認(rèn)為是正確的，我會堅(jiān)持這么做。謝謝。

董關(guān)鵬：

謝謝?，F(xiàn)在由坐在后面的同學(xué)發(fā)問。

同學(xué)：

謝謝，早上好。我是梁萌，來自經(jīng)管學(xué)院。我想問一個(gè)關(guān)于教育交流的問題，您剛才在演講當(dāng)中提到有大量的中國學(xué)生在英國留學(xué)，然而在英國的學(xué)校申請獎學(xué)金是非常困難的，而且很多英國大學(xué)收取留學(xué)生的學(xué)費(fèi)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)高于本地學(xué)生。所以我們在想，英國的學(xué)校錄取中國留學(xué)生的動機(jī)，是希望加強(qiáng)與中國的教育交流，活躍英國學(xué)校的校園？還是主要出于商業(yè)的考慮？謝謝。

同學(xué)：

布萊爾先生，歡迎您來到清華大學(xué)。我的名字是郝育倩，是新聞傳播學(xué)院三年級的學(xué)生。在最近的國家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人峰會當(dāng)中，您提到一國的政府可以入侵和推翻另一國政府的統(tǒng)治，來解放那里的人民。這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)被與會的其他政府反對。所以我想問您，您提出的這個(gè)問題有沒有《國際法》的充分支持？

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我是欒鵬，來自法學(xué)院，我想會問一些比較輕松的問題。眾所周知您的夫人切麗女士在英國是一個(gè)非常成功的律師，據(jù)說她的工資比首相的工資高得多。中國傳統(tǒng)的觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，丈夫應(yīng)該比妻子賺得更多，這是保持家庭穩(wěn)定非常重要的因素。我的問題是，您有什么技巧來平衡您的家庭關(guān)系？謝謝。

布萊爾：

首先，關(guān)于教育交流，這有很多因素，商業(yè)的考慮也是其中之一，因?yàn)榻逃龣C(jī)構(gòu)也有開支。我覺得關(guān)于教育交流的問題是，最主要的原因是很難獲得獎學(xué)金，學(xué)校從政府那里獲得資助。有時(shí)候人們會跟政府抱怨，我們的錢是付給我們國內(nèi)的學(xué)生而不是其他國家的學(xué)生，所以留學(xué)生要獲取獎學(xué)金是很難的。實(shí)際上，我們現(xiàn)在正在擴(kuò)大我們的獎學(xué)金?，F(xiàn)在的情況是，在過去的幾年里，中國到英國的留學(xué)生大量增加。盡管在英國獲取獎學(xué)金很難，但是人們?nèi)匀粻幦〉接魧W(xué)。所以我希望，我們都讀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)，我不是修新聞學(xué)的。我考慮在未來教育的交流將會非常重要，同時(shí)我也在考慮每個(gè)到來的學(xué) 4 生，當(dāng)他們回自己的國家，我希望他能夠作為代表英國的使者。當(dāng)他們回到中國或者俄羅斯，無論他們來自哪個(gè)國家。所以擴(kuò)大我們的招生，招收更多的留學(xué)生。所以你可以申請獎學(xué)金，我們會盡量考慮的。關(guān)于下一個(gè)問題，我認(rèn)為一個(gè)國家到另外一個(gè)國家，去解放那個(gè)國家的人民是不對的。當(dāng)然，我知道解放人民是件好事，但是這需要符合規(guī)矩。人們擔(dān)心一個(gè)國家想要去統(tǒng)治另外一個(gè)國家，那么如果一個(gè)國家不滿意另外一個(gè)國家的政府就去推翻它，這是你問題背后的邏輯。因?yàn)槟銌栴}的含義是，必須謹(jǐn)防陷于某種情況。如果美國，也許你指的是美國不滿意別的國家的政府，美國就會去消滅它。我同意，這樣的情況可能發(fā)生。但我覺得我們需要考慮，假如有一個(gè)國家它做的事情，對其他的國家還有本國的人民非常危險(xiǎn)，國際社會會怎么反應(yīng)呢？我同意，我們需要阻止這樣的事情發(fā)生，這是我在美國國會的時(shí)候提出的，我說我們不能單純地自由行動，人們不能隨心所欲。同時(shí)，世界更緊密地聯(lián)系著。一個(gè)國家的行動事關(guān)重要，因?yàn)樗鼤绊懫渌膰?。我們不能說一個(gè)國家的行徑非常惡劣，我們就縱容它。所以要解決它是一個(gè)難題，我們可以運(yùn)用很多法律和規(guī)則。另一個(gè)問題，首先，我的夫人比我聰明，所以她選擇法律而不是政治。有時(shí)候我看見關(guān)于她的收入的報(bào)道，我希望這是真的。但是我想，現(xiàn)代女性應(yīng)該賺得跟男性一樣多，而且越多越好。這是完全可能的?？匆幌卢F(xiàn)在這里所有的女性，其中一部分也會成為律師，是吧。你不會介意你賺的比你的丈夫多吧？這里的女士們，你會介意比你的丈夫賺得多嗎？你們都有賺錢的自由，人們賺錢的多少在于他們付出的努力，而不取決于他們是男性還是女性，而只能說明他們優(yōu)秀或者不優(yōu)秀。這是我的觀點(diǎn)。

董關(guān)鵬：

接著提問。

學(xué)生：

首相先生，歡迎到清華來。我是趙曉東，來自經(jīng)濟(jì)管理學(xué)院法學(xué)系。幾天前，在您到美國的訪問中，有報(bào)紙?jiān)u論說英國是美國的跟隨者，您是怎么看待這些評論的？

董關(guān)鵬：

這邊。

學(xué)生：

早上好，首相先生，歡迎您到清華來。我是林楠，來自計(jì)算機(jī)科學(xué)與技術(shù)系。面對凱利事件，您決定不辭職。您能不能坦誠地告訴我們，當(dāng)您在去日本的途中，聽到凱利自殺的時(shí)候，您當(dāng)時(shí)的感受是怎么樣的？您將怎么處理這個(gè)政治危機(jī)，重新獲得人們的信任？謝謝。

學(xué)生：

謝謝，首相先生，我是高宇寧，來自中國研究院公共政策和管理系。我要問一個(gè)很專業(yè)的領(lǐng)域，一些亞洲學(xué)者討論在東南亞建立一個(gè)亞洲聯(lián)盟，就像歐洲的歐盟。您能說一下建立一個(gè)亞洲聯(lián)盟的可行性，以及您認(rèn)為它會有什么樣的影響？謝謝。

布萊爾：

首先，誰是第一發(fā)問者？哦，是你。人們經(jīng)常會問到，英國跟美國的強(qiáng)大聯(lián)盟。但是我們不能說我們之間就沒有分歧，有時(shí)候我們也會有不同意見，比如在政治，還有氣候變暖的問題上。在某些問題上，我們對貿(mào)易也有分歧。但我覺得英國與美國建立起強(qiáng)大的聯(lián)盟是有重大意義的。因?yàn)槲覀冊谝恍┓浅＠щy的時(shí)刻聯(lián)手作戰(zhàn)。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)就不用說了，我們聯(lián)合把歐洲從法西斯手里解放出來。對于我們與美國的關(guān)系，我感到非常自豪，我對我們的伙伴關(guān)系感到非常自豪。但我并不認(rèn)為與美國的良好關(guān)系是我們所能具有的惟一的關(guān)系，現(xiàn)在這個(gè)世界上有兩種觀點(diǎn)。有一種觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，不同的國家他們互相競爭或者互相平衡，所以這里是美國，那里是歐洲，那里是俄羅斯，中國在這里。我認(rèn)為在現(xiàn)今的世界上這種觀點(diǎn)是很危險(xiǎn)的，我認(rèn)為大家應(yīng)該走到一起。我要告訴你為什么，假如您想一下我們現(xiàn)在的處境，美國不會打中國，中國不會打俄羅斯，俄羅斯不會打歐洲，在二十世紀(jì)的兩次世界大戰(zhàn)中數(shù)以百萬的人死亡。而現(xiàn)在歐洲處在和平當(dāng)中，歐洲國家結(jié)成一個(gè)聯(lián)盟。我不認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在世界面臨的問題是各國之間的戰(zhàn)爭，而現(xiàn)在面臨的問題是國際恐怖主義，大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，還有極少數(shù)的破壞分子，氣候變化、經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化，發(fā)展貧窮國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)。我覺得應(yīng)付這些挑戰(zhàn)的方法，是各國人民的合作。所以我們跟美國有很好的關(guān)系，同時(shí)我們也是歐盟的一部分。我也愿意發(fā)展與中國更緊密的關(guān)系，因?yàn)槲矣X得中國的發(fā)展在國際上是非常重要的。所以關(guān)于怎么樣發(fā)展，我的看法是我們不要把不同國家劃分成不同的勢力，互相競爭，這是二十世紀(jì)的政治。我覺得二十一世紀(jì)的政治是各個(gè)國家聯(lián)合起來，制定一個(gè)共同的行動綱領(lǐng)。這意味著制定這個(gè)共同的行動綱領(lǐng)，并不是單純地由美國提出來的，而是我們大家共同制定的。這就是我為什么在美國國會提出這不僅僅是關(guān)于恐怖主義，同時(shí)這也關(guān)于中東和平進(jìn)程。關(guān)于非洲的貧困，關(guān)于氣候的變化，我們可以把所有這些事情拿到一起共同去研究解決。所以我覺得英國的任務(wù)不是去擔(dān)心與美國的聯(lián)盟，我覺得我們應(yīng)該跟美國保持良好的盟友關(guān)系，我們應(yīng)該把這種影響擴(kuò)大開來，推動美國和其他國家的關(guān)系，制定起大家都能接受的共同的行動綱領(lǐng)。中國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能夠接受，歐盟也能接受，俄羅斯也能接受，還有像印度這樣的發(fā)展中國家。大家都走到一起，制定共同的行動綱領(lǐng)，這是我們努力的方向。因?yàn)槲矣X得這對于將來的安全和和平至關(guān)重要，我堅(jiān)信這一點(diǎn)。首先我要說的是，在過去的幾天我沒有在英國，凱利的死對他的家庭來說是個(gè)悲劇，而我不能給予他們幫助。我非常不希望更多地提到這個(gè)情況。我只想說希望他靈魂永存，希望他的家人節(jié)哀順變。在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭當(dāng)中惟一的問題是，正如我剛才對一位女生所說的在伊拉克有一個(gè)調(diào)查小組正在做全面的調(diào)查，采訪伊拉克武器專家和科學(xué)家，并且在做武器調(diào)查的取證工作。我想人們應(yīng)該等到調(diào)查小組回來之后再做出結(jié)論，因?yàn)榍闆r很困難。正如我剛才 跟你們一位所說的，作為一個(gè)政治家，尤其當(dāng)你要做出是否戰(zhàn)爭的決定的時(shí)候，你要按照你認(rèn)為正確的方向去做出決定，并且堅(jiān)信你的決定是正確的。我相信在這里肯定有人持不同意見，但這是我所相信的，也是我所堅(jiān)持的。誰是最后一個(gè)，噢，如果亞洲想要聯(lián)合起來結(jié)成更大的非政治貿(mào)易組織，我覺得這是可能的，但是會不會像歐盟一樣，這點(diǎn)我不確信。但是可以肯定的是，就像我剛才所提到的，世界一體化的進(jìn)程在加快，亞洲國家會加強(qiáng)相互之間的貿(mào)易和合作。我想這種合作將在全世界范圍內(nèi)發(fā)生，就像在南美洲和歐盟，并且在全世界范圍都會發(fā)生。原因是顯而易見的，世界一體化，經(jīng)濟(jì)和技術(shù)全球化意味著人們必須更緊密地合作。所以我覺得這種發(fā)展會繼續(xù)，亞洲國家應(yīng)該加強(qiáng)合作，不管是不是像歐盟那樣，都是有意義的。我相信最后國家之間都會加快合作的進(jìn)程。

董關(guān)鵬：

我要宣布還有最后三個(gè)問題。

布萊爾：

可以問五個(gè)。

董關(guān)鵬：

好的，可以問五個(gè)問題。這位男同學(xué)。

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我叫田培杰，來自法學(xué)院。我要問的問題與SARS有關(guān)。人們有很多擔(dān)心，那就是怎么樣在全球范圍內(nèi)給貧窮的人群提供足夠的醫(yī)療保障。我的問題是，在英國，您覺得怎么樣才能有效地解決這個(gè)問題？謝謝。

學(xué)生：

我有另外一個(gè)問題，我是胡薇薇，來自國際關(guān)系學(xué)院政策和管理系。我想要知道的是您對中英雙邊關(guān)系的看法，還有您對以后發(fā)展兩國關(guān)系有什么期望？謝謝。

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生，很榮幸能夠把您請到這里來。我是徐博，來自新聞學(xué)院。眾所周知大英博物館有大量的中國文物，對不起，我感到非常緊張。我喜歡你的領(lǐng)帶。

布萊爾：

我喜歡你的襯衫。

學(xué)生：

謝謝你。如果有一天你的孩子問你，中國的文物怎么跑到英國博物館來，你怎么回答？據(jù)報(bào)道，伊拉克博物館的很多文物被盜竊，這些失竊的文物會對大英博物館的收藏有所幫助嗎？謝謝。

學(xué)生：

布萊爾先生，歡迎你到清華。我是黃瑞，是新聞學(xué)院的畢業(yè)生。您對中英教育交流的支持給我很深刻的印象，但最近我看到一些消息說英國東北部一些大學(xué)取消中國文化和語言的專業(yè)，我感到非常遺憾。而這些學(xué)校里面，甚至包括知名的德姆大學(xué)，您覺得這些學(xué)校的決定會影響中英文化和教育的合作嗎？如果會產(chǎn)生這樣的影響，您覺得有什么解決的方法？

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生，我是涂國玉，來自自動工程系。您大概是我爸爸的年齡，你像我父親一樣慈祥。您能不能像您對您的孩子那樣老實(shí)地告訴我們，您在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭當(dāng)中沒有撒謊？謝謝。

布萊爾：

第一個(gè)問題是SARS和醫(yī)療保障。我個(gè)人認(rèn)為我們在英國的醫(yī)療保障體系有一個(gè)明顯的優(yōu)勢，也有一點(diǎn)不足。優(yōu)勢是我們建立起記錄所有人健康的每一方面的一個(gè)龐大的數(shù)據(jù)庫系統(tǒng)，所以不管你是窮是富，你都能夠得到國家醫(yī)療中心的治療。我覺得這是一個(gè)很好的系統(tǒng)，我們會繼續(xù)保持。但我們這個(gè)系統(tǒng)的缺點(diǎn)，也是我們需要改進(jìn)的地方，那是我們需要有更為靈活的醫(yī)療保障系統(tǒng)。所以我們能有各種各樣的方法來幫助人們，有一些人可以通過本地社區(qū)和私人醫(yī)院，有些人在醫(yī)院里獲得醫(yī)治，而有些人則通過疾病控制中心。所以人們可以通過不同的方式獲得治療。關(guān)于中英雙邊關(guān)系，這是誰提的問題？我們是有分歧，問題是我們怎么去處理這些分歧。我們永遠(yuǎn)從這些分歧中退出？還是說我們繼續(xù)合作，暫時(shí)放下分歧意見？我想這是我們能做的最好的方法。有位同學(xué)說他喜歡我的領(lǐng)帶，您指的是中國文物收藏，我表示遺憾，這是很久以前歷史遺留的問題。至于伊拉克留下來的文物，巴格達(dá)的博物館在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭中被摧毀。但實(shí)際上人們會將把伊拉克的文物送回來，巴格達(dá)博物館也會重新開放。當(dāng)然文物不會跑到大英博物館，有一點(diǎn)很明確的是，屬于伊拉克的文物一定會返回給伊拉克人民，這一點(diǎn)至關(guān)重要。誰問到關(guān)于教育交流的問題？學(xué)校做出的決定可能會出于各種各樣的原因，或者是財(cái)政困難，或者是其他原因，這是經(jīng)常發(fā)生的事情。沒有足夠的錢去運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，沒有錢去做你想做的事情。但我可以向你保證，我們會繼續(xù)歡迎中國留學(xué)生到英國來學(xué)習(xí)。如果他們不 能到某一個(gè)學(xué)校，他們肯定能到另外一個(gè)學(xué)校去。誰是最后一個(gè)問道我會怎么回答我的孩子？我想要說的是，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，你要做出你認(rèn)為正確的決定。有時(shí)候要做出這些決定是很困難的，但我充分相信，在與伊拉克的關(guān)系中我們絕不允許薩達(dá)姆發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，毫無疑問，他是在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。因?yàn)槁?lián)合國有二十三個(gè)鑒定認(rèn)為，薩達(dá)姆在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。這里還會有人認(rèn)為這是英國或者美國虛構(gòu)的嗎？事實(shí)就是如此，這是很嚴(yán)肅的問題。這就是為什么聯(lián)合國檢查人員整個(gè)九十年代都呆在伊拉克，然后他們在1998年底被迫離開。但是在聯(lián)合國做出決定之后，卻在十一月又回到伊拉克。毫無疑問，薩達(dá)姆大規(guī)模殺傷性武器給人類造成極大的威脅。同樣的，無可置疑薩達(dá)姆大規(guī)模殺傷武器給伊拉克人們造成的危險(xiǎn)。這里的人絕對不會贊同薩達(dá)姆的做法。伊拉克有兩千三百萬的人口，有四百萬的人口被驅(qū)逐出境，每年有數(shù)萬的兒童死于營養(yǎng)不良和可以避免的疾病。所有這些都是因?yàn)樗慕y(tǒng)治所造成的。允許這樣的一個(gè)執(zhí)政者來擾亂世界安全，我認(rèn)為這是錯(cuò)誤的。所以我做出那樣的決定，我理解會有人不贊同我的決定，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的困難在于你必須做出你認(rèn)為正確的決定，而且堅(jiān)持你的立場。我做出了決定，我相信這是正確的，如果你也有同樣的信條，你可以支持我。如果你有不同的信條，你可以不支持我，你可以支持其他人。我不能說更多的了，這是我要對我自己的孩子以及別人的孩子要說的話。謝謝。

PRIME MINISTER: Thank you, and it is wonderful to be here in Tsinghua University, thank you so much all of you for coming out to say hello to me.I just wanted to say a couple of things by way of opening and then you can ask me questions, and you must feel free to ask me any questions that you want to ask.It is a dangerous thing for me to say, but nonetheless, you do that.The thing that is amazing today is that the UK is now the number one destination for overseas students from China.We have got double the number of Chinese students as the United States of America.I like that.And that is a measure of how much collaboration there now is between universities like Tsinghua and universities in Britain.And one of the main universities is the London School of Economics, and my wifeshe went to the London School of Economics, she went to the London School of Economics and she got a better degree than I did.So the thing that has impressed me most from being back in Beijing is just the amount of change in China, and I think for the future the relationship between my country, the UK and China is going to be very important.Because the amazing thing is that in the first six months of this year, even with Sars and the problems that you had here, you had a growth rate of 8%.In the next couple of decades you will become the number one economy in the worldabout 90I am sorry to say that.Until now there is no hard evidence to show that Iraq has the weapons of mass destruction, and the British press say that your worldwide tour is just a disguise of your diplomatic mistake.So I really want to know, do you think this time, at this tragic time, in your political career, and how do you feel? Have you ever regretted making the decision to start the war? QUESTION: I am from the School of Economics and Management.I feel a great honour to be here.You once remarked to the US Congress that Britain would be part of a changing Europe.My question is, if Europe refused to change in a British way, will Britain remain part of it? QUESTION: I am from the Department of Electronic Engineering.Mr Blair said...years ago that part of your work is to keep the media in check.Is this true? Don't you think it is a...of a free press? PRIME MINISTER: Ther 10 e is the British media out there, and they may have been thinking all the questions were going to be very easy questions for me, but I would say the first three questions have been very testing questions.So if I have been trying to keep the media in check, I think I have failed really on that.And I think the questions that you ask are important, because it is important that the media, and also people, are entitled to ask the difficult questions of politicians.And one part of developing politics in any country is the ability to question the political leaders.Now these guys out there, they are the British media and they ask me some pretty searching questions from time to time, and sometimes it is true, you get a little angry about it or you get upset by some of the line of questioning.But I still think, however difficult it is, it is always better that you are able to ask the politicians the difficult questions and therefore to answer them.OK? So I don't want to keep the media in check, but I do want the chance sometimes to explain what I think in the way that I think it.You see.And these two questions that you asked, one about the Iraq war and the weapons of mass destruction, and then about Europe, these are big and difficult questions in my country at the moment, but also for the world.And on the weapons of mass destruction, I have no doubt at all that Iraq was trying to develop those weapons.There is a group of people in Iraq now who are looking both at the programmes and at the weapons themselves, the evidence of the weapons and the evidence of the programmes, and that group of people have just begun their work, and when they come to make their report on their work we will be able to see what they have uncovered, and then people will see what the truth is.So that group is in there now, they are called the Iraq Survey Group, they will be looking both to interview the experts and witnesses that worked on the Iraq programme, and also examining the sites for evidence of the programmes and the weapons themselves.And I think when that happens maybe we will have a more informed debate about this whole question.But you asked me whether I regretted the Iraq conflict.I have to say no, I don't regret it.I believe no matter how difficult it was, that it was the right thing to do.I also think, not simply in terms of the security of the world, but in terms of the suffering of the Iraqi people, it is better that they are rid of Saddam Hussein as their ruler, because he was a very cruel man who killed many, many thousands, hundreds of thousands of their people.And I think these questions are very difficult in the international community today, but I took that decision because I thought it was right for my country and right for the wider world, and I still believe that it was.So we have to in the end, as political leaders, stand by the 11 decisions we make, and that is the position I took.In respect of Europe, that is a very good question, because it is part of the dilemma Britain has.Britain wants to be part of Europe, but it also wants Europe to change.Now what if Europe doesn't change? Well I think what is important is for Britain to go into Europe with the confidence that it can change in the way that we wish, because we can't separate ourselves out from the continent of which we are a part, and you know Britain is part of the European continent, and so I think it is important that we remain part of Europe, I think that is important for economic reasons and for political reasons.And when we were talking about China earlier, we said it was 1.3 billion.Even when we have the 10 new countries join the European Union, and there will be 25 countries in the European Union, even then we will only have 450 million people, compared with your 1.3 billion.So it is going to be vitally important for Britain to be part of that figure, bloc of countries.And so for us to separate ourselves from Europe I think would be a big mistake.So we can't be sure whether we are going to win all these battles in Europe, but I think we will, and I think it is important that Europe develops in a way that is open, that is engaged with the rest of the world, and I think it is important that Britain is part of the European Union.And even if it is unpopular and difficult, and it is sometimes in my country because some people don't like Europe, I still think it is the right thing for Britain to do, and again I believe as political leader, if I think it is the right thing then I should argue for it.We Can Help China Embrace The Future

The Beijing Olympic Games were a powerful spectacle, stunning in sight and sound.But the moment that made the biggest impression on me came during an informal visit just before the Games to one of the new Chinese Internet companies, and in conversation with some of the younger Chinese entrepreneurs.These people, men and women, were smart, sharp, forthright, unafraid to express their views about China and its future.Above all, there was a confidence, an optimism, a lack of the cynical, and a presence of the spirit of get up and go, that reminded me greatly of the U.S.at its best and any country on its way forward.These people weren't living in fear, but looking forward in hope.And for all the 12 millions still in poverty in China, for all the sweep of issues--political, social and economic--still to be addressed, that was the spirit of China during this festival of sport, and that is the spirit that will define its future.During my 10 years as British leader, I could see the accelerating pace of China's continued emergence as a major power.I gave speeches about China, I understood it analytically.But I did not feel it emotionally and therefore did not fully understand it politically.Since leaving office I have visited four times and will shortly return again.People ask what is the legacy of these Olympics for China? It is that they mark a new epoch--an opening up of China that can never be reversed.It also means that ignorance and fear of China will steadily decline as the reality of modern China becomes more apparent.Power and influence is shifting to the East.In time will come India, too.Some see all this as a threat.I see it as an enormous opportunity.But we have to exercise a lot of imagination and eliminate any vestiges of historic arrogance.The volunteer force that staged the Games was interested, friendly and helpful.The whole feel of the city was a world away from the China I remember on my first visit 20 years ago.And the people are proud, really and honestly proud, of their country and its progress.No sensible Chinese person--including the country's leadership--doubts there remain issues of human rights and political and religious freedom to be resolved.But neither do the sensible people--including the most Western-orientated Chinese--doubt the huge change, for the better, there has been.China is on a journey.It is moving forward quickly.But it knows perfectly well the journey is not complete.Observers should illuminate the distance to go, by all means, but recognize the distance traveled.The Chinese leadership is understandably preoccupied with internal development.Beijing and Shanghai no more paint for you the complete picture of China than New York and Washington do of the U.S.Understanding the internal challenge is fundamental to understanding China, its politics and its psyche.We in Europe have roughly 5% of our population employed in agriculture.China has almost 60%.Over the coming years it will seek to move hundreds of millions of its people from a rural to an urban economy.Of course India will seek to do the same, and the scale of this transformation will create huge challenges and opportunities in the economy, the environment and politically.For China, this economic and social transformation has to come with political stability.It is in all our interests that it does.The policy of One China is not 13 a piece of indulgent nationalism.It is an existential issue if China is to hold together in a peaceful and stable manner as it modernizes.This is why Tibet is not simply a religious issue for China but a profoundly political one--Tibet being roughly a quarter of China's land mass albeit with a small population.********

So we should continue to engage in a dialogue over the issues that rightly concern people, but we should conduct it with at least some sensitivity to the way China sees them.This means that the West needs a strong partnership with China, one that goes deep, not just economically but politically and culturally.The truth is that nothing in the 21st century will work well without China's full engagement.The challenges we face today are global.China is now a major global player.So whether the issue is climate change, Africa, world trade or the myriad of security questions, we need China to be constructive;we need it to be using its power in partnership with us.None of this means we shouldn't continue to raise the issues of human rights, religious freedoms and democratic reforms as European and American leaders have done in recent weeks.It is possible to hyperbolize about the rise of China.For example, Europe's economies are still major and combined outreach those of China and India combined.But, as the Olympics and its medal tables show, it is not going to stay that way.This is a historic moment of change.Fast forward 10 years and everyone will know it.For centuries, the power has resided in the West, with various European powers including the British Empire and then, in the 20th century, the U.S.Now we will have to come to terms with a world in which the power is shared with the Far East.I wonder if we quite understand what that means, we whose culture(not just our politics and economies)has dominated for so long.It will be a rather strange, possibly unnerving experience.Personally, I think it will be incredibly enriching.New experiences;new ways of thinking liberate creative energy.But in any event, it will be a fact we have to come to terms with.For the next U.S.president, this will be or should be at the very top of the agenda, and as a result of the strength of the Sino-U.S.relationship under President Bush, there is a sound platform to build upon.The Olympics is now the biggest sporting event in the world, and because of the popularity of sport it is therefore one of the events that makes a genuine impact on real people.These Games have given people a glimpse of modern China in a way that no amount of political speeches could do.14 London 2012 gives Britain a tremendous chance to explore some of these changes and explain to the East what the modern West is about.One thing is for certain: Hosting the Olympics is now a fantastic opportunity for any nation.My thoughts after the Beijing Games are that we shouldn't try to emulate the wonder of the opening ceremony.It was the spectacular to end all spectaculars and probably can never be bettered.We should instead do something different, drawing maybe on the ideals and spirit of the Olympic movement.We should do it our way, like they did it theirs.And we should learn from and respect each other.That is the way of the 21st century."

第二篇：布萊爾在清華演講

布萊爾在清華

央視國際 2003年07月28日 11:11

主持人（陳偉鴻）：

觀眾朋友，大家好，歡迎各位收看我們的《對話》節(jié)目。這里是我們設(shè)在清華大學(xué)的對話現(xiàn)場，稍候?qū)⒂?/p>

一位國際政壇的風(fēng)云人物，要在這里和近百位的清華學(xué)子展開對話，這位對話嘉賓就是英國現(xiàn)任首相托尼·布萊爾。闊別五年，布萊爾再度訪華，將會收到怎樣的效果？他的這次中國

之行，將會為中英關(guān)系的發(fā)展帶來哪些新的信息？尤其令人關(guān)注的是，面對英國國內(nèi)最新爆發(fā)的政治**，作

為首相的托尼·布萊爾將會做出怎樣的選擇呢？當(dāng)然，還有更多更精彩的問題都在我們今天的《對話》節(jié)目當(dāng)中。好了，稍后我們一塊來關(guān)注托尼·布萊爾和清華學(xué)生的圓桌對話。

布萊爾：

謝謝清華大學(xué)給我這次珍貴的機(jī)會，我想說一些話，你們可以提問，什么問題都可以問，或者是一些很尖銳的問題。令人振奮的是，英國是中國留學(xué)生最多的國家，在英的中國留學(xué)生是中國人在美國留學(xué)人數(shù)的兩倍。我很高興，可以想象中國大學(xué)比如清華跟英國大學(xué)之間的合作有多么緊密。英國最主要的大學(xué)有倫敦經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院，我的太太就在那里，她就是從這所學(xué)校畢業(yè)的。她畢業(yè)于倫敦經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)院，她的學(xué)歷比我還高。這次我再次來到北京，給我最深刻的印象是看到中國巨大的變化，將來英國發(fā)展與中國的關(guān)系將會非常重要。非常令人振奮的是，盡管中國有SARS，還有其他的問題，上半年的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長率仍然達(dá)到8％。在未來的兩個(gè)世紀(jì)，中國將會成為世界第一經(jīng)濟(jì)大國。中國有十三億人口，中國在經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治上的發(fā)展，將對全世界有著深刻的影響。我們也要保證中國和英國、中國和美國緊密的合作，我們有很多事情可以合作。你們學(xué)生是中國的未來，你做的決定、執(zhí)行的方式，即將對整個(gè)世界產(chǎn)生影響，你們是這個(gè)國家未來的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，你們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方式和你們的價(jià)值取向?qū)τ嗣褚矔a(chǎn)生影響！我的講話完畢，請你們發(fā)問，謝謝。

董關(guān)鵬（清華現(xiàn)場主持）：

謝謝布萊爾首相?，F(xiàn)在我們就來開始提問，每提出三個(gè)問題我們請布萊爾先生回答?，F(xiàn)在請我們的同學(xué)發(fā)問，同學(xué)們請?zhí)崛齻€(gè)問題。

布萊爾：

你來點(diǎn)名，我來回答問題。

董關(guān)鵬：

請發(fā)問，很難讓我指出讓誰提問，請這位女同學(xué)。

同學(xué)：

布萊爾先生，早上好，歡迎你到清華大學(xué)來。謝謝你的演說，我的名字是陸婭楠，我來自新聞傳播學(xué)院?，F(xiàn)在當(dāng)我們想到英國，我們會想起伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭，會想到凱利的悲劇，我很不情愿提到這些。到目前為止，還沒有足夠的證據(jù)能證明伊拉克有大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。你覺 得這個(gè)時(shí)期，是不是你政治生涯中最嚴(yán)峻的時(shí)候？你是怎么想的？你對發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭有沒有后悔過？謝謝。

董關(guān)鵬：

請你們提問的時(shí)候盡量地簡明扼要，第二個(gè)問題由這位男同學(xué)提問。

同學(xué)：

早上好，首相先生，我是楊偉，來自經(jīng)管學(xué)院。我今天能夠在這里感到非常地榮幸。您曾在美國國會上說，英國會參與改變歐盟的活動。我的問題是，如果歐盟拒絕按照英國提倡的方式來做，英國還會是歐盟的一部分嗎？謝謝。

董關(guān)鵬：

再來一個(gè)問題，好，左邊這位女士。

同學(xué)：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我的名字是何凡，來自電子工程系。前幾天你們對有關(guān)的媒體進(jìn)行監(jiān)管，這是事實(shí)嗎？你不覺得這是違反新聞自由的行為嗎？謝謝。

布萊爾：

謝謝。我們可以看到英國的媒體就在那里，他們也許在想這個(gè)問題對我來說是非常簡單的。但我覺得前面三個(gè)問題非常有挑戰(zhàn)性，所以如果我

想控制媒體的話，那我肯定失敗了。這上面的就是英國的媒體，有時(shí)候他們提的一些問題讓人很難過，有時(shí)候你會對一些問題感到非常氣憤或者很傷心。但我仍然認(rèn)為無論多么困難，你們能夠?qū)φ渭姨岢稣蔚碾y題讓

他們回答，這是非常不錯(cuò)的。我并不希望控制媒體，我只想以我的方式表達(dá)我的觀點(diǎn)。你們剛才提到的兩個(gè)問題，關(guān)于伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭和大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，以及歐洲這些問題，無論對英國還是世界都是比較難的。對于大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，我可以毫無疑問地告訴你們，伊拉克是在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。現(xiàn)在我們在伊拉克有一個(gè)專門的調(diào)查小組，他們正在做有關(guān)的取證工作，這組人剛剛開始他們的調(diào)查工作。當(dāng)他們遞交他們的調(diào)查結(jié)果的時(shí)候，我們才能知道他們的發(fā)現(xiàn)，然后人們才能知道事實(shí)的真相。所以這個(gè)調(diào)查小組正在那里，我們稱之為伊拉克調(diào)查小組，他們將會采訪有關(guān)的專家和目擊者，而且他們會到現(xiàn)場去采集有關(guān)殺傷性武器的證據(jù)。如果殺傷性武器的證據(jù)成立的話，關(guān)于這個(gè)話題也許我們會有更多更為正式的討論。你問到我對于伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭會不會感到后悔，我會說，不，我不會感到后悔。我相信無論有多么的困難，這是正確的決定。同時(shí)我也覺得這不僅是對世界安全的考慮，同時(shí)也是為了伊拉克苦難的人民。推翻薩達(dá)姆政權(quán)對伊拉克人民是有好處的，因?yàn)樗_達(dá)姆是一個(gè)非常殘酷的統(tǒng)治者，他殘殺了無數(shù)無辜的人民。我覺得這個(gè)問題對當(dāng)今國際社會來說也是很難的，我做出那樣的決定，因?yàn)槲矣X得這無論對于我的國家還是世界來說都是正確的。到現(xiàn)在為止，我仍然認(rèn)為是正確的決定。所以作為國家的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，我做出了這樣的決定。關(guān)于歐洲這是一個(gè)很好的問題，因?yàn)檫@是英國所面臨的一個(gè)兩難的抉擇，英國想成為歐盟的一部分，但同時(shí)也希望歐盟做出改變。如果歐盟不改變的話，英國加入歐盟非常重要。并且我們相信，英國能以自己的方式去改變歐盟。因?yàn)槲覀儾荒馨炎约簭臍W洲分離出來，我們是歐洲大陸的一個(gè)部分，所以我們繼續(xù)保留作為歐洲大陸的一個(gè)部分。這無論在經(jīng)濟(jì)角度和政治角度考慮都是非常重要的。剛剛我提到中國有十三億人口，盡管我們有十個(gè)國家新近加入歐盟，現(xiàn)在歐盟共有二十五個(gè)國家。盡管這樣，我們也只有四億五千萬人口，而中國一個(gè)國家卻有十三億人口。所以英國作為歐盟各國里面的一部分這是非常重要的。我覺得把英國從歐盟里面分離出來是個(gè)重大的錯(cuò)誤，我不知道在改變歐盟的努力中英國能否成功，但是我覺得我們會的。而且我覺得歐盟應(yīng)該保持開放，加強(qiáng)與世界其他國家的合作。我覺得英國作為歐盟的一部分非常重要，盡管有時(shí)這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)在英國很不受歡迎，有些人并不喜歡歐洲。但我覺得這是英國應(yīng)該做的。并且我認(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，假如我認(rèn)為是正確的，我會堅(jiān)持這么做。謝謝。

董關(guān)鵬：

謝謝?，F(xiàn)在由坐在后面的同學(xué)發(fā)問。

同學(xué)：

謝謝，早上好。我是梁萌，來自經(jīng)管學(xué)院。我想問一個(gè)關(guān)于教育交流的問題，您剛才在演講當(dāng)中提到有大量的中國學(xué)生在英國留學(xué)，然而在英國的學(xué)校申請獎學(xué)金是非常困難的，而且很多英國大學(xué)收取留學(xué)生的學(xué)費(fèi)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)高于本地學(xué)生。所以我們在想，英國的學(xué)校錄取中國留學(xué)生的動機(jī)，是希望加強(qiáng)與中國的教育交流，活躍英國學(xué)校的校園？還是主要出于商業(yè)的考慮？謝謝。

同學(xué)：

布萊爾先生，歡迎您來到清華大學(xué)。我的名字是郝育倩，是新聞傳播學(xué)院三年級的學(xué)生。在最近的國家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人峰會當(dāng)中，您提到一國的政府可以入侵和推翻另一國政府的統(tǒng)治，來解放那里的人民。這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)被與會的其他政府反對。所以我想問您，您提出的這個(gè)問題有沒有《國際法》的充分支持？

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我是欒鵬，來自法學(xué)院，我想會問一些比較輕松的問題。眾所周知您的夫人切麗女士在英國是一個(gè)非常成功的律師，據(jù)說她的工資比首相的工資高得多。中國傳統(tǒng)的觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，丈夫應(yīng)該比妻子賺得更多，這是保持家庭穩(wěn)定非常重要的因素。我的問題是，您有什么技巧來平衡您的家庭關(guān)系？謝謝。

布萊爾：

首先，關(guān)于教育交流，這有很多因素，商業(yè)的考慮也是其中之一，因?yàn)榻逃龣C(jī)構(gòu)也有開支。我覺得關(guān)于教育交流的問題是，最主要的原因是很難獲得獎學(xué)金，學(xué)校從政府那里獲得資助。有時(shí)候人們會跟政府抱怨，我們的錢是付給我們國內(nèi)的學(xué)生而不是其他國家的學(xué)生，所以留學(xué)生要獲取獎學(xué)金是很難的。實(shí)際上，我們現(xiàn)在正在擴(kuò)大我們的獎學(xué)金?，F(xiàn)在的情況是，在過去的幾年里，中國到英國的留學(xué)生大量增加。盡管在英國獲取獎學(xué)金很難，但是人們?nèi)匀粻幦〉接魧W(xué)。所以我希望，我們都讀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)，我不是修新聞學(xué)的。我考慮在未來教育的交流將會非常重要，同時(shí)我也在考慮每個(gè)到來的學(xué)生，當(dāng)他們回自己的國家，我希望他能夠作為代表英國的使者。當(dāng)他們回到中國或者俄羅斯，無論他們來自哪個(gè)國家。所以擴(kuò)大我們的招生，招收更多的留學(xué)生。所以你可以申請獎學(xué)金，我們會盡量考慮的。關(guān)于下一個(gè)問題，我認(rèn)為一個(gè)國家到另外一個(gè)國家，去解放那個(gè)國家的人民是不對的。當(dāng)然，我知道解放人民是件好事，但是這需要符合規(guī)矩。人們擔(dān)心一個(gè)國家想要去統(tǒng)治另外一個(gè)國家，那么如果一個(gè)國家不滿意另外一個(gè)國家的政府就去推翻它，這是你問題背后的邏輯。因?yàn)槟銌栴}的含義是，必須謹(jǐn)防陷于某種情況。如果美國，也許你指的是美國不滿意別的國家的政府，美國就會去消滅它。我同意，這樣的情況可能發(fā)生。但我覺得我們需要考慮，假如有一個(gè)國家它做的事情，對其他的國家還有本國的人民非常危險(xiǎn)，國際社會會怎么反應(yīng)呢？我同意，我們需要阻止這樣的事情發(fā)生，這是我在美國國會的時(shí)候提出的，我說我們不能單純地自由行動，人們不能隨心所欲。同時(shí)，世界更緊密地聯(lián)系著。一個(gè)國家的行動事關(guān)重要，因?yàn)樗鼤绊懫渌膰?。我們不能說一個(gè)國家的行徑非常惡劣，我們就縱容它。所以要解決它是一個(gè)難題，我們可以運(yùn)用很多法律和規(guī)則。另一個(gè)問題，首先，我的夫人比我聰明，所以她選擇法律而不是政治。有時(shí)候我看見關(guān)于她的收入的報(bào)道，我希望這是真的。但是我想，現(xiàn)代女性應(yīng)該賺得跟男性一樣多，而且越多越好。這是完全可能的?？匆幌卢F(xiàn)在這里所有的女性，其中一部分也會成為律師，是吧。你不會介意你賺的比你的丈夫多吧？這里的女士們，你會介意比你的丈夫賺得多嗎？你們都有賺錢的自由，人們賺錢的多少在于他們付出的努力，而不取決于他們是男性還是女性，而只能說明他們優(yōu)秀或者不優(yōu)秀。這是我的觀點(diǎn)。

董關(guān)鵬：

接著提問。

學(xué)生：

首相先生，歡迎到清華來。我是趙曉東，來自經(jīng)濟(jì)管理學(xué)院法學(xué)系。幾天前，在您到美國的訪問中，有報(bào)紙?jiān)u論說英國是美國的跟隨者，您是怎么看待這些評論的？

董關(guān)鵬：

這邊。

學(xué)生：

早上好，首相先生，歡迎您到清華來。我是林楠，來自計(jì)算機(jī)科學(xué)與技術(shù)系。面對凱利事件，您決定不辭職。您能不能坦誠地告訴我們，當(dāng)您在去日本的途中，聽到凱利自殺的時(shí)候，您當(dāng)時(shí)的感受是怎么樣的？您將怎么處理這個(gè)政治危機(jī)，重新獲得人們的信任？謝謝。

學(xué)生：

謝謝，首相先生，我是高宇寧，來自中國研究院公共政策和管理系。我要問一個(gè)很專業(yè)的領(lǐng)域，一些亞洲學(xué)者討論在東南亞建立一個(gè)亞洲聯(lián)盟，就像歐洲的歐盟。您能說一下建立一個(gè)亞洲聯(lián)盟的可行性，以及您認(rèn)為它會有什么樣的影響？謝謝。

布萊爾：

首先，誰是第一發(fā)問者？哦，是你。人們經(jīng)常會問到，英國跟美國的強(qiáng)大聯(lián)盟。但是我們不能說我們之間就沒有分歧，有時(shí)候我們也會有不同意見，比如在政治，還有氣候變暖的問題上。在某些問題上，我們對貿(mào)易也有分歧。但我覺得英國與美國建立起強(qiáng)大的聯(lián)盟是有重大意義的。因?yàn)槲覀冊谝恍┓浅＠щy的時(shí)刻聯(lián)手作戰(zhàn)。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)就不用說了，我們聯(lián)合把歐洲從法西斯手里解放出來。對于我們與美國的關(guān)系，我感到非常自豪，我對我們的伙伴關(guān)系感到非常自豪。但我并不認(rèn)為與美國的良好關(guān)系是我們所能具有的惟一的關(guān)系，現(xiàn)在這個(gè)世界上有兩種觀點(diǎn)。有一種觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，不同的國家他們互相競爭或者互相平衡，所以這里是美國，那里是歐洲，那里是俄羅斯，中國在這里。我認(rèn)為在現(xiàn)今的世界上這種觀點(diǎn)是很危險(xiǎn)的，我認(rèn)為大家應(yīng)該走到一起。我要告訴你為什么，假如您想一下我們現(xiàn)在的處境，美國不會打中國，中國不會打俄羅斯，俄羅斯不會打歐洲，在二十世紀(jì)的兩次世界大戰(zhàn)中數(shù)以百萬的人死亡。而現(xiàn)在歐洲處在和平當(dāng)中，歐洲國家結(jié)成一個(gè)聯(lián)盟。我不認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在世界面臨的問題是各國之間的戰(zhàn)爭，而現(xiàn)在面臨的問題是國際恐怖主義，大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，還有極少數(shù)的破壞分子，氣候變化、經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化，發(fā)展貧窮國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)。我覺得應(yīng)付這些挑戰(zhàn)的方法，是各國人民的合作。所以我們跟美國有很好的關(guān)系，同時(shí)我們也是歐盟的一部分。我也愿意發(fā)展與中國更緊密的關(guān)系，因?yàn)槲矣X得中國的發(fā)展在國際上是非常重要的。所以關(guān)于怎么樣發(fā)展，我的看法是我們不要把不同國家劃分成不同的勢力，互相競爭，這是二十世紀(jì)的政治。我覺得二十一世紀(jì)的政治是各個(gè)國家聯(lián)合起來，制定一個(gè)共同的行動綱領(lǐng)。這意味著制定這個(gè)共同的行動綱領(lǐng)，并不是單純地由美國提出來的，而是我們大家共同制定的。這就是我為什么在美國國會提出這不僅僅是關(guān)于恐怖主義，同時(shí)這也關(guān)于中東和平進(jìn)程。關(guān)于非洲的貧困，關(guān)于氣候的變化，我們可以把所有這些事情拿到一起共同去研究解決。所以我覺得英國的任務(wù)不是去擔(dān)心與美國的聯(lián)盟，我覺得我們應(yīng)該跟美國保持良好的盟友關(guān)系，我們應(yīng)該把這種影響擴(kuò)大開來，推動美國和其他國家的關(guān)系，制定起大家都能接受的共同的行動綱領(lǐng)。中國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能夠接受，歐盟也能接受，俄羅斯也能接受，還有像印度這樣的發(fā)展中國家。大家都走到一起，制定共同的行動綱領(lǐng)，這是我們努力的方向。因?yàn)槲矣X得這對于將來的安全和和平至關(guān)重要，我堅(jiān)信這一點(diǎn)。首先我要說的是，在過去的幾天我沒有在英國，凱利的死對他的家庭來說是個(gè)悲劇，而我不能給予他們幫助。我非常不希望更多地提到這個(gè)情況。我只想說希望他靈魂永存，希望他的家人節(jié)哀順變。在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭當(dāng)中惟一的問題是，正如我剛才對一位女生所說的在伊拉克有一個(gè)調(diào)查小組正在做全面的調(diào)查，采訪伊拉克武器專家和科學(xué)家，并且在做武器調(diào)查的取證工作。我想人們應(yīng)該等到調(diào)查小組回來之后再做出結(jié)論，因?yàn)榍闆r很困難。正如我剛才跟你們一位所說的，作為一個(gè)政治家，尤其當(dāng)你要做出是否戰(zhàn)爭的決定的時(shí)候，你要按照你認(rèn)為正確的方向去做出決定，并且堅(jiān)信你的決定是正確的。我相信在這里肯定有人持不同意見，但這是我所相信的，也是我所堅(jiān)持的。誰是最后一個(gè)，噢，如果亞洲想要聯(lián)合起來結(jié)成更大的非政治貿(mào)易組織，我覺得這是可能的，但是會不會像歐盟一樣，這點(diǎn)我不確信。但是可以肯定的是，就像我剛才所提到的，世界一體化的進(jìn)程在加快，亞洲國家會加強(qiáng)相互之間的貿(mào)易和合作。我想這種合作將在全世界范圍內(nèi)發(fā)生，就像在南美洲和歐盟，并且在全世界范圍都會發(fā)生。原因是顯而易見的，世界一體化，經(jīng)濟(jì)和技術(shù)全球化意味著人們必須更緊密地合作。所以我覺得這種發(fā)展會繼續(xù)，亞洲國家應(yīng)該加強(qiáng)合作，不管是不是像歐盟那樣，都是有意義的。我相信最后國家之間都會加快合作的進(jìn)程。

董關(guān)鵬：

我要宣布還有最后三個(gè)問題。

布萊爾：

可以問五個(gè)。

董關(guān)鵬：

好的，可以問五個(gè)問題。這位男同學(xué)。

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我叫田培杰，來自法學(xué)院。我要問的問題與SARS有關(guān)。人們有很多擔(dān)心，那就是怎么樣在全球范圍內(nèi)給貧窮的人群提供足夠的醫(yī)療保障。我的問題是，在英國，您覺得怎么樣才能有效地解決這個(gè)問題？謝謝。

學(xué)生：

我有另外一個(gè)問題，我是胡薇薇，來自國際關(guān)系學(xué)院政策和管理系。我想要知道的是您對中英雙邊關(guān)系的看法，還有您對以后發(fā)展兩國關(guān)系有什么期望？謝謝。

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生，很榮幸能夠把您請到這里來。我是徐博，來自新聞學(xué)院。眾所周知大英博物館有大量的中國文物，對不起，我感到非常緊張。我喜歡你的領(lǐng)帶。

布萊爾：

我喜歡你的襯衫。

學(xué)生：

謝謝你。如果有一天你的孩子問你，中國的文物怎么跑到英國博物館來，你怎么回答？據(jù)報(bào)道，伊拉克博物館的很多文物被盜竊，這些失竊的文物會對大英博物館的收藏有所幫助嗎？謝謝。

學(xué)生：

布萊爾先生，歡迎你到清華。我是黃瑞，是新聞學(xué)院的畢業(yè)生。您對中英教育交流的支持給我很深刻的印象，但最近我看到一些消息說英國東北部一些大學(xué)取消中國文化和語言的專業(yè)，我感到非常遺憾。而這些學(xué)校里面，甚至包括知名的德姆大學(xué)，您覺得這些學(xué)校的決定會影響中英文化和教育的合作嗎？如果會產(chǎn)生這樣的影響，您覺得有什么解決的方法？

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生，我是涂國玉，來自自動工程系。您大概是我爸爸的年齡，你像我父親一樣慈祥。您能不能像您對您的孩子那樣老實(shí)地告訴我們，您在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭當(dāng)中沒有撒謊？謝謝。

布萊爾：

第一個(gè)問題是SARS和醫(yī)療保障。我個(gè)人認(rèn)為我們在英國的醫(yī)療保障體系有一個(gè)明顯的優(yōu)勢，也有一點(diǎn)不足。優(yōu)勢是我們建立起記錄所有人健康的每一方面的一個(gè)龐大的數(shù)據(jù)庫系統(tǒng)，所以不管你是窮是富，你都能夠得到國家醫(yī)療中心的治療。我覺得這是一個(gè)很好的系統(tǒng)，我們會繼續(xù)保持。但我們這個(gè)系統(tǒng)的缺點(diǎn)，也是我們需要改進(jìn)的地方，那是我們需要有更為靈活的醫(yī)療保障系統(tǒng)。所以我們能有各種各樣的方法來幫助人們，有一些人可以通過本地社區(qū)和私人醫(yī)院，有些人在醫(yī)院里獲得醫(yī)治，而有些人則通過疾病控制中心。所以人們可以通過不同的方式獲得治療。關(guān)于中英雙邊關(guān)系，這是誰提的問題？我們是有分歧，問題是我們怎么去處理這些分歧。我們永遠(yuǎn)從這些分歧中退出？還是說我們繼續(xù)合作，暫時(shí)放下分歧意見？我想這是我們能做的最好的方法。有位同學(xué)說他喜歡我的領(lǐng)帶，您指的是中國文物收藏，我表示遺憾，這是很久以前歷史遺留的問題。至于伊拉克留下來的文物，巴格達(dá)的博物館在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭中被摧毀。但實(shí)際上人們會將把伊拉克的文物送回來，巴格達(dá)博物館也會重新開放。當(dāng)然文物不會跑到大英博物館，有一點(diǎn)很明確的是，屬于伊拉克的文物一定會返回給伊拉克人民，這一點(diǎn)至關(guān)重要。誰問到關(guān)于教育交流的問題？學(xué)校做出的決定可能會出于各種各樣的原因，或者是財(cái)政困難，或者是其他原因，這是經(jīng)常發(fā)生的事情。沒有足夠的錢去運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，沒有錢去做你想做的事情。但我可以向你保證，我們會繼續(xù)歡迎中國留學(xué)生到英國來學(xué)習(xí)。如果他們不能到某一個(gè)學(xué)校，他們肯定能到另外一個(gè)學(xué)校去。誰是最后一個(gè)問道我會怎么回答我的孩子？我想要說的是，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，你要做出你認(rèn)為正確的決定。有時(shí)候要做出這些決定是很困難的，但我充分相信，在與伊拉克的關(guān)系中我們絕不允許薩達(dá)姆發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，毫無疑問，他是在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。因?yàn)槁?lián)合國有二十三個(gè)鑒定認(rèn)為，薩達(dá)姆在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。這里還會有人認(rèn)為這是英國或者美國虛構(gòu)的嗎？事實(shí)就是如此，這是很嚴(yán)肅的問題。這就是為什么聯(lián)合國檢查人員整個(gè)九十年代都呆在伊拉克，然后他們在1998年底被迫離開。但是在聯(lián)合國做出決定之后，卻在十一月又回到伊拉克。毫無疑問，薩達(dá)姆大規(guī)模殺傷性武器給人類造成極大的威脅。同樣的，無可置疑薩達(dá)姆大規(guī)模殺傷武器給伊拉克人們造成的危險(xiǎn)。這里的人絕對不會贊同薩達(dá)姆的做法。伊拉克有兩千三百萬的人口，有四百萬的人口被驅(qū)逐出境，每年有數(shù)萬的兒童死于營養(yǎng)不良和可以避免的疾病。所有這些都是因?yàn)樗慕y(tǒng)治所造成的。允許這樣的一個(gè)執(zhí)政者來擾亂世界安全，我認(rèn)為這是錯(cuò)誤的。所以我做出那樣的決定，我理解會有人不贊同我的決定，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的困難在于你必須做出你認(rèn)為正確的決定，而且堅(jiān)持你的立場。我做出了決定，我相信這是正確的，如果你也有同樣的信條，你可以支持我。如果你有不同的信條，你可以不支持我，你可以支持其他人。我不能說更多的了，這是我要對我自己的孩子以及別人的孩子要說的話。謝謝。

主持人：

這是一次與眾不同的對話。我想布萊爾愿意選擇這種圓桌對話的方式，是因?yàn)樗Ｍ谝环N更平等、更開放、更輕松的氛圍當(dāng)中和中國的學(xué)生來暢談中英兩國的往來和交流。布萊爾上任之后，讓曾經(jīng)跌宕起伏的中英關(guān)系走上了健康良性的發(fā)展道路。如今，闊別五年之后的再度訪華，讓人們對中英兩國全面伙伴關(guān)系更充滿了期待和信心。雖然說此刻布萊爾和清華學(xué)子的圓桌對話已經(jīng)結(jié)束了，但是我相信，在中英兩國之間，在民間、在政府更多的交流，更多的對話正在展開。好了，這里是《對話》，謝謝各位的收看。我們下周同一時(shí)間再見。

第三篇：英國首相布萊爾在清華圓桌會議的演講稿

英國首相布萊爾在清華圓桌會議的演講稿

PRIME MINISTER: Thank you, and it is wonderful to be here in Tsinghua University, thank you so much all of you for coming out to say hello to me.I just wanted to say a couple of things by way of opening and then you can ask me questions, and you must feel free to ask me any questions that you want to ask.It is a dangerous thing for me to say, but nonetheless, you do that.The thing that is amazing today is that the UK is now the number one destination for overseas students from China.We have got double the number of Chinese students as the United States of America.I like that.And that is a measure of how much collaboration there now is between universities like Tsinghua and universities in Britain.And one of the main universities is the London School of Economics, and my wifeshe went to the London School of Economics, she went to the London School of Economics and she got a better degree than I did.So the thing that has impressed me most from being back in Beijing is just the amount of change in China, and I think for the future the relationship between my country, the UK and China is going to be very important.Because the amazing thing is that in the first six months of this year, even with Sars and the problems that you had here, you had a growth rate of 8%.In the next couple of decades you will become the number one economy in the worldabout 90I am sorry to say that.Until now there is no hard evidence to show that Iraq has the weapons of mass destruction, and the British press say that your worldwide tour is just a disguise of your diplomatic mistake.So I really want to know, do you think this time, at this tragic time, in your political career, and how do you feel? Have you ever regretted making the decision to start the war? 同學(xué)：

布萊爾先生，早上好，歡迎你到清華大學(xué)來。謝謝你的演說，我的名字是陸婭楠，我來自新聞傳播學(xué)院?，F(xiàn)在當(dāng)我們想到英國，我們會想起伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭，會想到凱利的悲劇，我很不情愿提到這些。到目前為止，還沒有足夠的證據(jù)能證明伊拉克有大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。你覺得這個(gè)時(shí)期，是不是你政治生涯中最嚴(yán)峻的時(shí)候？你是怎么想的？你對發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭有沒有后悔過？謝謝。

QUESTION: I am from the School of Economics and Management.I feel a great honour to be here.You once remarked to the US Congress that Britain would be part of a changing Europe.My question is, if Europe refused to change in a British way, will Britain remain part of it? 同學(xué)：

早上好，首相先生，我是楊偉，來自經(jīng)管學(xué)院。我今天能夠在這里感到非常地榮幸。您曾在美國國會上說，英國會參與改變歐盟的活動。我的問題是，如果歐盟拒絕按照英國提倡的方式來做，英國還會是歐盟的一部分嗎？謝謝。QUESTION: I am from the Department of Electronic Engineering.Mr Blair said...years ago that part of your work is to keep the media in check.Is this true? Don't you think it is a...of a free press? 同學(xué)：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我的名字是何凡，來自電子工程系。前幾天你們對有關(guān)的媒體進(jìn)行監(jiān)管，這是事實(shí)嗎？你不覺得這是違反新聞自由的行為嗎？謝謝。

PRIME MINISTER: There is the British media out there, and they may have been thinking all the questions were going to be very easy questions for me, but I would say the first three questions have been very testing questions.So if I have been trying to keep the media in check, I think I have failed really on that.And I think the questions that you ask are important, because it is important that the media, and also people, are entitled to ask the difficult questions of politicians.And one part of developing politics in any country is the ability to question the political leaders.Now these guys out there, they are the British media and they ask me some pretty searching questions from time to time, and sometimes it is true, you get a little angry about it or you get upset by some of the line of questioning.But I still think, however difficult it is, it is always better that you are able to ask the politicians the difficult questions and therefore to answer them.OK? So I don't want to keep the media in check, but I do want the chance sometimes to explain what I think in the way that I think it.You see.And these two questions that you asked, one about the Iraq war and the weapons of mass destruction,and then about Europe, these are big and difficult questions in my country at the moment, but also for the world.And on the weapons of mass destruction, I have no doubt at all that Iraq was trying to develop those weapons.There is a group of people in Iraq now who are looking both at the programmes and at the weapons themselves, the evidence of the weapons and the evidence of the programmes, and that group of people have just begun their work, and when they come to make their report on their work we will be able to see what they have uncovered, and then people will see what the truth is.So that group is in there now, they are called the Iraq Survey Group, they will be looking both to interview the experts and witnesses that worked on the Iraq programme, and also examining the sites for evidence of the programmes and the weapons themselves.And I think when that happens maybe we will have a more informed debate about this whole question.But you asked me whether I regretted the Iraq conflict.I have to say no, I don't regret it.I believe no matter how difficult it was, that it was the right thing to do.I also think, not simply in terms of the security of the world, but in terms of the suffering of the Iraqi people, it is better that they are rid of Saddam Hussein as their ruler, because he was a very cruel man who killed many, many thousands, hundreds of thousands of their people.And I think these questions are very difficult in the international community today, but I took that decision because I thought it was right for my country and right for the wider world, and I still believe that it was.So we have to in the end, as political leaders, stand by the decisions we make, and that is the position I took.In respect of Europe, that is a very good question, because it is part of the dilemma Britain has.Britain wants to be part of Europe, but it also wants Europe to change.Now what if Europe doesn't change? Well I think what is important is for Britain to go into Europe with the confidence that it can change in the way that we wish, because we can't separate ourselves out from the continent of which we are a part, and you know Britain is part of the European continent, and so I think it is important that we remain part of Europe, I think that is important for economic reasons and for political reasons.And when we were talking about China earlier, we said it was 1.3 billion.Even when we have the 10 new countries join the European Union, and there will be 25 countries in the European Union, even then we will only have 450 million people, compared with your 1.3 billion.So it is going to be vitally important for Britain to be part of that figure, bloc of countries.And so for us to separate ourselves from Europe I think would be a big mistake.So we can't be sure whether we are going to win all these battles in Europe, but I think we will, and I think it is important that Europe develops in a way that is open, that is engaged with the rest of the world, and I think it is important that Britain is part of the European Union.And even if it is unpopular and difficult, and it is sometimes in my country because some people don't like Europe, I still think it is the right thing for Britain to do, and again I believe as political leader, if I think it is the right thing then I should argue for it.布萊爾：

謝謝。我們可以看到英國的媒體就在那里，他們也許在想這個(gè)問題對我來說是非常簡單的。但我覺得前面三個(gè)問題非常有挑戰(zhàn)性，所以如果我想控制媒體的話，那我肯定失敗了。這上面的就是英國的媒體，有時(shí)候他們提的一些問題讓人很難過，有時(shí)候你會對一些問題感到非常氣憤或者很傷心。但我仍然認(rèn)為無論多么困難，你們能夠?qū)φ渭姨岢稣蔚碾y題讓他們回答，這是非常不錯(cuò)的。我并不希望控制媒體，我只想以我的方式表達(dá)我的觀點(diǎn)。你們剛才提到的兩個(gè)問題，關(guān)于伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭和大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，以及歐洲這些問題，無論對英國還是世界都是比較難的。對于大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，我可以毫無疑問地告訴你們，伊拉克是在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器?，F(xiàn)在我們在伊拉克有一個(gè)專門的調(diào)查小組，他們正在做有關(guān)的取證工作，這組人剛剛開始他們的調(diào)查工作。當(dāng)他們遞交他們的調(diào)查結(jié)果的時(shí)候，我們才能知道他們的發(fā)現(xiàn)，然后人們才能知道事實(shí)的真相。所以這個(gè)調(diào)查小組正在那里，我們稱之為伊拉克調(diào)查小組，他們將會采訪有關(guān)的專家和目擊者，而且他們會到現(xiàn)場去采集有關(guān)殺傷性武器的證據(jù)。如果殺傷性武器的證據(jù)成立的話，關(guān)于這個(gè)話題也許我們會有更多更為正式的討論。

你問到我對于伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭會不會感到后悔，我會說，不，我不會感到后悔。我相信無論有多么的困難，這是正確的決定。同時(shí)我也覺得這不僅是對世界安全的考慮，同時(shí)也是為了伊拉克苦難的人民。推翻薩達(dá)姆政權(quán)對伊拉克人民是有好處的，因?yàn)樗_達(dá)姆是一個(gè)非常殘酷的統(tǒng)治者，他殘殺了無數(shù)無辜的人民。我覺得問題對當(dāng)今國際社會來說也是很難的，我做出那樣的決定，因?yàn)槲矣X得這無論對于我的國家還是世界來說都是正確的。到現(xiàn)在為止，我仍然認(rèn)為是正確的決定。所以作為國家的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，我做出了這樣的決定。關(guān)于歐洲這是一個(gè)很好的問題，因?yàn)檫@是英國所面臨的一個(gè)兩難的抉擇，英國想成為歐盟的一部分，但同時(shí)也希望歐盟做出改變。如果歐盟不改變的話，英國加入歐盟非常重要。并且我們相信，英國能以自己的方式去改變歐盟。因?yàn)槲覀儾荒馨炎约簭臍W洲分離出來，我們是歐洲大陸的一個(gè)部分，所以我們繼續(xù)保留作為歐洲大陸的一個(gè)部分。這無論在經(jīng)濟(jì)角度和政治角度考慮都是非常重要的。剛剛我提到中國有十三億人口，盡管我們有十個(gè)國家新近加入歐盟，現(xiàn)在歐盟共有二十五個(gè)國家。盡管這樣，我們也只有四億五千萬人口，而中國一個(gè)國家卻有十三億人口。所以英國作為歐盟各國里面的一部分這是非常重要的。我覺得把英國從歐盟里面分離出來是個(gè)重大的錯(cuò)誤，我不知道在改變歐盟的努力中英國能否成功，但是我覺得我們會的。而且我覺得歐盟應(yīng)該保持開放，加強(qiáng)與世界其他國家的合作。我覺得英國作為歐盟的一部分非常重要，盡管有時(shí)這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)在英國很不受歡迎，有些人并不喜歡歐洲。但我覺得這是英國應(yīng)該做的。并且我認(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，假如我認(rèn)為是正確的，我會堅(jiān)持這么做。謝謝。

QUESTION: I am from the School of Economics and Management.I would like to turn to a question about education exchange.As you have just mentioned in your speech, the large amount of Chinese students who are right now studying in Britain.However, applying for a scholarship in a British university has always been too difficult.Moreover, as we know that most British schools will charge overseas students a very high tuition fee which is much higher than that of the local students.So we can't help wondering what are the main purposes for British schools to accept Chinese students to strengthen the cooperation between China and Britain in education, to bring more variety into the British campus, or mainly for the commercial purposes.同學(xué)：

謝謝，早上好。我是梁萌，來自經(jīng)管學(xué)院。我想問一個(gè)關(guān)于教育交流的問題，您剛才在演講當(dāng)中提到有大量的中國學(xué)生在英國留學(xué)，然而在英國的學(xué)校申請獎學(xué)金是非常困難的，而且很多英國大學(xué)收取留學(xué)生的學(xué)費(fèi)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)高于本地學(xué)生。所以我們在想，英國的學(xué)校錄取中國留學(xué)生的動機(jī)，是希望加強(qiáng)與中國的教育交流，活躍英國學(xué)校的校園？還是主要出于商業(yè)的考慮？謝謝。

QUESTION: I am a third year student from the School of Journalism and Communications.In the recent central...summit you mentioned that one country could invade and overthrow the government of another to liberate the people, and this issue was opposed by all other attending countries.So my question is, is there any solid foundation in the international law to support your issue? 同學(xué)：

布萊爾先生，歡迎您來到清華大學(xué)。我的名字是郝育倩，是新聞傳播學(xué)院三年級的學(xué)生。在最近的國家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人峰會當(dāng)中，您提到一國的政府可以入侵和推翻另一國政府的統(tǒng)治，來解放那里的人民。這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)被與會的其他政府反對。所以我想問您，您提出的這個(gè)問題有沒有《國際法》的充分支持？

QUESTION: I am from Tsinghua School.I would like to ask a more relaxing question.Your wife, Mrs Cherie, is a very successful barrister in Britain and it is said that her earnings are much more than the Prime Minister's salary.According to the Chinese traditional thinking, it is very important for the husband to earn more than a wife, it is a very important sector to maintain the family stability.So my question is, could you tell me something of your skills in balancing or harmonising your family relationships?

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我是欒鵬，來自法學(xué)院，我想會問一些比較輕松的問題。眾所周知您的夫人切麗女士在英國是一個(gè)非常成功的律師，據(jù)說她的工資比首相的工資高得多。中國傳統(tǒng)的觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，丈夫應(yīng)該比妻子賺得更多，這是保持家庭穩(wěn)定非常重要的因素。我的問題是，您有什么技巧來平衡您的家庭關(guān)系？謝謝。

PRIME MINISTER: First of all, on the education exchange, well it is for all the reasons actually.I am not saying commercial reasons aren't a part of it, because the universities have got to be able to pay their way, but I think the main reason is educational exchange.Scholarships are difficult because we have got to fund them from government, and sometimes people will say to the government well you should be paying for our students, not paying for overseas students, so the scholarships can be difficult.But we are actually expanding our scholarship programme, and the fact that we have now got, I think in the last few years we have been hugely increasing the numbers of Chinese students, is an indication it may be difficult, but you are still managing to get there.So I hope, well you are from the School of Economics, that is OK.I don't know about the School of Journalism, I will have to think about that one.But you know I think educational exchange is going to be very, very important in the future, and I like to think as well that every time a student comes over to our country, when they go back I hope they are an Ambassador for my country back in China, or back in Russia, or whatever country they come from.And so we are trying to expand our university sector to take in more overseas students.So you apply for a scholarship and we will see what we can do.The second question, well I don't believe it is right that one country can just go and invade another country and liberate its people, I think liberation of people is a good thing, but it has got to be done according to rules.But the reason why we took the view that we did in respect of Iraq was because we had a United Nations resolution that said that Saddam Hussein had to cooperate with the United Nations inspectors, and he wasn't.Now there was then a disagreement in the international community, that is true, but it is worth pointing out that we have got back together again in the United Nations Security Council, and on the reconstruction of Iraq there is now a new United Nations resolution, so we are working on that with everyone else.But I understand the difficulty, and I think it is really this.People worry about countries thinking they can run other countries, countries thinking if I don't like that government I can go in and change it, and I understand, and that is really what is behind your question, because really what you are saying is you have got to be careful having a situation where if Americacomes in and says well I don't like this government, I am going to go and get rid of it.I agree, you can't have a situation like that.But I do think we need to think as a world about what happens when you get a country that is doing something very dangerous for the outside world and its own people, how does the international community respond? You see we have got a situation close to here with North Korea, which your countryyour government is trying to help resolve at the moment, and resolve it in a peaceful way.nuclear weapons programme.Now what happens if they simply say we refuse, we are going to carry on doing this, we don't care what the international community thinks.So there are difficult questions that arise.And if you look at China here, one of the things that is most amazing is the change, I can notice even from 5 years ago when I was last here, and people in China are getting better off all the time, their living standards are improving, their way of life is improving the whole time.But in North Korea these people are treated in the most terrible way.So yes we can't go and invade countries just because we want to, I agree with that, but on the other hand I think as the world moves closer together we have got to have some sense surely that a country can't just do whatever it wants, irrespective of the effects on the outside world or its own people.Now what we need are some rules in this situation, we need some law.I agree it is not right that if America decides this, or Britain decides this, or China decides this, then it just goes and does it.I agree, we need some rules in this situation, and that is what I was talking about in the American Congress, I was saying we can't just have a free for all where people do whatever they want, but on the other hand I think it is also true that as the world moves closer together, and as it matters more what countries do, because they can affect other countries, we can't just say a country behaves in a terrible way and we just let them do it.So that is the difficulty and we have got to try and resolve that with some rules and some laws that apply in those situations.My wife is smarter than me, which is one reason why she chose to go into the law and not politics.But I sometimes read about what she is supposed to earn, and I just wish it was true.But you know I think nowadays women should be able to earn the same as men, and more if they are better.Don't you think? This is what is going to happen.Look at all the women here.Some of you are going to be lawyers, aren't you? Yes.Right.So if you are lawyers and China develops you are probably going to be earning a lot of money.And you don't mind earning more than your husbands, do you? Come on, you have got to get liberated.No, I think it is all right.I think whether people earn more depends on their own effort and it shouldn't depend on whether they are a woman or a man, it should be whether they are good or they are not good.That is my view.布萊爾：

首先，關(guān)于教育交流，這有很多因素，商業(yè)的考慮也是其中之一，因?yàn)榻逃龣C(jī)構(gòu)也有開支。我覺得關(guān)于教育交流的問題是，最主要的原因是很難獲得獎學(xué)金，學(xué)校從政府那里獲得資助。有時(shí)候人們會跟政府抱怨，我們的錢是付給我們國內(nèi)的學(xué)生而不是其他國家的學(xué)生，所以留學(xué)生要獲取獎學(xué)金是很難的。實(shí)際上，我們現(xiàn)在正在擴(kuò)大我們的獎學(xué)金。現(xiàn)在的情況是，在過去的幾年里，中國到英國的留學(xué)生大量增加。盡管在英國獲取獎學(xué)金很難，但是人們?nèi)匀粻幦〉接魧W(xué)。所以我希望，我們都讀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)，我不是修新聞學(xué)的。我考慮在未來教育的交流將會非常重要，同時(shí)我也在考慮每個(gè)到來的學(xué)生，當(dāng)他們回自己的國家，我希望他能夠作為代表英國的使者。當(dāng)他們回到中國或者俄羅斯，無論他們來自哪個(gè)國家。所以擴(kuò)大我們的招生，招收更多的留學(xué)生。所以你可以申請獎學(xué)金，我們會盡量考慮的。關(guān)于下一個(gè)問題，我認(rèn)為一個(gè)國家到另外一個(gè)國家，去解放那個(gè)國家的人民是不對的。當(dāng)然，我知道解放人民是件好事，但是這需要符合規(guī)矩。人們擔(dān)心一個(gè)國家想要去統(tǒng)治另外一個(gè)國家，那么如果一個(gè)國家不滿意另外一個(gè)國家的政府就去推翻它，這是你問題背后的邏輯。因?yàn)槟銌栴}的含義是，必須謹(jǐn)防陷于某種情況。如果美國，也許你指的是美國不滿意別的國家的政府，美國就會去消滅它。我同意，這樣的情況可能發(fā)生。但我覺得我們需要考慮，假如有一個(gè)國家它做的事情，對其他的國家還有本國的人民非常危險(xiǎn)，國際社會會怎么反應(yīng)呢？我同意，我們需要阻止這樣的事情發(fā)生，這是我在美國國會的時(shí)候提出的，我說我們不能單純地自由行動，人們不能隨心所欲。同時(shí)，世界更緊密地聯(lián)系著。一個(gè)國家的行動事關(guān)重要，因?yàn)樗鼤绊懫渌膰?。我們不能說一個(gè)國家的行徑非常惡劣，我們就縱容它。所以要解決它是一個(gè)難題，我們可以運(yùn)用很多法律和規(guī)則。

另一個(gè)問題，首先，我的夫人比我聰明，所以她選擇法律而不是政治。有時(shí)候我看見關(guān)于她的收入的報(bào)道，我希望這是真的。但是我想，現(xiàn)代女性應(yīng)該賺得跟男性一樣多，而且越多越好。這是完全可能的?？匆幌卢F(xiàn)在這里所有的女性，其中一部分也會成為律師，是吧。你不會介意你賺的比你的丈夫多吧？這里的女士們，你會介意比你的丈夫賺得多嗎？你們都有賺錢的自由，人們賺錢的多少在于他們付出的努力，而不取決于他們是男性還是女性，而只能說明他們優(yōu)秀或者不優(yōu)秀。這是我的觀點(diǎn)。

QUESTION: I am from the School of Law, Economics and Management.Seven days ago during your visit to the USA, newspaper cuttings commented that the UK had become the 51st state of the United States.I want your views about that comment.學(xué)生：

首相先生，歡迎到清華來。我是趙曉東，來自經(jīng)濟(jì)管理學(xué)院法學(xué)系。幾天前，在您到美國的訪問中，有報(bào)紙?jiān)u論說英國是美國的跟隨者，您是怎么看待這些評論的？

QUESTION: I am from the Computer, Science and Technology Department.Facing the tragedy of Dr David Kelly, you said that you had no intention of resigning over his death.Can you tell us frankly, what was your feeling when you heard the news on the plane to Japan, and how can you get through this political crisis and regain your people's trust?

學(xué)生：

早上好，首相先生，歡迎您到清華來。我是林楠，來自計(jì)算機(jī)科學(xué)與技術(shù)系。面對凱利事件，您決定不辭職。您能不能坦誠地告訴我們，當(dāng)您在去日本的途中，聽到凱利自殺的時(shí)候，您當(dāng)時(shí)的感受是怎么樣的？您將怎么處理這個(gè)政治危機(jī)，重新獲得人們的信任？謝謝。

QUESTION: I am from the China Study Centre of the School of Public Policy and Management.I will ask you a question about an Asian EU.Some Asian scholars are thinking about the creating of an Asian EU, like the European Union in the east and south east Asia.Could I have your opinion of this reality and your imagine of its influence? 學(xué)生：

謝謝，首相先生，我是高宇寧，來自中國研究院公共政策和管理系。我要問一個(gè)很專業(yè)的領(lǐng)域，一些亞洲學(xué)者討論在東南亞建立一個(gè)亞洲聯(lián)盟，就像歐洲的歐盟。您能說一下建立一個(gè)亞洲聯(lián)盟的可行性，以及您認(rèn)為它會有什么樣的影響？謝謝。

PRIME MINISTER: On the 51st state, well that is what is often said by people who oppose Britain's strong alliance with the United States of America.And actually it is not true to say that we don't have our disagreements with the United States, sometimes we do.The Kyoto Protocol on Climate Change was an example of that.We are disagreeing with them at the moment over certain issues to do with trade.But I think it is important that Britain has a strong relationship with the United States because we are allies that have fought together in many difficult situations, not least World War II when we liberated Europe from fascism, and I am proud of our relationship with the United States and I am proud of the partnership that we have.But I don't think that we should see a strong relationship with the United States as the only strong relationship we can have.You see I think there are two views of the world today.One is a view where you have all sorts of different powers, different pools of power if you like, and they each compete with each other, or balance off with each other, so you have America here, you have Europe there, you have Russia there, you have China over here.I think that is a dangerous thing in today's world.I think it is better if we all come together in the same place, and I tell you why.Because if you think ahead in the dangers that we face, America is not going to fight China, China is not going to fight Russia, Russia is not going to fight Europe.My father fought in the Second World War, a state in Europe when the whole of Europe was fighting each other.In two World Wars in the 20th century millions of people died.And today Europe is at peace, it is one European Union.And I don't think the problem that the world faces is a problem of...between two nations, the problems that we face are problems to do with global terrorism and weapons of mass destruction in the hands of irresponsible people, I think they are climate change, I think it is economic globalisation, I think it is to do with how we extend development to the poorest parts of the world.But I think those challenges are best dealt with by nations working together.So we have a close relationship with the United States, but we are also part of the European Union.I would like a closer relationship between the UK and China, because I think how China develops in this international framework is going to be vitally important.So my thoughts of the world and how it develops is one where we don't break up into these different parts and then all compete against each other, I think that is 19th century politics.I think 21st century politics is about nations coming together on a common agenda.Now that means in my view, not that we come together simply on an agenda that America sets, but that we come together on an agenda that we set together.Which is why I was saying in my speech to the American Congress the other day, it is not just about terrorism, it is also about the Middle East peace process, it is also about poverty in Africa, it is also about climate change.So we can put these things together and we can work together, and I think that the path for Britain is not to be worried about our alliance with the United States, I think it is good that we have got an alliance with the United States, but I think we should be using that influence to try and bring the United States and other countries together on a common agenda that we are all happy with, that your leadership here in China is happy with, the European Union, the Russians, countries like India that are developing too.We have all got to get in the same place on the same agenda, and that is what we are working towards, because I think that is the best thing for people...I really do.First of all just let me say this, because I have been saying this to my own press in the last few days.This is a desperately sad time for the family of Dr Kelly, and his funeral has not been held yet and I don't want to say more about that situation.Except to say that there will be, as there should be in a democracy, a proper and independent inquiry into what has happened.And on the issue to do with Iraq and the Iraq war, which I really think is what is the nucleus, as I was saying to your colleague a moment or two ago, there is going to be, and is now in Iraq, a group of people that are going to look at the whole issue, interview the experts who worked on the Iraqi programme, and the scientists, and discover exactly what has happened to the programme and to the weapons, and I think it is best that people wait until they make a judgment, until we have the facts back from that group.And of course it is a difficult situation, but as I said to your colleague a moment or two ago, in the end in politics when you come to a big decision, particularly one as big as war or not, you have got to do what you think is right and I believe that what we did was right.Now I know that that won't be...with that, but that is what I believe and that is what I hold to.If Asia wants to join together in a bigger trading and political bloc, I think that will happen in time.Whether it is exactly like the European Union, I can't be sure of.But the one thing for sure, and it comes back to the point I was making earlier, the world is moving closer together.Asia will want to trade more, to work more closely together, and I think those types of collaboration are going to happen right throughout the world, it is happening in South America now with Mercosur, it is happening obviously in the European Union, but it is happening right round the world for very, very obvious reasons.The globalisation and the changes in the economy and technology are meaning that people have got to work closer together.So I think that these developments will continue and I think that if Asia wants to put itself together, whether like the European Union or not, I think that is a good thing and I am sure that in the end that is a development, a process of coming together that is going to continue.布萊爾：

首先，誰是第一發(fā)問者？哦，是你。人們經(jīng)常會問到，英國跟美國的強(qiáng)大聯(lián)盟。但是我們不能說我們之間就沒有分歧，有時(shí)候我們也會有不同意見，比如在政治，還有氣候變暖的問題上。在某些問題上，我們對貿(mào)易也有分歧。但我覺得英國與美國建立起強(qiáng)大的聯(lián)盟是有重大意義的。因?yàn)槲覀冊谝恍┓浅＠щy的時(shí)刻聯(lián)手作戰(zhàn)。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)就不用說了，我們聯(lián)合把歐洲從法西斯手里解放出來。對于我們與美國的關(guān)系，我感到非常自豪，我對我們的伙伴關(guān)系感到非常自豪。但我并不認(rèn)為與美國的良好關(guān)系是我們所能具有的惟一的關(guān)系，現(xiàn)在這個(gè)世界上有兩種觀點(diǎn)。有一種觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，不同的國家他們互相競爭或者互相平衡，所以這里是美國，那里是歐洲，那里是俄羅斯，中國在這里。我認(rèn)為在現(xiàn)今的世界上這種觀點(diǎn)是很危險(xiǎn)的，我認(rèn)為大家應(yīng)該走到一起。我要告訴你為什么，假如您想一下我們現(xiàn)在的處境，美國不會打中國，中國不會打俄羅斯，俄羅斯不會打歐洲，在二十世紀(jì)的兩次世界大戰(zhàn)中數(shù)以百萬的人死亡。而現(xiàn)在歐洲處在和平當(dāng)中，歐洲國家結(jié)成一個(gè)聯(lián)盟。我不認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在世界面臨的問題是各國之間的戰(zhàn)爭，而現(xiàn)在面臨的問題是國際恐怖主義，大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，還有極少數(shù)的破壞分子，氣候變化、經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化，發(fā)展貧窮國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)。我覺得應(yīng)付這些挑戰(zhàn)的方法，是各國人民的合作。所以我們跟美國有很好的關(guān)系，同時(shí)我們也是歐盟的一部分。我也愿意發(fā)展與中國更緊密的關(guān)系，因?yàn)槲矣X得中國的發(fā)展在國際上是非常重要的。所以關(guān)于怎么樣發(fā)展，我的看法是我們不要把不同國家劃分成不同的勢力，互相競爭，這是二十世紀(jì)的政治。我覺得二十一世紀(jì)的政治是各個(gè)國家聯(lián)合起來，制定一個(gè)共同的行動綱領(lǐng)。這意味著制定這個(gè)共同的行動綱領(lǐng)，并不是單純地由美國提出來的，而是我們大家共同制定的。這就是我為什么在美國國會提出這不僅僅是關(guān)于恐怖主義，同時(shí)這也關(guān)于中東和平進(jìn)程。關(guān)于非洲的貧困，關(guān)于氣候的變化，我們可以把所有這些事情拿到一起共同去研究解決。所以我覺得英國的任務(wù)不是去擔(dān)心與美國的聯(lián)盟，我覺得我們應(yīng)該跟美國保持良好的盟友關(guān)系，我們應(yīng)該把這種影響擴(kuò)大開來，推動美國和其他國家的關(guān)系，制定起大家都能接受的共同的行動綱領(lǐng)。中國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能夠接受，歐盟也能接受，俄羅斯也能接受，還有像印度這樣的發(fā)展中國家。大家都走到一起，制定共同的行動綱領(lǐng)，這是我們努力的方向。因?yàn)槲矣X得這對于將來的安全和和平至關(guān)重要，我堅(jiān)信這一點(diǎn)。首先我要說的是，在過去的幾天我沒有在英國，凱利的死對他的家庭來說是個(gè)悲劇，而我不能給予他們幫助。我非常不希望更多地提到這個(gè)情況。我只想說希望他靈魂永存，希望他的家人節(jié)哀順變。在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭當(dāng)中惟一的問題是，正如我剛才對一位女生所說的在伊拉克有一個(gè)調(diào)查小組正在做全面的調(diào)查，采訪伊拉克武器專家和科學(xué)家，并且在做武器調(diào)查的取證工作。我想人們應(yīng)該等到調(diào)查小組回來之后再做出結(jié)論，因?yàn)榍闆r很困難。正如我剛才跟你們一位所說的，作為一個(gè)政治家，尤其當(dāng)你要做出是否戰(zhàn)爭的決定的時(shí)候，你要按照你認(rèn)為正確的方向去做出決定，并且堅(jiān)信你的決定是正確的。我相信在這里肯定有人持不同意見，但這是我所相信的，也是我所堅(jiān)持的。誰是最后一個(gè)，噢，如果亞洲想要聯(lián)合起來結(jié)成更大的非政治貿(mào)易組織，我覺得這是可能的，但是會不會像歐盟一樣，這點(diǎn)我不確信。但是可以肯定的是，就像我剛才所提到的，世界一體化的進(jìn)程在加快，亞洲國家會加強(qiáng)相互之間的貿(mào)易和合作。我想這種合作將在全世界范圍內(nèi)發(fā)生，就像在南美洲和歐盟，并且在全世界范圍都會發(fā)生。原因是顯而易見的，世界一體化，經(jīng)濟(jì)和技術(shù)全球化意味著人們必須更緊密地合作。所以我覺得這種發(fā)展會繼續(xù)，亞洲國家應(yīng)該加強(qiáng)合作，不管是不是像歐盟那樣，都是有意義的。我相信最后國家之間都會加快合作的進(jìn)程。

QUESTION: I am from the School of Law.I have some question about big concerns from people around the world, especially of the fight against Sars, that is how to provide adequate healthcare for the poor people.My question is what do you think is the most effective way to solve this problem in Britain, and is it necessary to collect more money from the people and also have an option...In answer to the first question you said the research group in Iraq is still there carrying out their work and they still have no report on the research there.But what makes you believe that Iraq has a weapons programme there? 學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生。我叫田培杰，來自法學(xué)院。我要問的問題與SARS有關(guān)。人們有很多擔(dān)心，那就是怎么樣在全球范圍內(nèi)給貧窮的人群提供足夠的醫(yī)療保障。我的問題是，在英國，您覺得怎么樣才能有效地解決這個(gè)問題？謝謝。

QUESTION: I am from the International Relations Centre of the School of Public Policy and Management.It seems that Great Britain and China have experienced very friendly and co-operative relations during the past 50 years, but during the recent international incidents, such as the Iraqi war or the Kosovo issue, has brought some negative impact to the Chinese people, especially to some government officials, experts and also to our college and university students.So I want to know what is your comment on the past bilateral relations and what is your expectation for those two government to develop in this coming decade?

學(xué)生：

我有另外一個(gè)問題，我是胡薇薇，來自國際關(guān)系學(xué)院政策和管理系。我想要知道的是您對中英雙邊關(guān)系的看法，還有您對以后發(fā)展兩國關(guān)系有什么期望？謝謝。

QUESTION: I am from Journalism School.I have a question.As we all know the British Museum has the largest collection of Chinese antiques out of China.Sorry I feel really nervous, and I like your tie.學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生，很榮幸能夠把您請到這里來。我是徐博，來自新聞學(xué)院。眾所周知大英博物館有大量的中國文物，對不起，我感到非常緊張。我喜歡你的領(lǐng)帶。PRIME MINISTER: I like your shirt.布萊爾：

我喜歡你的襯衫。

QUESTION: Thank you.How did the Chinese antiques find their way to the British Museum? And it is reported that many Iraqi antiques have been stolen and robbed.Will these robberies and thefts contribute to the collection of the British museum? 學(xué)生：

謝謝你。如果有一天你的孩子問你，中國的文物怎么跑到英國博物館來，你怎么回答？據(jù)報(bào)道，伊拉克博物館的很多文物被盜竊，這些失竊的文物會對大英博物館的收藏有所幫助嗎？謝謝。

QUESTION: I am a graduate student of Journalism School.I am really impressed about your strong support for the educational and cultural exchanges between China and the UK, but recently I’ve got the news that some universities in the north-east of Britain have just ended the programme of Chinese culture and language.It is a pity.And those universities even include the prestigious University of Durham, and you just mentioned your father was there as a professor many years ago.And I also note you are an MP from that region as well.So do you think this change made by those universities will affect the Sino-British culture and educational cooperation.If not, what will you do about this? 學(xué)生：

布萊爾先生，歡迎你到清華。我是黃瑞，是新聞學(xué)院的畢業(yè)生。您對中英教育交流的支持給我很深刻的印象，但最近我看到一些消息說英國東北部一些大學(xué)取消中國文化和語言的專業(yè)，我感到非常遺憾。而這些學(xué)校里面，甚至包括知名的德姆大學(xué)，您覺得這些學(xué)校的決定會影響中英文化和教育的合作嗎？如果會產(chǎn)生這樣的影響，您覺得有什么解決的方法？

QUESTION: I am from the Automation Department.You are around my father's age and like my father.Would you tell me here honestly, like talking to your own children, that you never lied on the Iraq war?

學(xué)生：

早上好，布萊爾先生，我是涂國玉，來自自動工程系。您大概是我爸爸的年齡，你像我父親一樣慈祥。您能不能像您對您的孩子那樣老實(shí)地告訴我們，您在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭當(dāng)中沒有撒謊？謝謝。

PRIME MINISTER: Well now, what have we got? First of all Sars and healthcare.I tell you what I think are the two things that are going to be most important in healthcare in the next few years are first of all the fact that people are going to live much longer, and I think there is going to be increasing difficulty therefore in societies providing those people work for those people that are retired and will need a lot more healthcare.I can't remember the exact figures, but it is something like 70% of the beds that are occupied in the British healthcare system in hospitals are occupied by people who are over the age of 60.So that is one issue that is going to be driving healthcare.The second thing is going to be science and genetics in particular.Because what is going to happen with science, and Britain has done a lot of work, as you may know, on the human genome project, what is going to happen is we are going to be able to map out the likely path of illness for any individual, almost at birth, that will happen in the next few years, and we will also be able to treat through genetic means a lot more of the illnesses that people have.So many of the things to do with cancers and other things, there are going to be dramatic changes there.Now what does that mean? I personally believe that the way that we have organised our healthcare system in Britain has one great strength and it has got one weakness.Our great strength is we are organising it on a collective basis for all people, irrespective of their wealth.So it doesn't matter whether you are rich or you are poor, you get treatment in our National Healthcare system, and I think that is a good principle and I want to keep that principle.But I think the weakness of our system and where we have got to develop it is that we need to have a far more flexible system of how we deal with healthcare, so that you have all sorts of different ways of helping people, some of it may be through work that is done in local communities in primary healthcare, some of it will be done in the hospitals, some of it will be done in managing chronic diseases.But it is going to be delivered in a different way from before.So the way I would like to see our healthcare system organised is organised on a collective basis in the sense that everyone gets access, no matter how healthy you are, no matter how poor you are, but that we are using the new technology and the science that develops to make it a much more individualised system of healthcare where the individual person gets the healthcare treatment in the place that they need it，rather than trying to treat everyone as if we were still living 308 weeks, and we are going to reduce that even further and actually now nobody is waiting over 12 months, and the majority of people will get treated, 70% of the people are treated within 3 months.So there is a way to go, but we are getting there.And actually for people in Britain today, particularly I think for poorer people who need access to healthcare, they don't want us to get rid of the National Health Service, they want to keep the National Health Service, and I think that is important for the future.In respect of our bilateral relations, there will be disagreements, there was a disagreement over Kosovo and there was a disagreement over Iraq.But I think we can manage those disagreements and there is still an awful lot that we are doing together.So if you look at what is happening in the reconstruction of Iraq now, we have got a new United Nations resolution, that China has supported as well as other countries, and there will be a Donors Conference in October where I hope that China participates along with other countries.So there will be differences.We are never all going to agree in the international community, the question is how do we manage those disagreements.Do we fall out permanently, or do we say well we disagreed on this and now we have got to move on, and I think it is best to do it in that latter way.Where is the man that liked my tie? Yes, I think I know what you were meaning about the collection of Chinese antiques.I am sorry about that, I think that is something that happened in history quite a long time ago.But as for the Iraqi antiques, the museum was plundered in Baghdad, but actually they have managed to get a lot of those antiques back and the museum is going to reopen, and certainly none of them are finding their way to Britain, and what is more we have made it clear that any antiques that do find their way to Britain will be returned to the Iraqi people, so I think that is important.As for the educational programme, well obviously, since Steven here has been talking to me about it, I am going to have to go back and look at it.But universities, they may be doing it for all sorts of reasons, perhaps it is just financial reasons and difficulties that they have got, but that will happen from time to time.There is never enough money to do all the things that you want to do, but I can assure you that we will carry on welcoming Chinese students to the UK, and even if they can't come to the particular place in Durham, I am sure they can come to other places.What would I say to my children? What I would say to them is this, that in the end as a political leader you have got to take the decisions that you think are right, and those decisions are sometimes very, very difficult.But I believe passionately in relation to Iraq, we could not allow Saddam Hussein to carry on developing weapons of mass destruction, and don't be in any doubt that he was doing it, because we had 23 different United Nations resolutions about the very issue of Saddam and weapons of mass destruction.So please don't anyone here think this is something that suddenly was dreamed up by the Americans or the British, it was there, it was a serious issue.That is why the United Nations inspectors were in Iraq throughout the 1990s.They were then forced to leave at the end of 1998, it was why they went back in in November after the United Nations resolution.So I don't have any doubt about the threat that he posed, and I don't have any doubt either about the danger of that threat in the hands of a man like Saddam.It is difficult for people here just to appreciate this, but out of a country of 23 million, 4 million of its people were in exile-4 million of them were in exile.Literally tens of thousands of children used to die of malnutrition every single year, of preventable diseases, because of the way he ran the country.And to allow someone like that to carry on being a security threat to the world I thought was the wrong thing, so I took the action that I did.Now there will be people here, and I totally understand it, who disagree with that decision, and the difficult thing about being a political leader is that in the end you have to take the decisions that you believe are right and stand by them.And I took that decision that I believed to be right and I have to stand by that, and I get criticised by it, and that actually in the end is also important, because in my country, if the people disagree with me, they can put me out of office, they can vote me out and they can vote someone else in, and that is democracy.And so what you have got to do as a political leader in a democracy is you have got to say this is where I stand, that is what I believe.If you believe that, you can vote for me;if you don't believe it, you don't have to vote for me, you can vote for somebody else.Now I can't say more than that to you.I can only say that I took the decision that I believe was the right decision, and I think that in times to come people will look back on what has happened in Iraq and if we can make that country stable and prosperous and democratic, we can start getting peace in the Middle East, then removing Saddam Hussein will have been the starting point for change right across that region.Now I am aware, I agree, there is a disagreement, there is a disagreement between Britain and China about this issue.But in the end I have had to decide, as the British Prime Minister, what I think is right and do it.And if the British people disagree with it, they have got the right to say well we will put him out and we will put someone else in.Now that is democracy and it is important that every single person here thinks about that very, very carefully, because China is a country in a huge state of development and you want to develop in a way that is stable and secure because it is so important for the rest of the world.But when you are me, as the British Prime Minister, and you take

a decision as difficult as that, you have to take it on the basis that you think it is right and you have to stick by it, and I took the decision I thought was right and I stick by it.And that is what I would say to my children or anybody else's children.布萊爾：

第一個(gè)問題是SARS和醫(yī)療保障。我個(gè)人認(rèn)為我們在英國的醫(yī)療保障體系有一個(gè)明顯的優(yōu)勢，也有一點(diǎn)不足。優(yōu)勢是我們建立起記錄所有人健康的每一方面的一個(gè)龐大的數(shù)據(jù)庫系統(tǒng)，所以不管你是窮是富，你都能夠得到國家醫(yī)療中心的治療。我覺得這是一個(gè)很好的系統(tǒng)，我們會繼續(xù)保持。但我們這個(gè)系統(tǒng)的缺點(diǎn)，也是我們需要改進(jìn)的地方，那是我們需要有更為靈活的醫(yī)療保障系統(tǒng)。所以我們能有各種各樣的方法來幫助人們，有一些人可以通過本地社區(qū)和私人醫(yī)院，有些人在醫(yī)院里獲得醫(yī)治，而有些人則通過疾病控制中心。所以人們可以通過不同的方式獲得治療。關(guān)于中英雙邊關(guān)系，這是誰提的問題？我們是有分歧，問題是我們怎么去處理這些分歧。我們永遠(yuǎn)從這些分歧中退出？還是說我們繼續(xù)合作，暫時(shí)放下分歧意見？我想這是我們能做的最好的方法。有位同學(xué)說他喜歡我的領(lǐng)帶，您指的是中國文物收藏，我表示遺憾，這是很久以前歷史遺留的問題。至于伊拉克留下來的文物，巴格達(dá)的博物館在伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭中被摧毀。但實(shí)際上人們會將把伊拉克的文物送回來，巴格達(dá)博物館也會重新開放。當(dāng)然文物不會跑到大英博物館，有一點(diǎn)很明確的是，屬于伊拉克的文物一定會返回給伊拉克人民，這一點(diǎn)至關(guān)重要。誰問到關(guān)于教育交流的問題？學(xué)校做出的決定可能會出于各種各樣的原因，或者是財(cái)政困難，或者是其他原因，這是經(jīng)常發(fā)生的事情。沒有足夠的錢去運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，沒有錢去做你想做的事情。但我可以向你保證，我們會繼續(xù)歡迎中國留學(xué)生到英國來學(xué)習(xí)。如果他們不能到某一個(gè)學(xué)校，他們肯定能到另外一個(gè)學(xué)校去。誰是最后一個(gè)問道我會怎么回答我的孩子？我想要說的是，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，你要做出你認(rèn)為正確的決定。有時(shí)候要做出這些決定是很困難的，但我充分相信，在與伊拉克的關(guān)系中我們絕不允許薩達(dá)姆發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器，毫無疑問，他是在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。因?yàn)槁?lián)合國有二十三個(gè)鑒定認(rèn)為，薩達(dá)姆在發(fā)展大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。這里還會有人認(rèn)為這是英國或者美國虛構(gòu)的嗎？事實(shí)就是如此，這是很嚴(yán)肅的問題。這就是為什么聯(lián)合國檢查人員整個(gè)九十年代都呆在伊拉克，然后他們在1998年底被迫離開。但是在聯(lián)合國做出決定之后，卻在十一月又回到伊拉克。毫無疑問，薩達(dá)姆大規(guī)模殺傷性武器給人類造成極大的威脅。同樣的，無可置疑薩達(dá)姆大規(guī)殺傷武器給伊拉克人們造成的危險(xiǎn)。這里的人絕對不會贊同薩達(dá)姆的做法。伊拉克有兩千三百萬的人口，有四百萬的人口被驅(qū)逐出境，每年有數(shù)萬的兒童死于營養(yǎng)不良和可以避免的疾病。所有這些都是因?yàn)樗慕y(tǒng)治所造成的。允許這樣的一個(gè)執(zhí)政者來擾亂世界安全，我認(rèn)為這是錯(cuò)誤的。所以我做出那樣的決定，我理解會有人不贊同我的決定，作為一個(gè)政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的困難在于你必須做出你認(rèn)為正確的決定，而且堅(jiān)持你的立場。我做出了決定，我相信這是正確的，如果你也有同樣的信條，你可以支持我。如果你有不同的信條，你可以不支持我，你可以支持其他人。我不能說更多的了，這是我要對我自己的孩子以及別人的孩子要說的話。謝謝。

主持人：

這是一次與眾不同的對話。我想布萊爾愿意選擇這種圓桌對話的方式，是因?yàn)樗Ｍ谝环N更平等、更開放、更輕松的氛圍當(dāng)中和中國的學(xué)生來暢談中英兩國的往來和交流。布萊爾上任之后，讓曾經(jīng)跌宕起伏的中英關(guān)系走上了健康良性的發(fā)展道路。如今，闊別五年之后的再度訪華，讓人們對中英兩國全面伙伴關(guān)系更充滿了期待和信心。雖然說此刻布萊爾和清華學(xué)子的圓桌對話已經(jīng)結(jié)束了，但是我相信，在中英兩國之間，在民間、在政府更多的交流，更多的對話正在展開。好了，這里是《對話》，謝謝各位的收看。我們下周同一時(shí)間再見。

第四篇：布萊爾首相演講

布萊爾首相演講

TRANSCRIPT OF THE PRIME MINISTER'S BROADCAST OF FRIDAY 18 FEBRUARY 2000

Being Prime Minister is a difficult job but nothing's more difficult than being a parent.And there are fewer bigger worries when you are a parent than drugs.No matter how hard you try to bring your children up well, no matter how sensible and decent they are, we all of us worry.What if they fall in with wrong crowd? What if my kids get offered ecstasy at a party or a club? What if someone even offers them drugs at school? Heroin.Ecstasy.Crack.Cocaine.Lethal drugs with lethal consequences.Hard drugs that lead to addiction.Often after starting from so called softer drugs.These drugs ruin lives.They replace hope with despair, they tear families apart.They shatter communities.And they fuel, of course, we all know that, so much of our crime.It is estimated that at least half of all the property crime in this country is linked in some way to drugs.And it isn't just inner-city housing estates which are prey to drugs.There's not a community, from here in the centre of London to the most remote parts of our countryside, which is free from it.Not a parentthat doesn't worry.Not a family that is immune to the threat.So not just as a Prime Minister, as a parent too, we want to support hard working families and make sure that we engage in a real battle to combat the scourge of drugs in our society.We all know there's no single, simple solution.What's needed is a raft of co-ordinated measures to tackle this modern menace.Choking off the supply of drugs.Catching and punishing drug dealers.Breaking the link between drugs and crime.Treating properly those hooked on drugs.Educating our children about the dangers.Giving families every possible support.New laws are the crucial first step.We're taking new powers to test criminals for drugs.Mandatory testing of all prisoners.New powers to ensure convicted drug offenders are referred for treatment.New seven year minimum sentences for drug dealers.But we have to do more.Because no matter how effectively the police, or courts or customs operate, they can't win this war on their own.We've all got to play our part.That's what's behind the successful Metropolitan Police Rat on a Rat phone-line here in London and the other Crime Stoppers campaigns that are engaging members of the public in this battle too.Just to give you a couple of examples, in one case a grandmother got suspicious about the people next door.From her call to the confidential number, the police were able to bust a ￡1 million drugs factory.Or in another, vital information provided the missing details the police needed for a ￡3 million heroin seizure.Just two telephone calls resulting in that.In just two weeks calls to the London Rat on a Rat scheme increased from 70 to 2,000.Seven hundred drug dealers and users have been arrested since the scheme began.Initiatives like this are working successfully right across the country.So we have to do more.Not just in relations to courts involving the members of the public but earlier this week I chaired a meeting here in the Cabinet room with key Ministersthe former chief constable Keith Hellawell, police and customs, where a number of specific concrete ideas were presented which we can take forward.There's one immediate step that I can announce-a joint Health and Home Office plan to recruit more than 300 extra specialist drug counsellors who can deal properly and effectively with those referred by the Police for treatment.Some of these people want to get off drugs but unless they get the treatment, they don't get the chance.If we get young offenders off drugs, there'll be far more chance stopping them reoffending.Since they're often offending to feed the habit.The adverts for these new posts will go out in the next few days.

第五篇：在清華聽演講范文

在清華聽演講》目錄-328期全 [文件目錄] 001.艾豐-品牌分類和名牌認(rèn)識的誤區(qū).mp3 002.卞華舵-股權(quán)投資五個(gè)階段.mp3 003.卞華舵-股權(quán)投資正逢其時(shí).mp3 004.戴亦一-房地產(chǎn)投資決策的問題.mp3 005.翟鴻燊-用包容的心態(tài)建設(shè)卓越團(tuán)隊(duì).mp3 006.翟山鷹-企業(yè)上市全過程.mp3 007.翟山鷹-資本的邏輯：從土豆買賣說開去.mp3 008.翟山鷹-資本市場中的債權(quán)市場.mp3 009.翟山鷹-資本運(yùn)營的本質(zhì)01.mp3 010.翟山鷹-資本運(yùn)營的本質(zhì)02.mp3 011.董藩-房地產(chǎn)對中國經(jīng)濟(jì)的特殊意義.mp3 012.董藩-透視房價(jià)高漲的原因.mp3 013.段繼東-高績效團(tuán)隊(duì)是企業(yè)升級的保障.mp3 014.段繼東-激烈市場競爭企業(yè)生存法則.mp3 015.段繼東-如何實(shí)現(xiàn)企業(yè)與員工價(jià)值觀的統(tǒng)一.mp3 016.段繼東-整體競爭戰(zhàn)略乃企業(yè)制勝之道.mp3 017.高其富-如何看企業(yè)的三個(gè)財(cái)務(wù)報(bào)表.mp3 018.關(guān)立勛-周易與商業(yè)管理預(yù)測.mp3 019.關(guān)立勛-周易預(yù)測與天人合一.mp3 020.郭梓林-合作的四大困境.mp3 021.郭梓林-用經(jīng)濟(jì)的視角解析人的行為.mp3 022.韓秀云-把脈中國房地產(chǎn)市場.mp3 023.郝新軍-把握時(shí)代脈搏 迎接時(shí)代挑戰(zhàn).mp3 024.郝新軍-調(diào)整心態(tài) 迎接陽光未來.mp3 025.郝新軍-企業(yè)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的角色定位.mp3 026.何茂春-企業(yè)國際化的關(guān)鍵問題.mp3 027.何茂春-中國企業(yè)如何走出國門.mp3 028.洪兵-孫子兵法里的商戰(zhàn)秘籍.mp3 029.洪兵-孫子兵法秘籍之取勝之道.mp3 030.黃菡-領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的人際協(xié)調(diào)策略.mp3 031.黃菡-領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的心理調(diào)試方法.mp3 032.黃泓琪-投資理財(cái)成就財(cái)富人生.mp3 033.姜新國-商業(yè)地產(chǎn)策劃的方法.mp3 034.姜新國-商業(yè)地產(chǎn)的取地和定位.mp3 035.矯培民-從萬科看房地產(chǎn)向客戶服務(wù)性企業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)變.mp3 036.矯培民-房地產(chǎn)業(yè)的成本控制.mp3 037.解浩然-企業(yè)文化決定企業(yè)的競爭力.mp3 038.解浩然-企業(yè)文化是對員工的終極激勵(lì).mp3 039.解浩然-企業(yè)文化與基業(yè)長青.mp3 040.解浩然-企業(yè)文化與組織效能.mp3 041.解浩然-提升中層管理者的執(zhí)行力.mp3 042.解浩然-文化是企業(yè)的核心競爭力.mp3 043.金海峰-四大名著中的儒家智慧上.mp3 044.金海峰-四大名著中的儒家智慧下.mp3 045.金巖石-從國美、蘇寧、麥當(dāng)勞看企業(yè)投融資.mp3 046.金巖石-從國美運(yùn)作看現(xiàn)代企業(yè)特點(diǎn).mp3 047.金巖石-企業(yè)家的資本思維及企業(yè)成長.mp3 048.金巖石-企業(yè)價(jià)值增長迷局.mp3 049.金巖石-企業(yè)經(jīng)營周期與內(nèi)在沖突調(diào)整.mp3 050.金巖石-三足鼎立的商業(yè)模式與企業(yè)成長.mp3 051.金巖石-現(xiàn)代企業(yè)高速價(jià)值增長迷局.mp3 052.金巖石-現(xiàn)代企業(yè)是如何增值溢價(jià)的.mp3 053.李玲瑤-風(fēng)險(xiǎn)投資.mp3 054.李玲瑤-美國為什么成為最具競爭力的國家.mp3 055.李玲瑤-美國戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展回顧.mp3 056.李玲瑤-人民幣的國際化進(jìn)程.mp3 057.李玲瑤-智慧女性的婚姻與家庭.mp3 058.李玲瑤-中國經(jīng)濟(jì)的回顧與展望.mp3 059.李玲瑤-中小企業(yè)融資與上市的幾種方式.mp3 060.李肅-企業(yè)發(fā)展的3大效率演變.mp3 061.李肅-企業(yè)發(fā)展的并購戰(zhàn)略.mp3 062.李肅-企業(yè)發(fā)展的四大戰(zhàn)略.mp3 063.李肅-企業(yè)戰(zhàn)略發(fā)展的三大效率演變.mp3 064.李肅-企業(yè)戰(zhàn)略解決的5大問題.mp3 065.李肅-企業(yè)資本戰(zhàn)略.mp3 066.李忠-房地產(chǎn)投資與泡沫.mp3 067.李忠-如何從文化區(qū)別觀察城市.mp3 068.李忠-如何挑選最有錢途的城市投資.mp3 069.梁雅杰-如何塑造團(tuán)隊(duì).mp3 070.梁雅杰-執(zhí)行能力提升.mp3 071.梁雅杰-中層領(lǐng)導(dǎo)發(fā)現(xiàn)問題解決問題的能力.mp3 072.劉紅松-企業(yè)競爭的三個(gè)戰(zhàn)略.mp3 073.劉紅松-孫子兵法的現(xiàn)代意義.mp3 074.劉紅松-戰(zhàn)略轉(zhuǎn)型決定企業(yè)未來.mp3 075.劉紅松-志新思想在企業(yè)中的運(yùn)用.mp3 076.劉啟明-差異化品牌打造.mp3 077.劉啟明-核心價(jià)值是品牌建設(shè)的關(guān)鍵.mp3 078.劉曉宇-商業(yè)模式的創(chuàng)新，是是企業(yè)騰飛的翅膀01.mp3 079.劉曉宇-商業(yè)模式的創(chuàng)新，是是企業(yè)騰飛的翅膀02.mp3 080.劉再烜-如何構(gòu)建企業(yè)文化.mp3 081.劉再烜-如何認(rèn)識企業(yè)文化.mp3 082.陸士楨-培養(yǎng)一個(gè)心理健康的孩子.mp3 083.陸士楨-如何幫孩子提高學(xué)習(xí)成績.mp3 084.陸士楨-如何培養(yǎng)孩子的社會適應(yīng)能力.mp3 085.陸士楨-如何確立孩子的價(jià)值觀.mp3 086.孟曉蘇-對中國房地產(chǎn)金融創(chuàng)新的展望.mp3 087.潘黎-控制商務(wù)談判的四大要素.mp3 088.潘黎-如何應(yīng)對談判桌上的壓價(jià).mp3 089.潘黎-商務(wù)談判開局策略.mp3 090.齊大輝-環(huán)境似水父母如歌.mp3 091.齊大輝-家長教育與家庭教育.mp3 092.齊大輝-如何做一個(gè)合格的家長.mp3 093.齊大輝-做最好的父母.mp3 094.喬志杰-債權(quán)融資與股權(quán)融資技巧.mp3 095.喬志杰-轉(zhuǎn)變觀念建設(shè)中小企業(yè)融資體系.mp3 096.尚水利-從高效走向卓越的途徑.mp3 097.尚水利-如何打造高績效的工作團(tuán)隊(duì).mp3 098.尚水利-如何化解工作中的矛盾與沖突.mp3 099.尚水利-如何實(shí)現(xiàn)高績效的管理溝通.mp3 100.孫寅貴-新貴族精神.mp3 101.孫寅貴-與靈魂對話.mp3 102.孫云曉-單親家庭孩子的教育.mp3 103.孫云曉-好習(xí)慣決定未來.mp3 104.孫云曉-教育的核心是培養(yǎng)健康人格01.mp3 105.孫云曉-教育的核心是培養(yǎng)健康人格02.mp3 106.孫云曉-今天的孩子為什么難教育.mp3 107.孫云曉-理解青春期的感情朦動.mp3 108.孫云曉-良好的關(guān)系勝過教育.mp3 109.孫云曉-如何對待孩子的任性和天真.mp3 110.孫云曉-網(wǎng)絡(luò)時(shí)代預(yù)防網(wǎng)癮的教育方法.mp3 111.孫云曉-習(xí)慣決定未來.mp3 112.孫云曉-做父母需要上崗執(zhí)照.mp3 113.孫云曉-做最好的父母 走出中國式教育誤區(qū).mp3 114.譚雅玲-當(dāng)前經(jīng)濟(jì)金融形勢及未來趨勢.mp3 115.唐浩明-看曾國藩的識人用人之道02.mp3 116.唐浩明-看曾國藩的識人用人之道02_1.mp3 117.唐浩明-影響中國百年的師徒01.mp3 118.汪大正-從人性的角度看管理.mp3 119.王國剛-投資是中國經(jīng)濟(jì)增長的推動力.mp3 120.王維慶-個(gè)人理財(cái)?shù)牧笤瓌t.mp3 121.王曉毅-從古代九征看人的性格.mp3 122.王曉毅-從三國故事看識人用人.mp3 123.王曉毅-我眼中的曹操.mp3 124.王志耘-好風(fēng)憑借文化力.mp3 125.王志耘-好心態(tài)成就智慧人生.mp3 126.王志耘-如何跨越成功路上的障礙.mp3 127.魏志勇-現(xiàn)代企業(yè)的職業(yè)性格.mp3 128.魏志勇-現(xiàn)代企業(yè)中管理者的幾種類型.mp3 129.魏志勇-知人善用的錦囊妙計(jì)-品行管理.mp3 130.溫元凱-幾個(gè)中國富豪的創(chuàng)業(yè)故事.mp3 131.溫元凱-中國成功企業(yè)家的統(tǒng)計(jì)分析.mp3 132.溫元凱-中國富豪的創(chuàng)業(yè)故事.mp3 133.溫元凱-中小企業(yè)的戰(zhàn)略升級.mp3 134.吳言生-初探禪的智慧.mp3 135.吳言生-放下執(zhí)著回歸本性家園.mp3 136.吳言生-心靈的力量.mp3 137.夏禎-企業(yè)運(yùn)作的無限資源夢想.mp3 138.夏禎-如何同上級進(jìn)行有效溝通.mp3 139.鮮靜林-中層管理者的角色定位01.mp3 140.鮮靜林-中層管理者的角色定位02.mp3 141.鮮靜林-中層管理者的職業(yè)定位.mp3 142.鮮靜林-中層管理者的職業(yè)素養(yǎng).mp3 143.享受汽車文明快樂安全駕駛01.mp3 144.享受汽車文明快樂安全駕駛02.mp3 145.謝貴榮-企業(yè)財(cái)務(wù)管理思維.mp3 146.謝志華-房地產(chǎn)企業(yè)的幾種組織模型.mp3 147.許莉婭-父母在孩子生命中的角色.mp3 148.許莉婭-關(guān)注孩子的需要 引領(lǐng)孩子的成長.mp3 149.許莉婭-孩子的自尊自信從那里來.mp3 150.許莉婭-家庭親子教育技巧01.mp3 151.許莉婭-家庭親子教育技巧02.mp3 152.許莉婭-做最好的父母 愛的榜樣.mp3 153.閻旭臨-賣產(chǎn)品就是賣標(biāo)準(zhǔn).mp3 154.閻旭臨-品牌學(xué)里被人忽視的三大秘寶.mp3 155.閻旭臨-營銷創(chuàng)造價(jià)值.mp3 156.閻旭臨-營造人性的欲望與需求.mp3 157.楊鳳池-不同階段年齡孩子的溝通技巧.mp3 158.楊鳳池-溝通當(dāng)中非語言的信息的作用.mp3 159.楊鳳池-好父母的溝通方式.mp3 160.楊鳳池-青春期的孩子怎么了.mp3 161.楊鳳池-怎樣面對孩子的青春期偏激行為.mp3 162.楊鳳池-怎樣面對行為不良的孩子.mp3 163.楊老師-獨(dú)生子女的教育和學(xué)習(xí)成績.mp3 164.楊老師-高考復(fù)讀成功的最重要因素.mp3 165.楊老師-高考復(fù)讀如何擇校.mp3 166.楊老師-高考結(jié)束后的反思01.mp3 167.楊老師-高考結(jié)束后的反思02.mp3 168.楊老師-高效學(xué)習(xí)方法01.mp3 169.楊老師-高效學(xué)習(xí)方法之勞逸結(jié)合.mp3 170.楊老師-高效學(xué)習(xí)方法之牢記教訓(xùn)錯(cuò)題庫.mp3 171.楊老師-孩子的好習(xí)慣與學(xué)習(xí)成績之間的關(guān)系.mp3 172.楊老師-青春期的感情懵懂.mp3 173.楊老師-青春期和學(xué)習(xí)成績的關(guān)系.mp3 174.楊老師-如何學(xué)好一個(gè)最難學(xué)的科目 物理.mp3 175.楊老師-學(xué)習(xí)目標(biāo)的制定.mp3 176.楊老師-有助于斬獲考試高分的七大高效學(xué)習(xí)方法03.mp3 177.楊老師-怎樣把笨孩子培養(yǎng)成為優(yōu)等生.mp3 178.楊老師-怎樣培養(yǎng)孩子良好的學(xué)習(xí)習(xí)慣.mp3 179.楊老師-助于斬獲考試高分的七大高效學(xué)習(xí)方法01.mp3 180.楊老師-助于斬獲考試高分的七大高效學(xué)習(xí)方法02.mp3 181.楊老師-自控能力與學(xué)習(xí)成績之間的關(guān)系.mp3 182.于長濱-從悟性探究企業(yè)管理之道.mp3 183.于長濱-孫子兵法的知己知彼原則.mp3 184.于長濱-透過國學(xué)名著看處事謀略.mp3 185.于長濱-治理流動性過剩的六大手段.mp3 186.袁富兒-房地產(chǎn)成本控制的四大要素.mp3 187.袁青鵬-民營企業(yè)發(fā)展的兩大瓶頸.mp3 188.袁青鵬-民營企業(yè)如何克服發(fā)展中的家族問題.mp3 189.袁青鵬-如何克服民營企業(yè)發(fā)展中的兩大瓶頸.mp3 190.曾憲斌-房地產(chǎn)行業(yè)的精準(zhǔn)營銷.mp3 191.曾憲斌-房地產(chǎn)業(yè)特有的運(yùn)營模式.mp3 192.張貫京-從華為看企業(yè)的國際化發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略.mp3 193.張貫京-企業(yè)國際化的人才戰(zhàn)略.mp3 194.張松輝-老子的智慧之處世篇.mp3 195.張松輝-老子的智慧之治國篇.mp3 196.張玉玨-項(xiàng)目預(yù)訂管理的幾種結(jié)構(gòu).mp3 197.趙玉平-傳統(tǒng)文化中暗藏的管理智慧.mp3 198.趙玉平-管理者的權(quán)威如何樹立.mp3 199.趙玉平-領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的修養(yǎng).mp3 200.趙玉平-用“和”的力量凝聚團(tuán)隊(duì).mp3 201.周思敏-魅力女性的幾項(xiàng)修煉.mp3 202.公司治理該如何進(jìn)行.mp3 203.富有大智慧的高人.mp3 204.重新認(rèn)識計(jì)劃經(jīng)濟(jì).mp3 205.中國人的管理智慧.mp3 206.市場運(yùn)行的謎團(tuán).mp3 207.市場現(xiàn)象背后的真實(shí)面貌.mp3 208.人才的激勵(lì)機(jī)制.mp3 209.人才使用的深刻道理.mp3 210.變通執(zhí)行的深刻道理.mp3 211.問題出在執(zhí)行層面.mp3 212.情商高意味著什么.mp3 213.提拔的秘密.mp3 214.制定計(jì)劃的詳細(xì)步驟.mp3 215.如何集中注意力.mp3 216.企業(yè)文化里的競爭戰(zhàn)略.mp3 217.情感管理的重要意義.mp3 218.情感管理的重要意義.mp3 219.占據(jù)市場優(yōu)勢的秘密武器.mp3 220.人性的三大要素.mp3 221.尋找發(fā)現(xiàn)問題的秘密武器.mp3 222.第一印象黃金定律.mp3 223.個(gè)人禮儀的細(xì)節(jié).mp3 224.提高客戶忠誠度的黃金法則.mp3 225.市場定位的重要意義.mp3 226.如何認(rèn)識不同類型的人.mp3 227.邵會華老師總結(jié)的營銷經(jīng)驗(yàn).mp3 228.品牌的特殊魅力.mp3 229.潛在市場的陷阱.mp3 230.產(chǎn)品的價(jià)格是由什么決定的.mp3 231.了解企業(yè)文化的規(guī)律.mp3 232.企業(yè)價(jià)值觀念和國家發(fā)展理念.mp3 233.企業(yè)的人力規(guī)劃.mp3 234.企業(yè)的管理真諦.mp3 235.人生規(guī)劃的關(guān)鍵要素.mp3 236.打造企業(yè)文化的重要手段.mp3 237.企業(yè)文化的真正含義.mp3 238.外形的重要性.mp3 239.和媒體打交道的秘密法則.mp3 240.領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者個(gè)人品牌的打造秘籍.mp3 241.如何打造做人的金字招牌.mp3 242.怎么做好企業(yè)里的人力資源管理.mp3 243.怎樣解決優(yōu)秀員工離職的問題.mp3 244.怎樣讓員工遵守公司制度.mp3 245.不同人群的溝通技巧.mp3 246.外行領(lǐng)導(dǎo)內(nèi)行.mp3 247.培養(yǎng)人才的木桶理論.mp3 248.壓力也是動力.mp3 249.薪酬設(shè)計(jì)如何進(jìn)行.mp3 250.對孩子逆反的因勢利導(dǎo).mp3 251.心理問題對人的行為有哪些影響.mp3 252.調(diào)教出優(yōu)秀員工的最佳方法.mp3 253.管理第一生產(chǎn)力.mp3 254.領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的攻心之術(shù)01.mp3 255.領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的攻心之02.mp3 256.管理工作中的問題藝術(shù).mp3 257.領(lǐng)導(dǎo)究竟是什么？.mp3 258.如何調(diào)動員工的內(nèi)在動力.mp3 259.價(jià)格戰(zhàn)中的玄機(jī).mp3 260.資本結(jié)構(gòu)和競爭格局.mp3 261.商業(yè)活動中信息究竟意味著什么.mp3 262.通貨膨脹撲面而來.mp3 263.培養(yǎng)孩子的生存能力.mp3 264.讓孩子適應(yīng)外部環(huán)境.mp3 265.給孩子留下什么.mp3 266.家長不等于父母.mp3 267.如何對待孩子的需求.mp3 268.孩子共性與個(gè)性的結(jié)合.mp3 269.家長教育.mp3 270.童年恐慌.mp3 271.獎懲教育.mp3 272.關(guān)系好壞決定性教育的成敗.mp3 273.如何面對求助的孩子.mp3 274.用行動教育孩子.mp3 275.女生為什么比男生強(qiáng).mp3 276.把握男孩子的特點(diǎn).mp3 277.男孩子要晚一年上學(xué).mp3 278.理解孩子的感情懵懂.mp3 279.理解和尊重的愛.mp3 280.孩子需要性教育.mp3 281.男孩在運(yùn)動中成長.mp3 282.男孩子教育和運(yùn)動教育相結(jié)合.mp3 283.表揚(yáng)和贊揚(yáng)孩子的技巧.mp3 284.批評孩子的技巧.mp3 285.可怕的競爭教育.mp3 286.成功在于選擇.mp3 287.前進(jìn)一步就是成功.mp3 288.讓孩子走自己的道路.mp3 289.好習(xí)慣是訓(xùn)練出來的.mp3 290.發(fā)現(xiàn)孩子的優(yōu)點(diǎn).mp3 291.持久訓(xùn)練與及時(shí)評估.mp3 292.家庭對孩子的影響.mp3 293.共享晚餐好時(shí)光.mp3 294.家庭治療.mp3 295.營造愛的環(huán)境.mp3 296.信息化時(shí)代家庭教育的新難題.mp3 297.給孩子最大的信任.mp3 298.在叛逆中成長.mp3 299.變獨(dú)養(yǎng)為群養(yǎng).mp3 300.幫孩子種一棵心情樹.mp3 301.三代人的良性互動.mp3 302.放飛獨(dú)生子女.mp3 303.借個(gè)孩子去補(bǔ)習(xí).mp3 304.保護(hù)孩子的理性休眠期.mp3 305.心理撫育.mp3 306.在游戲中長大.mp3 307.巧為不如拙成.mp3 308.少年兒童的溝通技巧.mp3 309.從小學(xué)會理財(cái).mp3 310.獨(dú)立者需遠(yuǎn)行.mp3 311.富時(shí)代的教育.mp3 312.和嬰幼兒交流的重要性.mp3 313.建立母嬰聯(lián)系.mp3 314.孝的現(xiàn)實(shí)意義.mp3 315.孝是人類特有的文化.mp3 316.在日本夏令營的感受.mp3 317.西游記與成功學(xué).mp3 318.西游記中的儒家文化.mp3 319.從豬八戒看男性的丑惡.mp3 320.劉備集團(tuán)為什么能夠成功.mp3 321.劉備與民營企業(yè).mp3 322.傳統(tǒng)文化如何落地.mp3 323.中國文化的忠與義.mp3 324.經(jīng)典的穿透力.mp3 325.中國人的歷史觀.mp3 326.中庸之道.mp3 327.諸子百家.mp3 328.禮的制約.mp3