第一篇：【名人演講】西奧多羅斯福：我們負(fù)有重大的責(zé)任

【名人演講】西奧多·羅斯福：我們負(fù)有重大的責(zé)任

我們負(fù)有重大的責(zé)任 ——就職演講

（美國）西奧多·羅斯福 1905年3月4日 同胞們：

我們以一種虔誠的態(tài)度說，世界上沒有哪一個(gè)民族比我們更有理由感到欣慰了。這樣說，絕無夸耀我們的力量之意，而是懷著對賜福于我們、使我們能夠有條件獲得如此巨大的幸福康樂的上帝的感激之情，作為一個(gè)民族，我們獲得上帝的許可，在新大陸上奠下國民生活的基礎(chǔ)。我們是時(shí)代的繼承者，然而我們無需像在古老的國家里那樣，承受以往文明的遺留影響所強(qiáng)加的懲罰。我們不必為了自己的生存而去同任何異族抗衡；然而，我們的生活要求活力和勤奮，沒有這些，雄健剛毅的美德就會消失殆盡。在這種條件下，倘若我們失敗了，那便是我們自己的過錯(cuò)；我們在過去獲得的成功，我們深信未來將帶給我們的成功，不應(yīng)使我們目空一切，而是要深刻地長久地認(rèn)識到生活為我們提供的一切，充分認(rèn)識我們肩負(fù)的責(zé)任，并矢志表明；在自由政府的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，一個(gè)強(qiáng)大的民族能夠繁榮昌盛，物質(zhì)生活如此，精神生活必也如此。我們被賦予的很多，期望于我們的自然也很多。我們對他人負(fù)有義務(wù)，對自己也負(fù)有義務(wù)；兩者都不能逃避。我們已成為一個(gè)偉大的國家，這一事實(shí)迫使我們在同世界上其他國家交往時(shí)，行為舉止必須與負(fù)有這種責(zé)任的民族相稱。對于其他一切國家，無論大國還是小國，我們的態(tài)度都必須熱誠真摯友好。我們必須不僅用語言，而且以行動表明，我們公正、寬宏地承認(rèn)他們的一切權(quán)利，用這種精神對待他們，我們熱切希望能從而獲得他們的善意。但是，一個(gè)國象的公正與寬宏，如同一個(gè)人的公正與寬宏一樣，不是由弱者而是由強(qiáng)者表現(xiàn)出來時(shí)，才為人推崇。在我們極其審慎地避免損害別人時(shí)，我們必須同樣地堅(jiān)持自己不受傷害。我們希望和平，但是我們希望的是公正的和平，正義的和平。我們這樣希望是因?yàn)槲覀冋J(rèn)為這是正確的，而不是因?yàn)槲覀兦优衬懶?。行事果敢正義的弱國決無理由畏懼我們，強(qiáng)國則永遠(yuǎn)不能挑選我們作為蠻橫入侵的對象。

我們同世界上其他強(qiáng)國的關(guān)系是重要的，但更為重要的是我們內(nèi)部之間的關(guān)系。隨著國家在過去125年中所經(jīng)歷的財(cái)富、人口和實(shí)力的增長，就像每一個(gè)逐步壯大起來的國家所遇到的情況一樣，各種問題也都不可遺免地相應(yīng)增長了。實(shí)力永遠(yuǎn)意味著責(zé)任和危險(xiǎn)。先輩們曾面臨某些我們這個(gè)時(shí)代不復(fù)存在的危險(xiǎn)。我們現(xiàn)在面臨的則是其他危險(xiǎn)，這些危險(xiǎn)的出現(xiàn)是先人所無法預(yù)見的?，F(xiàn)代生活既復(fù)雜又緊張，我們的社會和政治肌體的每一根纖維，都能感覺到過去半個(gè)世紀(jì)里工業(yè)的異常發(fā)展所引起的巨大變化。人們以前從來沒有嘗試過諸如在民主共和國的形式下管理一個(gè)大陸的事務(wù)這般龐大而艱巨的實(shí)驗(yàn)。創(chuàng)造了奇跡般的物質(zhì)幸福，并將我們的活力、自立能力和個(gè)人能動性發(fā)展到很高程度的那些條件，也帶來了與工業(yè)中心巨大的財(cái)富積累不可分開的煩惱與焦慮，許多事情取決于我們的實(shí)驗(yàn)成功與否，這不僅關(guān)系到我們自己的幸福，而且關(guān)系到人類的幸福。倘若我們失敗了，就會動搖全世界自由的自治政府的事業(yè)的基礎(chǔ)，因此，對于我們自己，對于當(dāng)今世界，對于尚未出生的后代，我們負(fù)有重大責(zé)任。我們沒有什么理由畏懼未來，但是有充分理由認(rèn)真地面對未來，既不對自己隱瞞擺在面前的問題的嚴(yán)重性，也不怕以百折不撓的意志處理這些問題，正確予以解決。然而，要知道，雖然這些是新問題，雖然擺在我們面前的任務(wù)不同于擺在創(chuàng)建并維護(hù)這個(gè)共和國的先輩面前的任務(wù)，但是，如果要很好地履行我們的責(zé)任，那么，承擔(dān)這些任務(wù)和正視這些問題所必須發(fā)揚(yáng)的精神依然根本沒有改變。我們知道，自治是困難的。我們知道，我們力求以組成本民族的自由人所自由表達(dá)的意愿來正確地管理自己的事務(wù)，沒有哪一個(gè)民族需要像我們所需要的這樣高尚的特性。但我們相信，我們會背離先人們在輝煌的過去所創(chuàng)立的事業(yè)。他們干了他們的工作，他們?yōu)槲覀兞粝铝宋覀內(nèi)缃袼硎艿妮x煌的遺產(chǎn)。我們也堅(jiān)信，我們一定不會浪費(fèi)這份遺產(chǎn)，而且要進(jìn)一步充實(shí)增加，留給我們的孩子，留給孩子們的后代。為此，我們不僅必須在重大危機(jī)中，而且要在日常事務(wù)中，都表現(xiàn)出注重實(shí)際的智慧、勇敢、剛毅和忍耐，尤其是為了崇高理想而奉獻(xiàn)所有力量的情操，正是由于有了這些品質(zhì)，華盛頓時(shí)代締造這個(gè)共和國的人們才得以成為一代偉人，亞伯拉罕·林肯時(shí)代維護(hù)這個(gè)共和國的人們也才得以名垂青史。

【摘自：網(wǎng)絡(luò)】

第二篇：西奧多·羅斯福 The Man with the Muck-rake（小編推薦）

Theodore “Teddy” Roosevelt

The Man with the Muck-rake

delivered 14 April 1906

演講者簡介：西奧多·羅斯福(英文：Theodore Roosevelt，又譯狄奧多·羅斯福，人稱老羅斯福，昵稱泰迪(Teddy)，1858年10月27日-1919年1月6日)，美國軍事家、政治家，第26任總統(tǒng)。

關(guān)于耙糞記者的相關(guān)背景介紹：

所謂“耙糞記者/耙糞運(yùn)動”(muckraker)，也稱黑幕揭發(fā)記者/運(yùn)動，是指美國19世紀(jì)末20世紀(jì)初掀起的一股新聞報(bào)道浪潮，一些記者和報(bào)刊致力于深入調(diào)查報(bào)道黑幕，揭發(fā)丑聞，對社會陰暗面進(jìn)行揭示。其名稱源于西奧多·羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)的一次演講。此演講中，羅斯福將20世紀(jì)初一批致力于揭丑、暴露、煽情等報(bào)道的記者，比作英國作家約翰·班揚(yáng)小說《天路歷程》中的一個(gè)反派人物，他從不仰望天空，只是手拿糞耙，埋頭打掃地上的穢物。但是被批評的揭丑記者卻不以為然，反而欣然接受這個(gè)稱號。后來，人們便將這種新聞及報(bào)道這些新聞的記者和報(bào)刊稱為耙糞運(yùn)動、耙糞記者、耙糞報(bào)刊等，就如同人們將赫斯特報(bào)刊的煽情報(bào)道成為黃色新聞一樣。

Over a century ago Washington laid the corner stone of the Capitol in what was then little more than a tract of wooded wilderness here beside the potomac.We now find it necessary to provide by great additional buildings for the business of the government.This growth in the need for the housing of the government is but a proof and example of the way in which the nation has grown and the sphere of action of the national government has grown.We now administer the affairs of a nation in which the extraordinary growth of population has been outstripped by the growth of wealth in complex interests.The material problems that face us today are not such as they were in Washington's time, but the underlying facts of human nature are the same now as they were then.Under altered external form we war with the same tendencies toward evil that were evident in Washington's time, and are helped by the same tendencies for good.It is about some of these that I wish to say a word today.In Bunyan's “pilgrim's progress” you may recall the description of the Man with the Muck Rake, the man who could look no way but downward, with the muck rake in his hand;who was offered a celestial crown for his muck rake, but who would neither look up nor regard the crown he was offered, but continued to rake to himself the filth of the floor.In “pilgrim's progress” the Man with the Muck Rake is set forth as the example of him whose vision is fixed on carnal instead of spiritual things.Yet he also typifies the man who in this life consistently refuses to see aught that is lofty, and fixes his eyes with solemn intentness only on that which is vile and debasing.Now, it is very necessary that we should not flinch from seeing what is vile and debasing.There is filth on the floor, and it must be scraped up with the muck rake;and there are times and places where this service is the most needed of all the services that can be performed.But the man who never does anything else, who never thinks or speaks or writes, save of his feats with the muck rake, speedily becomes, not a help but one of the most potent forces for evil.There are in the body politic, economic and social, many and grave evils, and there is urgent necessity for the sternest war upon them.There should be relentless exposure of and attack upon every evil man, whether politician or business man, every evil practice, whether in politics, business, or social life.I hail as a benefactor every writer or speaker, every man who, on the platform or in a book, magazine, or newspaper, with merciless severity makes such attack, provided always that he in his turn remembers that the attack is of use only if it is absolutely truthful.The liar is no whit better than the thief, and if his mendacity takes the form of slander he may be worse than most thieves.It puts a premium upon knavery untruthfully to attack an honest man, or even with hysterical exaggeration to assail a bad man with untruth.An epidemic of indiscriminate assault upon character does no good, but very great harm.The soul of every scoundrel is gladdened whenever an honest man is assailed, or even when a scoundrel is untruthfully assailed.Now, it is easy to twist out of shape what I have just said, easy to affect to misunderstand it, and if it is slurred over in repetition not difficult really to misunderstand it.Some persons are sincerely incapable of understanding that to denounce mud slinging does not mean the endorsement of whitewashing;and both the interested individuals who need whitewashing and those others who practice mud slinging like to encourage such confusion of ideas.One of the chief counts against those who make indiscriminate assault upon men in business or men in public life is that they invite a reaction which is sure to tell powerfully in favor of the unscrupulous scoundrel who really ought to be attacked, who ought to be exposed, who ought, if possible, to be put in the penitentiary.If Aristides is praised overmuch as just, people get tired of hearing it;and over-censure of the unjust finally and from similar reasons results in their favor.Any excess is almost sure to invite a reaction;and, unfortunately, the reactions instead of taking the form of punishment of those guilty of the excess, is apt to take the form either of punishment of the unoffending or of giving immunity, and even strength, to offenders.The effort to make financial or political profit out of the destruction of character can only result in public calamity.Gross and reckless assaults on character, whether on the stump or in newspaper, magazine, or book, create a morbid and vicious public sentiment, and at the same time act as a profound deterrent to able men of normal sensitiveness and tend to prevent them from entering the public service at any price.As an instance in point, I may mention that one serious difficulty encountered in getting the right type of men to dig the panama canal is the certainty that they will be exposed, both without, and, I am sorry to say, sometimes within, Congress, to utterly reckless assaults on their character and capacity.At the risk of repetition let me say again that my plea is not for immunity to, but for the most unsparing exposure of, the politician who betrays his trust, of the big business man who makes or spends his fortune in illegitimate or corrupt ways.There should be a resolute effort to hunt every such man out of the position he has disgraced.Expose the crime, and hunt down the criminal;but remember that even in the case of crime, if it is attacked in sensational, lurid, and untruthful fashion, the attack may do more damage to the public mind than the crime itself.It is because I feel that there should be no rest in the endless war against the forces of evil that I ask the war be conducted with sanity as well as with resolution.The men with the muck rakes are often indispensable to the well being of society;but only if they know when to stop raking the muck, and to look upward to the celestial crown above them, to the crown of worthy endeavor.There are beautiful things above and round about them;and if they gradually grow to feel that the whole world is nothing but muck, their power of usefulness is gone.If the whole picture is painted black there remains no hue whereby to single out the rascals for distinction from their fellows.Such painting finally induces a kind of moral color blindness;and people affected by it come to the conclusion that no man is really black, and no man really white, but they are all gray.In other words, they neither believe in the truth of the attack, nor in the honesty of the man who is attacked;they grow as suspicious of the accusation as of the offense;it becomes well nigh hopeless to stir them either to wrath against wrongdoing or to enthusiasm for what is right;and such a mental attitude in the public gives hope to every knave, and is the despair of honest men.To assail the great and admitted evils of our political and industrial life with such crude and sweeping generalizations as to include decent men in the general condemnation means the searing of the public con science.There results a general attitude either of cynical belief in and indifference to public corruption or else of a distrustful inability to discriminate between the good and the bad.Either attitude is fraught with untold damage to the country as a whole.The fool who has not sense to discriminate between what is good and what is bad is well nigh as dangerous as the man who does discriminate and yet chooses the bad.There is nothing more distressing to every good patriot, to every good American, than the hard, scoffing spirit which treats the allegation of dishonesty in a public man as a cause for laughter.Such laughter is worse than the crackling of thorns under a pot, for it denotes not merely the vacant mind, but the heart in which high emotions have been choked before they could grow to fruition.There is any amount of good in the world, and there never was a time when loftier and more disinterested work for the betterment of mankind was being done than now.The forces that tend for evil are great and terrible, but the forces of truth and love and courage and honesty and generosity and sympathy are also stronger than ever before.It is a foolish and timid, no less than a wicked thing, to blink the fact that the forces of evil are strong, but it is even worse to fail to take into account the strength of the forces that tell for good.Hysterical sensationalism is the poorest weapon wherewith to fight for lasting righteousness.The men who with stern sobriety and truth assail the many evils of our time, whether in the public press, or in magazines, or in books, are the leaders and allies of all engaged in the work for social and political betterment.But if they give good reason for distrust of what they say, if they chill the ardor of those who demand truth as a primary virtue, they thereby betray the good cause and play into the hands of the very men against whom they are nominally at war.In his Ecclesiastical polity that fine old Elizabethan divine, Bishop Hooker, wrote:

He that goeth about to persuade a multitude that they are not so well governed as they ought to be shall never want attentive and favorable hearers, because they know the manifold defects whereunto every kind of regimen is subject, but the secret lets and difficulties, which in public proceedings are innumerable and inevitable, they have not ordinarily the judgment to consider.

第三篇：統(tǒng)西奧多·羅斯福(Theodore Roosevelt)著名演講The Strenuous Life勤奮的生活

The Strenuous Life.（勤奮的生活）

Gentlemen，先生們：

1.In speaking to you, men of the greatest city of the West, men of the State which gave to the country Lincoln and Grant, men who preeminently and distinctly embody all that is most American in the American character, I wish to preach not the doctrine of ignoble ease but the doctrine of the strenuous life;the life of toil and effort;of labor and strife;to preach that highest form of success which comes not to the man who desires mere easy peace but to the man who does not shrink from danger, from hardship, of from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph.1、在向你們——西部最大城市的公民，為國家培育了林肯和格蘭特的國家的公民，最能體現(xiàn)美國精神的公民—講話時(shí)，我想談的不是貪圖安逸的人生哲學(xué)，而是要向你們宣講勤奮生活論——即過勤奮苦干的生活，過忙碌奮斗的生活。我想說，成功的最高境界不屬于滿足安逸的人們，而是屬于那些在艱難險(xiǎn)阻面前從不畏懼終獲輝煌的人們。

2.The timid man, the lazy man, the man who distrusts his country, the overcivilized man, who has lost the great fighting, masterful virtues, the ignorant man and the man of dull mind, whose soul is incapable of feeling the mighty lift that thrills “stem men with empires in their brains”—all these, of course, shrink from seeing the nation undertake its new duties;shrink from seeing us build a navy and army adequate to our needs;shrink from seeing us do our share of the world's work by bringing order out of chaos in the great, fair tropic islands from which the valor of our soldiers and sailors has driven the Spanish flag.These are the men who fear the strenuous life, who fear the only national life which is really worth leading.They believe in that cloistered life which saps the hardy virtues in a nation, as it saps them in the individual;or else they are wedded to that base spirit of gain and greed which recognizes in commercialism the be-all and end-all of national life, instead of realizing that, though an indispensable element, it is after all but one of the many elements that go to make up true national greatness.No country can long endure if its foundations are not laid deep in the material prosperity which comes from hard unsparing effort in the fields of industrial activity;but neither was any nation ever yet truly great if it relied upon material prosperity alone.All honor must be paid to the architects of our material prosperity;to the great captains of industry who have built our factories and our railroads;to the strong men who toil for wealth with brain or hand;for great is the debt of the nation to these and their kind.But our debt is yet greater to the men whose highest type is to be found in a statesman like Lincoln, a soldier like Grant.They showed by their lives that they recognized the law of work, the law of strife;they toiled to win a competence for themselves and those dependent upon them;but they recognized that there were yet other and even loftier duties—duties to the nation and duties to the race.2、凡怯懦、懶惰、不相信祖國的人，謹(jǐn)小慎微喪失堅(jiān)強(qiáng)斗志的“文明過頭”的人、混沌無知的人、思想僵化的人、不能像剛毅有抱負(fù)的人那樣被鼓舞振奮的人——總之，當(dāng)看到國家有新的責(zé)任要承擔(dān)，當(dāng)看到祖國正在建立足以滿足需要的海陸軍，當(dāng)看到英勇的士兵和水手在美麗的熱帶島嶼上驅(qū)逐西班牙勢力，承擔(dān)起應(yīng)盡的世界責(zé)任，恢復(fù)當(dāng)?shù)刂刃颉?dāng)看到這一切時(shí)，所有這些人都退縮了。就是這樣一些人，他們害怕過勤奮的生活，害怕過真正值得過的國民的生活。他們相信與世隔絕的生活，任由這種生活在侵蝕他們個(gè)人吃苦耐勞品德的同時(shí)，也侵蝕了一個(gè)民族的吃苦耐勞精神。若不然，他們就沉迷于惟利是圖、貪得無厭的卑污泥潭而不能自拔，認(rèn)為國家應(yīng)一切以商業(yè)利益為根本。但他們卻不明白，商業(yè)利益固然是不可或缺的因素，然而畢竟只是造就真正偉大國家的許多因素之一。誠然，如果一個(gè)國家不是深深扎根于其工業(yè)活動領(lǐng)域的艱苦努力所帶來的繁榮的物質(zhì)基礎(chǔ)之中，那么這個(gè)國家也不可能長久地生存下去。但是，如果僅僅依賴于物質(zhì)財(cái)富，任何國家也永遠(yuǎn)不會成為真正偉大的國家。我們應(yīng)該向那些創(chuàng)造了物質(zhì)財(cái)富的人們致敬，向那些創(chuàng)建了工廠和鐵路的實(shí)業(yè)巨頭們致敬，向那些用勤勞和智慧換取財(cái)富的強(qiáng)者們致敬；國家很感激他們以及和他們一樣的人。但是，我們更感激另外一些人，他們的最佳楷模就是林肯那樣的政治家和格蘭特那樣的軍人。他們的生活軌跡表明，他們清楚工作和斗爭的法則，他們含辛茹苦，使自己和依賴他們生活的人們過上了富足的生活，而且他們懂得還有更崇高的責(zé)任—對國家和民族的責(zé)任。

3.I preach to you, then, my countrymen, that our country calls not for the life of ease, but for the life of strenuous endeavor.The twentieth century looms before us big with the fate of many nations.If we stand idly by, if we seek merely swollen, slothful ease, and ignoble peace, if we shrink from the hard contests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by and will win for themselves the domination of the world.Let us therefore boldly face the life of strife, resolute to do our duty well and manfully;resolute to uphold righteousness by deed and by word;resolute to be both honest and brave, to serve high ideals, yet to use practical methods.Above all, let us shrink from no strife, moral or physical, within or without the nation, provided we are certain that the strife is justified;for it is only through strife, through hard and dangerous endeavor, that we shall ultimately win the goal of true national greatness.3、所以同胞們，我要講的是，我們的國家要求我們不能好逸惡勞，而只能過刻苦勤奮的生活。迫在眉睫的20世紀(jì)將決定許多國家的命運(yùn)。假如我們只是一味地袖手旁觀、貪圖享樂、茍且偷安，假如我們面臨激烈的競爭考驗(yàn)時(shí)不是冒著犧牲個(gè)人生命和失去親人的危險(xiǎn)去贏得勝利，而是落荒而逃的話，那么，更勇敢堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的民族就會超越我們，得以統(tǒng)領(lǐng)世界。因此，讓我們勇敢地面對充滿斗爭考驗(yàn)的生活，下定決心卓越而果斷地履行我們的職責(zé)；下定決心無論在語言還是行動上都堅(jiān)持正義；下定決心誠實(shí)勇敢地以切實(shí)可行的方法為崇高的理想服務(wù)。最重要的是，無論是精神還是物質(zhì)的斗爭，無論是國內(nèi)還是國外的斗爭，只要我們確定正義在手，我們就絕不能逃避退縮。因?yàn)橹挥型ㄟ^斗爭，通過艱苦和充滿危險(xiǎn)的努力，我們才能最終達(dá)到目標(biāo)—成為真正偉大的國家。

第四篇：羅斯福就職演講

羅斯福全名：富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt)(1882—1945)18歲時(shí)考入哈佛大學(xué)，攻讀政治，歷史和新聞專業(yè)，又在哥倫比亞大學(xué)攻讀法律。后來從政，先后任過紐約州參議員和州長。中年時(shí)，他因患 脊髓灰質(zhì)炎(Poliomyelitis、Polio)，雙腿癱瘓，只能以輪椅代步。他任美國總統(tǒng)期間，實(shí)行新政，維護(hù)了美國資本主義制度，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)美國參加世界人民反法西斯戰(zhàn)爭，并取得勝利。

President Hoover, Mr Chief Justice, my friends: this is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the presidency, I will address them with a candour and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is pre-eminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itselfnarrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of Americabroad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication-in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

第五篇：羅斯福就職演講

羅斯福就職演講

胡佛總統(tǒng)，首席法官先生，朋友們： 今天，對我們的國家來說，是一個(gè)神圣的日子．我肯定，同胞們都期待我在 就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，會像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話．現(xiàn)在 正是坦白、勇敢地說出實(shí)話，說出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻．我們不必畏首畏尾，不 老老實(shí)實(shí)面對我國今天的情況．這個(gè)偉大的國家會一如既往地堅(jiān)持下去，它會復(fù) 興和繁榮起來．因此，讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是 害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據(jù)的恐懼，它把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需 的種種努力化為泡影．凡在我國生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻，坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得 到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件．我相信，在目前危 急時(shí)刻，大家會再次給予同樣的支持． 我和你們都要以這種精神，來面對我們共同的困難．感謝上帝，這些困難只 是物質(zhì)方面的．價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了；我們的支付能力下降了； 各級政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿(mào)易過程中遭到了凍結(jié)；工業(yè)企業(yè) 枯萎的落葉到處可見； 農(nóng)場主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路； 千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流． 更重要的是，大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛 的勞動換取微薄的報(bào)酬．只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)． 但是，我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)槿狈ξ镔Y．我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災(zāi)害．我 們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安，比起他們經(jīng)歷過的險(xiǎn)阻，我們?nèi)源罂?感到欣慰．大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增．富足的情景近在 咫尺，但就在我們見到這種 情景的時(shí)候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去．這主要是因 為主宰人類物資交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了，他們固執(zhí)己見而又無能為力，因而已經(jīng) 認(rèn)定失敗了，并撒手不管了．貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑．將受到輿論法 庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄． 是的，他們是努力過，然而他們用的是一種完全過時(shí)的方法．面對信貸的失 敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢．沒有了當(dāng)誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯(cuò)誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo) 的金錢，他們只得求助于講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心．他們只知自我 追求者們的處世規(guī)則．他們沒有眼光，而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的． 如今，貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃．我們要以千古不變的 真理來重建這座廟宇． 衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現(xiàn)比金錢利益更高尚的社會價(jià) 值的程度． 幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢；幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創(chuàng)造努 力時(shí)
的激情．務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動帶來的喜悅和激勵(lì)，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即
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逝的利潤．如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識到，我們真正的天命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍 奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù)，那么，我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的． 認(rèn)識到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的，我們就會拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè) 人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，來衡量公職和高級政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念；我們必須制止銀行 界和企業(yè)界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當(dāng)行 為．難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠實(shí)、信譽(yù)、忠心維護(hù)和無私履行職責(zé)．而 沒有這些，就不可能有信心． 但是，復(fù)興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念．這個(gè)國家要求行動起來，現(xiàn)在就行動 起來． 我們最大、最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作．只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個(gè)問題就可以解決．這可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象對待臨戰(zhàn)的緊要關(guān) 頭一樣，但同時(shí)，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源 的工程． 我們齊心協(xié)力，但必須坦白地承認(rèn)工業(yè)中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國范 圍內(nèi)重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發(fā)表揮更大作用． 明確地為提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)值并以此購買城市產(chǎn)品所做的努力，會有助于任務(wù)的 完成．避免許多小家庭業(yè)、農(nóng)場業(yè)被取消贖取抵押品的權(quán)利的悲劇也有助于任務(wù) 的完成． 聯(lián)邦、各地政府立即行動回應(yīng)要求降價(jià)的呼聲，州、有助于任務(wù)的完成． 將 現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)、不平等的救濟(jì)活動統(tǒng)一起來有助于任務(wù)的完成．對所有 公共交通運(yùn)輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設(shè)施作全國性的計(jì)劃及監(jiān)督有助于任 務(wù)的完成．許多事情都有助于任務(wù)完成，但這些決不包括空談．我們必須行動，立即行動． 最后，為了重新開始工作，我們需要兩手防御，來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來； 一定要有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)、信貸及投資的機(jī)制：一定要杜絕投機(jī)；一定要有充足 而健康的貨幣供應(yīng)． 以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針．我要在特別會議上敦促新國會給予詳細(xì) 實(shí)施方案，并且，我要向 18 個(gè)州請求立即的援助． 通過行動，我們將予以我們自己一個(gè)有秩序的國家大廈，使收入大于支出． 我 們的國際貿(mào)易，雖然很重要，但現(xiàn)在在時(shí)間和必要性上，次于對本國健康經(jīng)濟(jì)的 建立．我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務(wù)先行．雖然我將不遺余力通過國際經(jīng) 濟(jì)重新協(xié)調(diào)所來恢復(fù)國際貿(mào)易，但我認(rèn)為國內(nèi)的緊急情況無法等待這重新協(xié)調(diào)的 完成． 指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國性復(fù)蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國家主義． 我首先考慮的 是堅(jiān)持美國這一整體

體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對美國式的開拓精神的古老 而永恒的證明的體現(xiàn)． 這才是復(fù)蘇之路，是即時(shí)之路，是保證復(fù)蘇功效持久之路．
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在國際政策方面，我將使美國采取睦鄰友好的政策．做一個(gè)決心自重，因此 而尊重鄰國的國家．做一個(gè)履行義務(wù)，尊重與他國協(xié)約的國家． 如果我對人民的心情的了解正確的話，我想我們已認(rèn)識到了我們從未認(rèn)識的 問題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻(xiàn)．我們前進(jìn)時(shí)，必須象一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠的軍隊(duì)，愿意為共同的原則而獻(xiàn)身，因?yàn)?，沒有這些 原則，就無法取得進(jìn)步，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能得力．我們都已做好準(zhǔn)備，并愿意為此原 則獻(xiàn)出生命和財(cái)產(chǎn)，因?yàn)檫@將使志在建設(shè)更美好社會的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)成為可能．我倡議，為了更偉大的目標(biāo)，我們所有的人，以一致的職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)起來．這是神圣的義 務(wù)，非戰(zhàn)亂，不停止． 有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)偉大人民大軍的任務(wù)，致力于對 我們普遍問題的強(qiáng)攻．這樣的行動，這樣的目標(biāo)，在我們從祖先手中接過的政府 中是可行的．我們的憲法如此簡單，實(shí)在．它隨時(shí)可以應(yīng)付特殊情況，只需對重 點(diǎn)和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因?yàn)槿绱?，我們的憲法體制已自證為是 最有適應(yīng)性的政治體制．它已應(yīng)付過巨大的國土擴(kuò)張、外戰(zhàn)、內(nèi)亂及國際關(guān)系所 帶來的壓力． 而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地?fù)?dān)負(fù)前所未有的任 務(wù)．但現(xiàn)在前所未有的對緊急行動的需要要求國民暫時(shí)丟棄平常生活節(jié)奏，緊迫 起來． 讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著 尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得 到的問心無愧的滿足．我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安． 我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來．合眾國人民并沒有失敗．他們在困難中 表達(dá)了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動．他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方 向．他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具．我接受這份厚贈．

在此舉國奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝賜福．愿上帝保信我們大家和每一 個(gè)人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我．

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