第一篇：羅斯福總統(tǒng)演講The Four Freedoms

Mr.president, Mr.Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union.I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs.And, fortunately, only one of these--the four-year war between the States--ever threatened our national unity.Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents.We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition--clear, definite opposition--to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past.Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914--ninety-nine years--no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere.And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength;it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles.We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world--assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents.If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors.And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere--yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature--and, incidentally, untrue--for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion--or even good business.Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task.And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program.However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars' worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons--a loan to be repaid in dollars.I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom.We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.Such aid--Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators--if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression.The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet.The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency--almost as serious as war itself--demands.Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups.A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment--The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world.The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes.In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today.No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way--everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium.It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order.A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch.The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them.Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第二篇：羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)的演講

英文原版一個(gè)遺臭萬年的日子羅斯福

Yesterday, Dec.7, 1941the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in

conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese

government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.Very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Headlines-WarJapan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec.7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

第三篇：羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)的講話

羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)的講話 The doer of Deeds

It is not the critic who counts,not the man who points out how the strong man stumbles,the doer of deeds could have done them better.The credit belongs to the man who is actually in the arens,whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood;who stives valiantly;who errs,and comes short again and again;because there is not effort without error and shortcoming;but who does actually strive to do the deeds;who knows the great enthusiasms,the great devotions;who spends himself in a worthy cause,who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievement and who at the worst,if he fails,at least fails whiledaring greatly,so that his place shall never be with those cold and timid souls who know neither victory nor defeat.真正令人尊敬的并非那些評(píng)論家和那些指出強(qiáng)者是如何跌倒，實(shí)干家本該做得更好的人。榮譽(yù)屬于那些親臨競(jìng)技場(chǎng)，滿臉污泥，汗水和鮮血的人。他們不懈努力，他們?cè)高^過錯(cuò)，并一再失敗。因?yàn)楦冻黾匆馕吨稿e(cuò)和失敗。他們滿懷激情地努力做事，執(zhí)著不懈，將生命奉獻(xiàn)于崇高的事業(yè)。他們?yōu)榻?jīng)過艱辛努力最終取得的偉大成就而自豪，如果失敗，他們夜敗的榮耀。因而，這樣的人永遠(yuǎn)不應(yīng)與那些不知道勝利，也從未失敗過的冷淡而膽怯的靈魂相提并論。

第四篇：羅斯福總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選演講稿

羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)競(jìng)選演講稿

如果還有人對(duì)美國是否凡事都有可能存疑，還有人懷疑美國奠基者的夢(mèng)想在我們所處的時(shí)代是否依然鮮活，還有人質(zhì)疑我們的民-主制度的力量，那么今晚，這些問題都有了答案。

這是設(shè)在學(xué)校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未見的長(zhǎng)隊(duì)給出的答案；是等了三四個(gè)小時(shí)的選民所給出的答案，其中許多人都是有生以來第一次投票，因?yàn)樗麄冋J(rèn)定這一次肯定會(huì)不一樣，認(rèn)為自己的聲音會(huì)是這次大選有別于以往之所在。

這是所有美國人民共同給出的答案--無論老少貧富，無論是民-主黨還是共和黨，無論是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亞裔、原住民，是同性戀者還是異性戀者、殘疾人還是健全人--我們從來不是“紅州”和“藍(lán)州”的對(duì)立陣營(yíng)，我們是美利堅(jiān)合眾國這個(gè)整體，永遠(yuǎn)都是。

長(zhǎng)久以來，很多人一再受到告誡，要對(duì)我們所能取得的成績(jī) 極盡諷刺、擔(dān)憂和懷疑之能事，但這個(gè)答案讓這些人伸出手來把握歷史，再次讓它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。

已經(jīng)過去了這么長(zhǎng)時(shí)間，但今晚，由于我們?cè)诮裉?、在這場(chǎng)大選中、在這個(gè)具有決定性的時(shí)刻所做的，美國已經(jīng)迎來了變革。

我剛剛接到了麥凱恩參議員極具風(fēng)度的致電。他在這場(chǎng)大選中經(jīng)過了長(zhǎng)時(shí)間的努力奮斗，而他為自己所深愛 的這個(gè)國家奮斗的時(shí)間更長(zhǎng)、過程更艱辛。他為美國做出了我們大多數(shù)人難以想像的犧牲，我們的生活 也因這位勇敢無私的領(lǐng)袖所做出的貢獻(xiàn)而變得更美好。我向他和佩林州長(zhǎng)所取得的成績(jī)表示祝賀，我也期待著與他們一起在未來的歲月中為復(fù)興這個(gè)國家的希望而共同努力。

我要感謝我在這次旅程中的伙伴--已當(dāng)選美國副總統(tǒng)的拜登。他全心參與競(jìng)選活動(dòng)，為普通民眾代言，他們是他在斯克蘭頓從小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉華的火車上遇到的男男女女。

如果沒有一個(gè)人的堅(jiān)決支持，我今晚就不會(huì)站在這里，她是我過去16年來最好的朋友、是我們一家人的中堅(jiān)和我一生的摯愛，更是我們國家的下一位第一夫人：米歇爾·奧巴馬（Michelle Obama）。薩莎（Sasha）和瑪麗亞（Malia），我太愛你們兩個(gè)了，你們已經(jīng)得到了一條新的小狗，它將與我們一起入駐白宮。雖然我的外祖母已經(jīng)不在了，但我知道她與我的親人肯定都在看著我，因?yàn)樗麄?，我才能擁有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他們，我知道自己欠他們的無可計(jì)量。

我的競(jìng)選經(jīng)理大衛(wèi)·普勞夫（David plouffe）、首席策略師大衛(wèi)·艾克斯羅德（David Axelrod）以及政治史上最好的競(jìng)選團(tuán)隊(duì)--是你們成就了今天，我永遠(yuǎn)感激你們?yōu)閷?shí)現(xiàn)今天的成就所做出的犧牲。

但最重要的是，我永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)忘記這場(chǎng)勝利真正的歸屬--它屬于你們。

我從來不是最有希望的候選人。一開始，我們沒有太多資金，也沒有得到太多人的支持。我們的競(jìng)選活動(dòng)并非誕生于華盛頓的高門華第之內(nèi)，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查爾斯頓這些地方的普通民眾家中。

我們的競(jìng)選活動(dòng)能有今天的規(guī)模，是因?yàn)樾燎诠ぷ鞯娜藗儚淖约旱奈⒈》e蓄中拿出錢來，捐出一筆又一筆5美元、10美元、20美元。而競(jìng)選活動(dòng)的聲勢(shì)越來越大則是源自那些年輕人，他們拒絕接受認(rèn)為他們這代人冷漠的荒誕說法；他們離開家、離開親人，從事報(bào)酬微雹極其辛苦的工作；同時(shí)也源自那些已經(jīng)不算年輕的人們，他們冒著嚴(yán)寒酷暑，敲開陌生人的家門進(jìn)行競(jìng)選宣傳；更源自數(shù)百萬的美國民眾，他們自動(dòng)自發(fā)地組織起來，證明了在兩百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未從地球上消失。這是你們的勝利。

我知道你們的所做所為并不只是為了贏得大選，我也知道你們做這一切并不是為了我。你們這樣做是因?yàn)槟銈兠靼讛[在面前的任務(wù)有多艱巨。因?yàn)榧幢阄覀兘裢須g呼慶祝，我們也知道明天將面臨我們一生之中最為艱巨的挑戰(zhàn)--兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、一個(gè)面臨危險(xiǎn)的星球，還有百年來最嚴(yán)重的金融危機(jī)。今晚站在此地，我們知道伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中還有勇敢的美國士兵醒來，甘冒生命危險(xiǎn)保護(hù)著我們。會(huì)有在孩子熟睡后仍難以入眠的父母，擔(dān)心如何償還按揭月供、付醫(yī)藥費(fèi)或是存夠錢送孩子上大學(xué)。我們亟待開發(fā)新能源、創(chuàng)造新的工作機(jī)會(huì)；我們需要修建新學(xué)校，還要應(yīng)對(duì)眾多威脅、修復(fù)與許多國家的關(guān)系。

前方的道路會(huì)十分漫長(zhǎng)艱辛。我們可能無法在一年甚至一屆任期之內(nèi)實(shí)現(xiàn)上述目標(biāo)，但我從未像今晚這樣滿懷希望，相信我們會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)。我向你們承諾--我們作為一個(gè)整體將會(huì)達(dá)成目標(biāo)。

我們會(huì)遭遇挫折和不成功的開端。對(duì)于我作為總統(tǒng)所做的每項(xiàng)決定和政策，會(huì)有許多人持有異議，我們也知道政府并不能解決所有問題。但我會(huì)向你們坦陳我們所面臨的挑戰(zhàn)。我會(huì)聆聽你們的意見，尤其是在我們意見相左之時(shí)。最重要的是，我會(huì)請(qǐng)求你們參與重建這個(gè)國家，以美國221年來從未改變的唯一方式--一磚一瓦、胼手胝足。

21個(gè)月前那個(gè)寒冬所開始的一切不應(yīng)該在今天這個(gè)秋夜結(jié)束。今天的選舉勝利并不是我們所尋求的改變--這只是我們進(jìn)行改變的機(jī)會(huì)。而且如果我們?nèi)匀话凑张f有方式行事，我們所尋求的改變不可能出現(xiàn)。沒有你們，也不可能有這種改變。

因此，讓我們發(fā)揚(yáng)新的愛國精神，樹立新的服務(wù)意識(shí)和責(zé)任感，讓我們每個(gè)人下定決心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此關(guān)愛。讓我們銘記這場(chǎng)金融危機(jī)帶來的教訓(xùn)：我們不可能在金融以外的領(lǐng)域備受煎熬的同時(shí)擁有繁榮興旺的華爾街--在這個(gè)國家，我們患難與共。

讓我們抵制重走老路的誘-惑，避免重新回到令美國政治長(zhǎng)期深受毒害的黨派紛爭(zhēng)和由此引發(fā)的遺憾和不成熟表現(xiàn)。讓我們牢記，正是伊利諾伊州的一名男子首次將共和黨的大旗扛到了白宮。共和黨是建立在自強(qiáng)自立、個(gè)人自由以及全民團(tuán)結(jié)的價(jià)值觀上，這也是我們所有人都珍視的價(jià)值。雖然民-主黨今天晚上贏得了巨大的勝利，但我們是以謙卑的態(tài)度和彌合阻礙我們進(jìn)步的分歧的決心贏得這場(chǎng)勝利的。林肯在向遠(yuǎn)比我們眼下分歧更大的國家發(fā)表講話時(shí)說，我們不是敵人，而是朋友……雖然激-情可能褪去，但是這不會(huì)割斷我們感情上的聯(lián)系。對(duì)于那些現(xiàn)在并不支持我的美國人，我想說，或許我沒有贏得你們的選票，但是我聽到了你們的聲音，我需要你們的幫助，而且我也將是你們的總統(tǒng)。

那些徹夜關(guān)注美國大選的海外人士，從國會(huì)到皇宮，以及在這個(gè)世界被遺忘的角落里擠在收音機(jī)旁的人們，我們的經(jīng)歷雖然各有不同，但是我們的命運(yùn)是相通的，新的美國領(lǐng)袖誕生了。那些想要顛覆這個(gè)世界的人們，我們必將擊敗你們。那些追求和平和安全 的人們，我們支持你們。那些所有懷疑美國能否繼續(xù)照亮世界發(fā)展前景的人們，今天晚上我們?cè)俅巫C明，我們國家真正的力量并非來自我們武器的威力或財(cái)富的規(guī)模，而是來自我們理想的持久力量：民-主、自由、機(jī)會(huì)和不屈的希望。

第五篇：羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)關(guān)于珍珠港事件的演講（模版）

羅斯福總統(tǒng)關(guān)于珍珠港事件的演講

（羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)１９４１年１２月８日在國會(huì)的演講）

昨天，１９４１年１２月７日——必須永遠(yuǎn)記住這個(gè)恥辱的日子——美利堅(jiān)合眾國受到了日本帝國海空軍突然的蓄意的攻擊。美國和日本是和平相處的，根據(jù)日本的請(qǐng)求仍在同它的政府和天皇進(jìn)行會(huì)談，以期維護(hù)太平洋地區(qū)的和平。實(shí)際上，就在日本空軍部隊(duì)已經(jīng)著手開始轟炸美國瓦湖島之后的一小時(shí)，日本駐美國大使和同僚還向我們的國務(wù)卿提交了對(duì)美國最近致日方消息的正式答復(fù)。雖然復(fù)函聲稱繼續(xù)現(xiàn)行外交談判似已無用，但卻并未包含有關(guān)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)或武裝攻擊的威脅或暗示。

歷史將會(huì)作證，由于夏威夷離日本的距離如此之遙，顯然表明這次進(jìn)攻是經(jīng)過許多天甚至許多星期精心策劃的。在調(diào)停期間，日本政府蓄意以虛偽的聲明和表示繼續(xù)維持和平的愿望來欺騙美國。

昨天對(duì)夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國海陸軍部隊(duì)造成了嚴(yán)重的損害。我遺憾地告訴各位，許多美國人喪失了生命，此外，根據(jù)報(bào)告，美國船只在舊金山和火奴魯魯（檀香山）之間的公海上也遭到了魚雷襲擊。

昨天，日本政府已發(fā)動(dòng)了對(duì)馬來亞的進(jìn)攻。昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了香港。昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了關(guān)島。昨晚，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了菲律賓群島。

昨晚，日本人進(jìn)攻了威克島。今晨，日本人進(jìn)攻了中途島。

因此，日本在整個(gè)太平洋區(qū)域采取了突然的攻勢(shì)。昨天和今天的事實(shí)不言自明。美國的人民已經(jīng)形成了自己的見解，并且非常清楚這關(guān)系到我們國家的安全和生存的本身。作為陸、海軍總司令，我已指示，為了我們的防務(wù)采取一切措施。

但是，我們整個(gè)國家將永遠(yuǎn)記住這次對(duì)我們突襲的性質(zhì)。不論要用多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間才能戰(zhàn)勝這次有預(yù)謀的入侵，美國人民將一定要以自己的正義力量贏得絕對(duì)的勝利。

我們現(xiàn)在預(yù)言，我們不僅要做出最大的努力來保衛(wèi)我們自己，我們還將確保這種背信棄義的形式永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)再次危及到我們。我這樣說，相信是表達(dá)了國會(huì)和人民的意志。

敵對(duì)行動(dòng)已經(jīng)存在。無庸諱言，我國人民、我國領(lǐng)土和我國利益都處于嚴(yán)重危險(xiǎn)之中。

相信我們的武裝部隊(duì)——依靠我國人民的堅(jiān)定決心——我們將取得必然的勝利——愿上帝幫助我們！

我要求國會(huì)宣布：自１９４１年１２月７日星期日，日本發(fā)動(dòng)無端的、卑鄙的進(jìn)攻時(shí)起，美國和日本帝國之間已處于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)狀態(tài)。

背景知識(shí)

日本由1931年起，在亞洲進(jìn)行軍國主義擴(kuò)張活動(dòng)，到1939年，日本已侵占大部分中國領(lǐng)土，并準(zhǔn)備揮軍東南亞國家，攫取這些地區(qū)的天然資源。1940年，日本和德國、意大利組成軸心國，與英法為首的同盟國對(duì)壘。

歐洲陷于二次世界大戰(zhàn)的戰(zhàn)火中，但美國仍然不想卷入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，只對(duì)日采取石油禁運(yùn)，并希望透過談判，勸阻日本的侵略行動(dòng)。不過日本決定先發(fā)制人，在1941年12月7日，派出?？哲姴筷?duì)，突襲美國位于夏威夷的海軍基地--珍珠港(Pearl Harbor)，結(jié)果成功擊沉、擊毀美國19艘大型艦只，炸毀美國150架飛機(jī)，造成 2400多名美國人死亡，傷 1178 人。而日本付出的代價(jià)輕微，僅損失飛機(jī) 20多架和5艘袖珍潛水艇。

當(dāng)時(shí)的美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福(Franklin Delano Roosevelt)，在發(fā)生突襲后第二日，在國會(huì)發(fā)表對(duì)日宣戰(zhàn)的著名演說--珍珠港演說(Pearl Harbor Speech)。美國人在日本偷襲珍珠港前，對(duì)應(yīng)否加入二次大戰(zhàn)存在分歧，偷襲事件激起民憤，結(jié)果全國團(tuán)結(jié)起來，支持參戰(zhàn)。德國和意大利亦于3日后，對(duì)美國宣戰(zhàn)。

羅斯福是美國第32任總統(tǒng)，在位時(shí)間長(zhǎng)達(dá)12年。他在1921年（39歲時(shí)）曾染上小兒麻痹癥，雙腳癱瘓，但他并未放棄從政的道路，繼出任紐約州長(zhǎng)后，在1933年成功入主白宮，并三次成功競(jìng)選連任，1945年4月12 日，羅斯福第4次宣誓成為美國總統(tǒng)后不久，因腦溢血而離開人世。

演說原文

PEARL HARBOR SPEECH Franklin Delano Roosevelt December 8, 1941

To the Congress of the United States:

Yesterday, Dec.7, 1941the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many 4 days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.Very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.Always will we remember the character of the onslaught 5 against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumpha date which will live in 6 infamya date which will live in infamy)，成為歷史的名言，不用a date with infamy，是為了表示莊重。

拿這一句和布什911演說的第一句比較：Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts.大家都用了deliberately或deliberate，字典解作蓄意，但在這兩篇演說中的意思，是有預(yù)謀或有陰謀，帶有強(qiáng)烈批判意義。

馬丁路德金在I have a Dream演說中，不斷重復(fù)關(guān)鍵的字眼和句子，以加強(qiáng)煽動(dòng)力，其實(shí)也是采用了羅斯福重復(fù)的手法：

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.羅斯福一連用了4個(gè)Last night和5個(gè)Japanese，絕不是累贅，也不是單調(diào)，反而令演說充滿一種凝重的節(jié)奏。

演說中有一個(gè)句子的結(jié)構(gòu)非常特別：Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.這是一個(gè)倒裝的句子，很多人以為應(yīng)該是：We will always remember the 7 character of the onslaught against us.或者不用character，用nature：We will always remember the nature of the onslaught against us.其實(shí)Always will放在前面，是一種倒裝的修辭方法，強(qiáng)調(diào)永遠(yuǎn)的意思，如此奇恥大辱，國民將會(huì)永志不忘。

英語中這樣的倒裝用法不多，另一個(gè)例子是：Not until I finish the job, may I go.沒有完成工作之前，我不能離開。正確的講法應(yīng)為：I may not go until I finish the job.倒裝句法較靈活，但通常用于書面語。

羅斯福演說的結(jié)論是向日本宣戰(zhàn)：I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec.7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.總統(tǒng)權(quán)力雖然很大，但所有的行政權(quán)力，必須要由國會(huì)批準(zhǔn)，這種上尊下卑、繁文縟節(jié)，行政與立法的關(guān)系，必須交代清楚，羅斯福不能自己說I declare that，而要不厭其煩地用兩個(gè)that：I ask that the Congress declare that。

這一句用得非常聰明，他說美國和日本已經(jīng)存在了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)狀態(tài)，避免了我向你宣戰(zhàn)的主語和賓語的關(guān)系。這是學(xué)英語一個(gè)比較難的地方，因?yàn)橹袊藢W(xué)英文，往往受中文思維影響，如美國向日本宣戰(zhàn)，但英語的客觀說法：美國和日本之間存在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)狀態(tài)，更能營(yíng)造沉重、不共戴天、勢(shì)不兩立的激憤和仇恨。

演說中有一句，用了一個(gè)較特別的字眼：Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu.羅斯福用 8 Commence，而不是我們常用的Start 和Begin，因?yàn)榍罢咻^正式。我們也要留意這三個(gè)詞的習(xí)慣用法：Commence bombing / Start bombing / Begin to bomb.這些英語的習(xí)慣用法，只能死記硬背，沒有快捷方式可走。

羅斯福和布什發(fā)表演說的時(shí)間相距60年，但兩篇演說一脈相承，在段落和字句中都閃耀著美國精神的光芒，難怪美國一直保持其超級(jí)強(qiáng)國的地位。