第一篇:丘吉爾就職演說中英對照
丘吉爾就職演說(中英對照)
演講背景:
1940年5月8日,由于前首相張伯倫遭到不信任質(zhì)疑動議,被迫辭職。5月10日下午6時,國王召見丘吉爾,令其組閣;一小時后丘吉爾會見工黨領(lǐng)袖艾德禮,邀請工黨加入內(nèi)閣并獲得支持。3天后丘吉爾首次以首相身份出席下議院會議,發(fā)表了著名的講話:“我沒有別的,只有熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水獻(xiàn)給大家??你們問:我們的目的是什么?我可以用一個詞來答復(fù):勝利,不惜一切代價去爭取勝利,無論多么恐怖也要爭取勝利,無論道路多么遙遠(yuǎn)艱難,也要爭取勝利,因為沒有勝利就無法生存?!毕伦h院最終以381票對0票的絕對優(yōu)勢表明了對丘吉爾政府的支持。
正文:
On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.上星期五晚上,我奉陛下之命,組織新的一屆政府。
It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.按國會和國民的意愿,新政府顯然應(yīng)該考慮建立在盡可能廣泛的基礎(chǔ)上,應(yīng)該兼容所有的黨派。
I have already completed the most important part of this task.A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.我已經(jīng)完成了這項任務(wù)的最主要的部分。戰(zhàn)時內(nèi)閣已由五人組成,包括工黨、反對黨和自由黨,這體現(xiàn)了舉國團(tuán)結(jié)一致。
It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events.Other key positions were filled yesterday.I am submitting a further list to the King tonight.I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.由于事態(tài)的極端緊急和嚴(yán)峻,新閣政府須于一天之內(nèi)組成,其他的關(guān)鍵崗位也于昨日安排就緒。今晚還要向國王呈報一份名單。我希望明天就能完成幾位主要大臣的任命。
The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer.I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.其余大臣們的任命照例得晚一些。我相信,在國會下一次召開時,任命將告完成,臻于完善。
I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today.At the end of today''s proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be.Business for that will be notified to M.P.''s at the earliest opportunity.為公眾利益著想,我建議議長今天就召開國會。今
天的議程結(jié)束時,建議休會到5月21日,并準(zhǔn)備在必要時提前開會。有關(guān)事項當(dāng)會及早通知各位議員。
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government.The resolution:
現(xiàn)在我請求國會作出決議,批準(zhǔn)我所采取的各項步驟,啟示記錄在案,并且聲明信任新政府。決議如下:
“That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.”
“本國會歡迎新政府的組成,她體現(xiàn)了舉國一致的堅定不移的決心:對德作戰(zhàn),直到最后勝利?!?/p>
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself.But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history.We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean.The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.組織如此規(guī)模和如此復(fù)雜的政府原本是一項重大的任務(wù)。但是我們正處于歷史上罕見的一場大戰(zhàn)的初始階段。我們在其他許多地點作戰(zhàn)--在挪威,在荷蘭,我們還必須在地中海做好準(zhǔn)備??諔?zhàn)正在繼續(xù),而且在本土也必須做好許多準(zhǔn)備工作。
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.值此危急關(guān)頭,我想,即使我今天向國會的報告過于簡略,也當(dāng)能見諒。我還希望所有在這次改組中受到影響的朋友、同僚和舊日的同僚們對必要的禮儀方面的任何不周之處能毫不介意。
I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind.We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.我向國會表明,一如我向入閣的大臣們所表明的,我所能奉獻(xiàn)的唯有熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水我們所面臨的將是一場極其嚴(yán)酷的考驗,將是曠日持久的斗爭和苦難。
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage(作戰(zhàn))war by land, sea and air.War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime.That is our policy.若問我們的政策是什么?我的回答是:在陸上、海上、空中作戰(zhàn)。盡我們的 全力,盡上帝賦予我們的全部力量去作戰(zhàn),對人類黑暗、可悲的罪惡史上空前兇殘的暴政作戰(zhàn)。這就是我們的政策。
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory.Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.若問我們的目標(biāo)是什么?我可以用一個詞來回答,那就是勝利。不惜一切代價,去奪取勝利--不懼一切恐怖,去奪取勝利--不論前路如何漫長、如何艱苦,去奪取勝利。因為沒有勝利就不能生存。
Let that be realized.No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.我們務(wù)必認(rèn)識到,沒有勝利就不復(fù)有大英帝國,沒有勝利就不復(fù)有大英帝國所象征的一切,沒有勝利就不復(fù)有多少世紀(jì)以來的強烈要求和沖動:人類應(yīng)當(dāng)向自己的目標(biāo)邁進(jìn)。
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope.I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.我精神振奮、滿懷信心地承擔(dān)起我的任務(wù)。我確信,大家聯(lián)合起來,我們的事業(yè)就不會遭到挫敗。
I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, “Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.”
在此時此刻的危急關(guān)頭,我覺得我有權(quán)要求各方面的支持。我要說:“來吧,讓我們?nèi)翰呷毫Γ⒓缜斑M(jìn)!”
第二篇:華盛頓總統(tǒng)就職演說中英對照
華盛頓總統(tǒng)就職演講(中英文對照版完整版)
First Inaugural Address of George Washington
THE CITY OF NEW YORK
THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文譯文】:
美國人民的實驗
喬治-華盛頓
第一次就職演講
紐約 星期四,1789年4月30日
參議院和眾議院的同胞們:
在人生沉浮中,沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據(jù)你們的命令送達(dá)的通知更使我焦慮不安,一方面,國家召喚我出任此職,對于她的召喚,我永遠(yuǎn)只能肅然敬從;而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿,由于愛好和習(xí)慣,且時光流逝,健康漸衰,時感體力不濟(jì),愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面,國家召喚我擔(dān)負(fù)的責(zé)任如此重大和艱巨,足以使國內(nèi)最有才智和經(jīng)驗的人度德量力,而我天資愚飩,又無民政管理的實踐,理應(yīng)倍覺自己能力之不足,因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情,我唯一敢斷言的是,通過正確估計可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來克盡厥職,乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標(biāo)。我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在執(zhí)行這項任務(wù)時因陶醉于往事,或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴,因而受到過多影響,以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時,忽視了自己的無能和消極,我的錯誤將會由于使我誤人歧途的各種動機而減輕,而大家在評判錯誤的后果時;也會適當(dāng)包涵產(chǎn)生這些動機的偏見。
既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現(xiàn)職時的感想,那么,在此宣誓就職之際,如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當(dāng),因為上帝統(tǒng)治著宇宙,主宰著各國政府,它的神助能彌補人類的任何不足,愿上帝賜福,侃佑一個為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府,保佑它為這些基本目的而作出奉獻(xiàn),保佑政府的各項行政措施在我負(fù)責(zé)之下都能成功地發(fā)揮作用。我相信,在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻(xiàn)上這份崇敬時,這些活也同樣表達(dá)了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國人更堅定不移地承認(rèn)和崇拜掌管人間事務(wù)的上帝。他們在邁向獨立國家的進(jìn)程中,似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象;他們在剛剛完成的聯(lián)邦政府體制的重大改革中,如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報,如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預(yù)示的賜福的到來,那么,通過眾多截然不同的集團(tuán)的平靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革,這種方式是不能與大多數(shù)政府的組建方式同日而語的。在目前轉(zhuǎn)折關(guān)頭,我產(chǎn)生這些想法確實是深有所感而不能自已,我相信大家會和我懷有同感,即除了仰仗上帝的力量,一個新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據(jù)設(shè)立行政部門的條款,總統(tǒng)有責(zé)任“將他認(rèn)為必要而妥善的措施提請國會審議”。但在目前與各位見面的這個場合,恕我不進(jìn)一步討論這個問題,而只提一下偉大的憲法,它使各位今天聚集一堂,它規(guī)定了各位的權(quán)限,指出了各位應(yīng)該注意的目標(biāo)。在這樣的場合,更恰當(dāng)、也更能反映我內(nèi)心激情的做法是不提出具體措施,而是稱頌將要規(guī)劃和采納這些措施的當(dāng)選者的才能、正直和愛國心。我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證:其一,任何地方偏見或地方感情,任何意見分歧或黨派敵視,都不能使我們偏離全局觀點和公平觀點,即必須維護(hù)這個由不同地區(qū)和利益所組成的大聯(lián)合;因此,其二,我國的政策將會以純潔而堅定的個人道德原則為基礎(chǔ),而自由政府將會以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠(yuǎn)景,因為根據(jù)自然界的構(gòu)成和發(fā)展趨勢,在美德與幸福之間,責(zé)任與利益之間,恪守誠實寬厚的政策與獲得社會繁榮幸福的碩果之間,有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一;因為我們應(yīng)該同樣相信,上帝親自規(guī)定了水恒的秩序和權(quán)利法則,它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家慈祥地加以贊許;因為人們理所當(dāng)然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護(hù)神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運,系于美國人所遵命進(jìn)行的實驗上。
我已將有感于這一聚會場合的想法奉告各位,現(xiàn)在我就要向大家告辭;但在此以前,我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因為承蒙上帝的恩賜,美國人有了深思熟慮的機會,以及為確保聯(lián)邦的安全和促進(jìn)幸福,用前所未有的一致意見來決定政府體制的意向;因而,同樣明顯的是,上帝將保佑我們擴大眼界,心平氣和地進(jìn)行協(xié)商,并采取明智的措施,而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。
第三篇:奧巴馬就職演說中英對照稿
奧巴馬的就職演說中英對照稿(2009-01-22 10:00:30)
標(biāo)簽:音樂 奧巴馬 就職演說美國 美國 演講 總統(tǒng) 雜談
巴拉克?奧巴馬(Barack Obama)于2009年1月20日宣誓就職美國第44任總統(tǒng)。以下是奧巴馬總統(tǒng)就職演說的中英文對照全文,中文由美國國務(wù)院國際信息局(IIP)根據(jù)演說記錄稿翻譯。My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.同胞們:
我今天站在這里,深感面前使命的重大,深謝你們賦予的信任,并銘記我們前輩所付的代價。我感謝布什總統(tǒng)對國家的貢獻(xiàn)以及他在整個過渡階段給予的大度合作。
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.至此,有四十四個美國人發(fā)出總統(tǒng)誓言。這些字詞曾在蒸蒸日上的繁榮時期和寧靜安詳?shù)暮推侥甏b讀。但是間或,它們也響徹在陰云密布、風(fēng)暴降臨的時刻。美國能夠歷經(jīng)這些時刻而勇往直前,不僅因為當(dāng)政者具有才干或遠(yuǎn)見,而且也因為“我們?nèi)嗣瘛笔冀K堅信我們先輩的理想,對我們的建國理念忠貞不渝。
So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.這是過來之路。這是這一代美國的必由之路。
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.我們處于危機之中,這一點已得到充分認(rèn)識。我國在進(jìn)行戰(zhàn)爭,打擊分布廣泛的暴力和仇恨勢力。我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)嚴(yán)重衰弱,部分歸咎于一些人的貪婪不軌,同時也因為我們作為一個整體,未能痛下決心,讓國家作好面對新時代的準(zhǔn)備。如今,住房不再,就業(yè)減少,商業(yè)破產(chǎn)。醫(yī)療保健費用過度昂貴;學(xué)校質(zhì)量沒有保障;而每一天都在不斷顯示,我們使用能源的方式在助長敵人的威風(fēng),威脅我們的星球。
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land ― a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.這些是危機的跡象,數(shù)據(jù)統(tǒng)計將予以證明。不易于衡量然而同樣嚴(yán)重的是全國各地受動搖的信心――一種揮之不去的恐懼感,認(rèn)為美國將不可避免地走下坡路,下一代人不得不放低眼光。
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America ― they will be met.今天,我告訴大家,我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)真實存在,并且嚴(yán)重而多重。它們不可能在一個短時間內(nèi)被輕易征服。但是,美國,請記住這句話――它們將被征服。
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.我們今天聚集在這里是因為我們選擇希望而不是恐懼,選擇齊心協(xié)力而不是沖突對立。
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.我們今天在這里宣告,讓斤斤計較與虛假承諾就此結(jié)束,讓窒息我國政治為時太久的相互指責(zé)和陳詞濫調(diào)就此完結(jié)。
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.我們?nèi)允且粋€年輕的國家,但用圣經(jīng)的話說,現(xiàn)在是拋棄幼稚的時侯了?,F(xiàn)在應(yīng)是我們讓永恒的精神發(fā)揚光大的時侯,應(yīng)是選擇創(chuàng)造更佳歷史業(yè)績的時侯,應(yīng)是將代代相傳的寶貴財富、崇高理想向前發(fā)展的時侯:上帝賦予所有人平等、所有人自由和所有人充分追求幸福的機會。
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted ― for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things ― some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.在重申我們國家偉大精神的同時,我們懂得,偉大從非天生,而是必須贏得。我們的歷程從來不是走捷徑或退而求其次的歷程。它不是弱者的道路――它不屬于好逸惡勞或只圖名利享受的人;這條路屬于冒險者,實干家,創(chuàng)造者――有些人享有盛名,但大多數(shù)是默默無聞耕耘勞作的男女志士,是他們帶我們走向通往繁榮和自由的漫長崎嶇之路。
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.為了我們,他們打點起貧寒的行裝上路,遠(yuǎn)涉重洋,追求新生活。
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.為了我們,他們在血汗工廠勞作,在西部原野拓荒,忍著鞭笞之痛在堅硬的土地上耕耘。
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sanh.為了我們,他們奔赴疆場,英勇捐軀,長眠于康科德、葛底斯堡、諾曼底和溪山。
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.為了我們能夠過上更好的生活,他們前赴后繼,歷盡艱辛,全力奉獻(xiàn),不辭勞苦,直至雙手結(jié)起層層老繭。他們看到的美國超越了我們每一個人的雄心壯志,也超越了所有種族、財富或派系的差異。
This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions ― that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.今天,作為后來者,我們踏上了這一未竟的旅程。我們依然是地球上最繁榮、最強大的國家。我們的勞動者的創(chuàng)造力并沒有因為眼前的這場危機而減弱。我們的頭腦依然像以往那樣善于發(fā)明創(chuàng)新。我們的產(chǎn)品與服務(wù)仍舊像上星期、上個月或去年一樣受人歡迎。我們的能力絲毫無損。但是,維持現(xiàn)狀、保護(hù)狹隘的利益集團(tuán)、推遲困難的抉擇的時代無疑已成為過去。從今天起,我們必須振作起來,掃除我們身上的塵土,重新開啟再造美國的事業(yè)。
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act ― not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.All this we will do.無論我們把目光投向何處,都有工作在等待著我們。經(jīng)濟(jì)形勢要求我們果敢而迅速地行動,我們將不辱使命――不僅要創(chuàng)造新的就業(yè)機會,而且要打下新的增長基礎(chǔ)。我們將建造道路和橋梁,架設(shè)電網(wǎng),鋪設(shè)承載我們的商務(wù)和把我們緊密相連的電子通訊網(wǎng)絡(luò)。我們將恢復(fù)尊重科學(xué)的傳統(tǒng),利用高新技術(shù)的超常潛力提高醫(yī)療保健質(zhì)量并降低成本。我們將利用太陽能、風(fēng)力和地?zé)釣檐囕v和工廠提供能源。我們將改造我們的中小學(xué)和高等院校,以應(yīng)對新時代的挑戰(zhàn)。這一切我們都能做到。這一切我們必將做到。
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions ― who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.現(xiàn)在,有人懷疑我們的雄心壯志――他們說我們的體制不能承受太多的宏偉規(guī)劃。他們的記憶是短暫的,因為他們忘記了這個國家已經(jīng)取得的成就,忘記了一旦共同的目標(biāo)插上理想的翅膀、現(xiàn)實的要求鼓起勇氣的風(fēng)帆,自由的人民就會爆發(fā)出無窮的創(chuàng)造力。
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them ― that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works ― whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account ― to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day ― because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.那些冷眼旁觀的人沒有認(rèn)識到他們腳下的大地已經(jīng)移動――那些長期以來空耗我們的精力的陳腐政治觀點已經(jīng)過時。我們今天提出的問題不是我們的政府太大還是太小,而是它是否行之有效――它是否能夠幫助人們找到報酬合理的就業(yè)機會,是否能夠為他們提供費用適度的醫(yī)療保健服務(wù),是否能夠確保他們在退休后不失尊嚴(yán)。如果回答是肯定的,我們就要向前推進(jìn)。如果回答是否定的,計劃和項目必須終止。作為公共資金的管理者,我們必須承擔(dān)責(zé)任――明智地使用資金,拋棄壞習(xí)慣,在陽光下履行職責(zé)――因為只有這樣我們才能恢復(fù)人民對政府的至關(guān)重要的信任。
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control ― and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart ― not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.我們提出的問題也不在于市場力量是替天行道還是為虎作倀。市場在生成財富和傳播自由方面具有無與倫比的力量,但這場危機提醒我們:沒有嚴(yán)格的監(jiān)督,市場就會失控――如果一個國家僅僅施惠于富裕者,其富裕便不能持久。我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)成功從來不是僅僅依賴國內(nèi)總產(chǎn)值的規(guī)模,而是還依賴繁榮的普及,即為每一位愿意致富的人提供機會的能力――不是通過施舍――因為這才是最可靠的共同富裕之路。
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our founding fathers...our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.至于我們的共同防御,我們決不接受安全與理念不可兩全的荒謬論點。建國先賢面對我們難以想見的險惡局面,起草了一部保障法治和人權(quán)的憲章,一部子孫后代以自己的鮮血使之更加完美的憲章。今天,這些理念仍然照耀著世界,我們不會為一時之利而棄之。因此,對于今天正在觀看此情此景的其他各國人民和政府──從最繁華的首都到我父親出生的小村莊──我們希望他們了解:凡追求和平與尊嚴(yán)的國家以及每一位男人、婦女和兒童,美國是你們的朋友。我們已經(jīng)做好準(zhǔn)備,再一次走在前面。
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.回顧過去,幾代人在戰(zhàn)勝法西斯主義和共產(chǎn)主義時依靠的不僅僅是導(dǎo)彈和坦克,更是牢固的聯(lián)盟和不渝的信念。他們懂得單憑實力無法保護(hù)我們的安全,實力也并不賦予我們隨心所欲的權(quán)利。相反,他們知道審慎使用實力會使我們更強大;我們的安全源于事業(yè)的正義性、典范的感召力、以及謙卑和克制的平衡作用。
We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort ― even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.我們是這一傳統(tǒng)的繼承者。我們只要從新以這些原則為指導(dǎo),就能應(yīng)對那些新威脅,為此必須付出更大的努力──推動國家間更多的合作與理解。我們將開始以負(fù)責(zé)任的方式把伊拉克移交給伊拉克人民,并在阿富汗鞏固來之不易的和平。我們將與多年的朋友和昔日的對手一道不懈地努力,減輕核威脅,扭轉(zhuǎn)全球變暖的厄運。我們不會在價值觀念上退縮,也不會動搖捍衛(wèi)它的決心,對于那些妄圖以煽動恐怖和屠殺無辜的手段達(dá)到其目的的人,我們現(xiàn)在就告訴你們,我們的意志更加頑強、堅不可摧;你們無法拖垮我們,我們必將戰(zhàn)勝你們。
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus ― and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.因為我們知道,我們百衲而成的傳統(tǒng)是一種優(yōu)勢,而不是劣勢。我們是一個由基督教徒和穆斯林、猶太教徒和印度教徒、以及無宗教信仰者組成的國家。我們受惠于地球上四面八方每一種語言和文化的影響。由于我們飲過南北戰(zhàn)爭和種族隔離的苦水,走出了那個黑暗時代并變得更加堅強和團(tuán)結(jié),我們不能不相信昔日的仇恨終有一天會成為過去;部族之間的界線很快會消失;隨著世界變得越來越小,我們共同的人性將得到彰顯;美國必須為迎來一個和平的新紀(jì)元發(fā)揮自己的作用。
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West ― know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.面對穆斯林世界,我們尋求一條新的前進(jìn)道路,以共同利益和相互尊重為基礎(chǔ)。對于世界上那些妄圖制造矛盾、將自己社會的弊端歸罪于西方的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人,我們奉勸你們:你們的人民將以你們的建設(shè)成就而不是你們的毀滅能力來評判你們。對于那些依靠腐敗、欺騙、壓制不同意見等手段固守權(quán)勢的人,我們提醒你們:你們站在了歷史錯誤的一邊;但只要你們放棄壓迫,我們將伸手相助。
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.對于貧困國家的人民,我們保證同你們并肩努力,為你們的農(nóng)田帶來豐收,讓清潔的用水取之不竭;使饑餓的身體得以飽食,使饑渴的心靈受到滋潤。對于那些象我們一樣比較富裕的國家,我們要說我們再不能對他人的苦難無動于衷,也再不能肆意消耗世界的資源。世界已經(jīng)改變,我們必須與時俱進(jìn)。
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment ― a moment that will define a generation ― it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.在思索我們面前的道路時,我們懷著崇敬的心情感謝此刻正在偏遠(yuǎn)的沙漠和山區(qū)巡邏的英勇無畏的美國人。他們向我們述說著什么,正如在阿靈頓公墓長眠的陣亡英雄在漫漫歲月中低淺的吟誦。我們崇敬他們,不僅因為他們捍衛(wèi)著我們的自由,而且因為他們代表著獻(xiàn)身精神,體現(xiàn)了超越個人,尋求遠(yuǎn)大理想的意愿。然而,在這個時刻,這個具有劃時代意義的時刻,我們大家必須具備的正是這種精神。
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.雖然政府能有許多作為也必須有許多作為,但最終離不開美國人民的信仰和決心,這便是我國的立國之本。正是因為人們在大堤崩裂時接納陌生人的關(guān)愛之情,正是因為工人們寧愿減少自己的工時而不愿看到朋友失去工作的無私精神,才使我們度過了最暗淡的時光。正是因為消防隊員們有勇氣沖進(jìn)濃煙滾滾的樓道,也正是因為做父母的希望培養(yǎng)一個孩子,我們才能決定最后的命運。Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends ― hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism ― these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility ― a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)可能前所未聞。我們迎接挑戰(zhàn)的方式也可能前所未有。然而,我們賴以成功的價值觀──誠實和勤奮、勇氣和公平、寬容心和探索精神、忠誠和愛國 ──均由來以久。這些價值觀都是千真萬確的。這些價值觀是我國整個歷史過程中一股無聲的進(jìn)步力量?,F(xiàn)在需要的便是重歸這些真理。我們現(xiàn)在需要做的是開創(chuàng)負(fù)責(zé)任的新時代──每一位美國人都需要認(rèn)識到我們對自己、對國家、對全世界都承擔(dān)著義務(wù)。對于這些義務(wù),我們并非勉強接受,而是心甘情愿主動承擔(dān),同時堅信我們?yōu)槠D巨的使命付出一切,沒有任何事可以如此滿足我們的道義感,也沒有任何事能如此體現(xiàn)我們的特性。
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.這就是公民的義務(wù)和承諾。
This is the source of our confidence ― the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.這就是我們自信的來源──認(rèn)識到上帝呼喚我們在前途不明的情況下掌握自己的命運。
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed ― why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.這就是我們的自由和我們堅守的信條具有的意義──說明了為什么各種族、各類信仰的男女老少能在這個雄偉的大草坪上歡聚一堂,也說明了為什么今天有人能站在這里進(jìn)行最莊嚴(yán)的宣誓,但他的父親在不到60年前還不能在當(dāng)?shù)夭宛^受到接待。
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: “Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet(it).” 為此,讓我們記住這一天,記住我們是什么樣的人,記住我們已經(jīng)走過了多長的路。在美利堅誕生的年月,在那些最寒冷的日子里,為數(shù)不多的愛國者聚集在一條冰河的岸邊,身旁的篝火即將熄滅。首都已經(jīng)撤防。敵人正在進(jìn)軍。雪地沾滿了斑斑血跡。在我們的革命何去何從,結(jié)局最難以估計的時刻,我國的開國元勛決定向人民宣讀以下這段話: “讓我們昭告未來的世界......在這個酷寒的冬季,萬物一片蕭蘇,只有希望和美德堅忍不拔的時候......這個城市和這個國家,受到共同危難的召喚,挺身而出,奮起迎戰(zhàn)?!?/p>
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.美利堅,在我們面臨共同危難之際,在我們遇到艱難險阻的冬日,讓我們牢記這些永恒的話語。心懷希望和美德,讓我們再一次迎著寒風(fēng)中流擊水,不論什么風(fēng)暴來襲,必將堅不可摧。今后,讓我們的后代子孫如此評說:我們在遇到考驗的時候沒有半途而廢,沒有退縮不前,也沒有絲毫動搖;讓我們?nèi)褙炞⒂谇胺降哪繕?biāo),感謝上帝對我們的恩典,繼承自由這個寶貴的傳統(tǒng),世代相傳,永志不忘。
Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.謝謝。上帝保佑你們。天佑美國。
第四篇:鐵血淚——丘吉爾演講詞中英對照
鐵血淚——丘吉爾演講詞中英對照.txt10有了執(zhí)著,生命旅程上的寂寞可以鋪成一片藍(lán)天;有了執(zhí)著,孤單可以演繹成一排鴻雁;有了執(zhí)著,歡樂可以綻放成滿圓的鮮花。鐵血淚 BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS“(溫斯頓 丘吉爾的演講)Winston Churchill(May 13, 1940)On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.I have already completed the most important part of this task.A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events.Other key positions were filled yesterday.I am submitting a further list to the King tonight.I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer.I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today.At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be.Business for that will be notified to M.P.'s at the earliest opportunity.I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government.The resolution: ”That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.“ To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself.But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history.We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean.The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind.We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air.War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime.That is our policy.You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory.Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.Let that be realized.No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.I take up my task in buoyancy and hope.I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, ”Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength." “熱血、汗水和眼淚”
溫斯頓?丘吉爾(1940年5月13日)
上星期五晚上,我奉陛下之命,組織新的一屆政府。
按國會和國民的意愿,新政府顯然應(yīng)該考慮建立在盡可能廣泛的基礎(chǔ)上,應(yīng)該兼容所有的黨派。
我已經(jīng)完成了這項任務(wù)的最主要的部分。戰(zhàn)時內(nèi)閣已由五人組成,包括工黨、反對黨和自由黨,這體現(xiàn)了舉國團(tuán)結(jié)一致。
由于事態(tài)的極端緊急和嚴(yán)峻,新閣政府須于一天之內(nèi)組成,其他的關(guān)鍵崗位也于昨日安排就緒。今晚還要向國王呈報一份名單。我希望明天就能完成幾位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣們的任命照例得晚一些。我相信,在國會下一次召開時,任命將告完成,臻于完善。
為公眾利益著想,我建議議長今天就召開國會。今天的議程結(jié)束時,建議休會到5月21日,并準(zhǔn)備在必要時提前開會。有關(guān)事項當(dāng)會及早通知各位議員。
現(xiàn)在我請求國會作出決議,批準(zhǔn)我所采取的各項步驟,啟示記錄在案,并且聲明信任新政府。決議如下:
“本國會歡迎新政府的組成,她體現(xiàn)了舉國一致的堅定不移的決心:對德作戰(zhàn),直到最后勝利?!?/p>
組織如此規(guī)模和如此復(fù)雜的政府原本是一項重大的任務(wù)。但是我們正處于歷史上罕見的一場大戰(zhàn)的初始階段。我們在其他許多地點作戰(zhàn)——在挪威,在荷蘭,我們還必須在地中海做好準(zhǔn)備。空戰(zhàn)正在繼續(xù),而且在本土也必須做好許多準(zhǔn)備工作。
值此危急關(guān)頭,我想,即使我今天向國會的報告過于簡略,也當(dāng)能見諒。我還希望所有在這次改組中受到影響的朋友、同僚和舊日的同僚們對必要的禮儀方面的任何不周之處能毫不介意。
我向國會表明,一如我向入閣的大臣們所表明的,我所能奉獻(xiàn)的唯有熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水我們所面臨的將是一場極其嚴(yán)酷的考驗,將是曠日持久的斗爭和苦難。
若問我們的政策是什么?我的回答是:在陸上、海上、空中作戰(zhàn)。盡我們的全力,盡上帝賦予我們的全部力量去作戰(zhàn),對人類黑暗、可悲的罪惡史上空前兇殘的暴政作戰(zhàn)。這就是我們的政策。
若問我們的目標(biāo)是什么?我可以用一個詞來回答,那就是勝利。不惜一切代價,去奪取勝利——不懼一切恐怖,去奪取勝利——不論前路如何漫長、如何艱苦,去奪取勝利。因為沒有勝利就不能生存。
我們務(wù)必認(rèn)識到,沒有勝利就不復(fù)有大英帝國,沒有勝利就不復(fù)有大英帝國所象征的一切,沒有勝利就不復(fù)有多少世紀(jì)以來的強烈要求和沖動:人類應(yīng)當(dāng)向自己的目標(biāo)邁進(jìn)。
我精神振奮、滿懷信心地承擔(dān)起我的任務(wù)。我確信,大家聯(lián)合起來,我們的事業(yè)就不會遭到挫敗。
在此時此刻的危急關(guān)頭,我覺得我有權(quán)要求各方面的支持。我要說:“來吧,讓我們?nèi)翰呷毫Γ⒓缜斑M(jìn)!”
第五篇:淺談丘吉爾
縱觀20世紀(jì),世界風(fēng)云激蕩,局勢變化莫測,發(fā)生了很多改變?nèi)祟悮v史進(jìn)程的事情,如兩次世界大戰(zhàn)。如果姑且說一戰(zhàn)大部分限于歐洲區(qū)域,稱其為世界大戰(zhàn)言過其實,那么二戰(zhàn)則是當(dāng)之無愧。從歐洲到亞洲,從大西洋到太平洋,先后有61個國家和地區(qū)、20億以上的人口被卷入戰(zhàn)爭,作戰(zhàn)區(qū)域2200萬平方千米。據(jù)不完全統(tǒng)計,戰(zhàn)爭中軍民傷亡共計9000萬余人,4萬多億美元付諸流水。在一串串?dāng)?shù)字之后,隱藏的是億萬人的無家可歸,焦土萬里,觸目驚心,是不折不扣的人類災(zāi)難。如今,第二次世界大戰(zhàn)已經(jīng)過去了70余年,我們正慢慢地遠(yuǎn)離那個硝煙彌漫的時代。但戰(zhàn)爭留下的慘痛教訓(xùn),值得每一個生在和平年代的人去感悟,正如富蘭克林說的那句話:“從來就不存在好的戰(zhàn)爭,也不存在壞的和平?!?在同盟國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人中,有一人吸引了我的注意,溫斯頓·丘吉爾,英國首相,本文將從丘吉爾身上切入,談?wù)勎覍Χ?zhàn)的淺薄認(rèn)識。
提起溫斯頓·丘吉爾,可以說是無人不知,他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)著英國人民成功地取得了反法西斯戰(zhàn)爭的勝利,與斯大林、羅斯福并稱為“三巨頭”,在人類歷史上寫下了濃墨重彩的一筆。人們熟知他的名言:“沒有永恒的朋友,也沒有永恒的敵人,只有永恒的利益”。2002年,BBC舉行名為“最偉大的100名英國人”的調(diào)查,丘吉爾獲選為有史以來最偉大的英國人,足以證明他在英國人民心中的地位。1940年,在“綏靖政策”失敗之后,首相張伯倫宣布辭職,建議丘吉爾接任首相,隨后,丘吉爾獲準(zhǔn)組閣。5月13日,丘吉爾在出席下議院會議時,發(fā)表了著名的講話:“我沒有別的,只有熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水獻(xiàn)給大家。你們問:我們的目的是什么?我可以用一個詞來答復(fù):勝利,不惜一切代價去爭取勝利,無論多么恐怖也要爭取勝利,無論道路多么遙遠(yuǎn)艱難,也要爭取勝利,因為沒有勝利就無法生存?!北娝苤?,丘吉爾是一位很富煽動性的演說家,他能成功地帶動其他人的情感,下議院最終以381票對0票的絕對優(yōu)勢表明了對丘吉爾政府的支持。英國人民獲得了一位意志堅定的精神領(lǐng)袖,在他的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下,英國人民,乃至不愿屈服的歐洲人民更加堅定地反抗著希特勒的侵略。
在我看來,丘吉爾最令人欽佩,最有人格魅力的地方在于意志堅定,不對納粹做出絲毫的讓步。在得知法國政府即將投降,丘吉爾下令撤出在法的英軍。敦刻爾克大撤退成功之后,丘吉爾發(fā)表了二戰(zhàn)中最鼓舞人心的一段講話:“我們將戰(zhàn)斗到底。我們將在法國作戰(zhàn),我們將在海洋中作戰(zhàn),我們將以越來越大的信心和越來越強的力量在空中作戰(zhàn),我們將不惜一切代價保衛(wèi)本土,我們將在海灘作戰(zhàn),我們將在敵人的登陸點作戰(zhàn),我們將在田野和街頭作戰(zhàn),我們將在山區(qū)作戰(zhàn)。我們絕不投降,即使我們這個島嶼或這個島嶼的大部分被征服并陷于饑餓之中——我從來不相信會發(fā)生這種情況——我們在海外的帝國臣民,在英國艦隊的武裝和保護(hù)下也會繼續(xù)戰(zhàn)斗,直到新世界在上帝認(rèn)為適當(dāng)?shù)臅r候,拿出它所有一切的力量來拯救和解放這個舊世界?!痹诜▏督岛螅诙?zhàn)歐洲戰(zhàn)場中承擔(dān)起的這種責(zé)任,堅守住了大英帝國最后的榮光,而取得勝利的代價,卻是放棄大英帝國昔日的地位,可以說,丘吉爾,應(yīng)說是二戰(zhàn),宣告了日不落帝國的消逝。1940年12月8日,英國的美元儲備已經(jīng)枯竭,45億美元中的大部分已經(jīng)用于訂購所有美國愿意提供的武器軍火。于是丘吉爾親自寫信給羅斯福,坦率地表明英國的資金短缺,但是依然希望美國能夠幫助英國:“如果大不列顛在這場斗爭的高潮中被奪去它全部可以銷售的資產(chǎn),使得我們用鮮血贏得了勝利,拯救了文明,替美國爭取了充分裝備以防不測后卻一貧如洗,那在原則上是錯誤的?!绷_斯福收到該信后提出以“租賃”的形式將武器彈藥支援英國,兩個月后,租賃法案在國會獲得通過,在羅斯福12月30日的著名講話中,稱“我們必須成為民主國家的兵工廠。”
1941年6月22日,德國向蘇聯(lián)宣戰(zhàn)。當(dāng)晚丘吉爾就向全國民眾發(fā)表講話:“現(xiàn)在必須與從前的敵人蘇聯(lián) 合作,在過去的25年中,沒有一個人像我那樣始終一貫地反對共產(chǎn)主義。我并不想收回我說過的話,但是這一切再正在我們眼前展現(xiàn)的情景對照之下,都已黯然失色了。任何對第三帝國作戰(zhàn)的個人或國家,都將得到我們的援助。任何跟著希特勒走的個人或國家,都是我們的敵人?!边@正是一個杰出政治家所具備的素質(zhì),大敵之前不計前隙,完全以國家利益為前提,以高度的靈活性和莫大的勇氣,拋棄意識形態(tài)觀念,在特定的歷史情況之下,與蘇聯(lián)結(jié)成同盟國,為二戰(zhàn)最后的勝利奠定了基礎(chǔ)。為此,斯大林稱贊丘吉爾是百年才出現(xiàn)的人物??傊?,丘吉爾是極富傳奇色彩的人物,對他進(jìn)行解讀可以讓我更加了解那個時代的民族精神,也可以從他身上學(xué)到堅貞的品質(zhì)。在二戰(zhàn)的時代背景之下,