第一篇：Ted Talks 馬丁雅克：了解中國的崛起演講稿

Transcript The world is changing with really remarkable speed.If you look at the chart at the top here, you'll see that in 2025, these Goldman Sachs projections suggest that the Chinese economy will be almost the same size as the American economy.And if you look at the chart for 2050, it's projected that the Chinese economy will be twice the size of the American economy, and the Indian economy will be almost the same size as the American economy.And we should bear in mind here that these projections were drawn up before the Western financial crisis.A couple of weeks ago, I was looking at the latest projection by BNP Paribas for when China will have a larger economy than the United States.Goldman Sachs projected 2027.The post-crisis projection is 2020.That's just a decade away.China is going to change the world in two fundamental respects.First of all, it's a huge developing country with a population of 1.3 billion people, which has been growing for over 30 years at around 10 percent a year.And within a decade, it will have the largest economy in the world.Never before in the modern era has the largest economy in the world been that of a developing country, rather than a developed country.Secondly, for the first time in the modern era, the dominant country in the world--which I think is what China will become--will be not from the West and from very, very different civilizational roots.Now I know it's a widespread assumption in the West that, as countries modernize, they also Westernize.This is an illusion.It's an assumption that modernity is a product simply of competition, markets and technology.It is not;it is also shaped equally by history and culture.China is not like the West, and it will not become like the West.It will remain in very fundamental respects very different.Now the big question here is obviously, how do we make sense of China? How do we try to understand what China is? And the problem we have in the West at the moment by-and-large is that the conventional approach is that we understand it really in Western terms, using Western ideas.We can't.Now I want to offer you three building blocks for trying to understand what China is like--just as a beginning.The first is this, that China is not really a nation state.Okay, it's called itself a nation state for the last hundred years.But everyone who knows anything about China knows it's a lot older than this.This was what China looked like with the victory of the Qin Dynasty in 221 B.C.at the end of the warring state period--the birth of modern China.And you can see it against the boundaries of modern China.Or immediately afterward, the Han Dynasty, still 2,000 years ago.And you can see already it occupies most of what we now know as Eastern China, which is where the vast majority of Chinese lived then and live now.Now what is extraordinary about this is, what gives China it's sense of being China, what gives the Chinese the sense of what it is to be Chinese, comes not from the last hundred years, not from the nation state period, which is what happened in the West, but from the period, if you like, of the civilization state.I'm thinking here, for example, of customs like ancestral worship, of a very distinctive notion of the state, likewise, a very distinctive notion of the family, social relationships like guanxi, Confucian values and so on.These are all things that come from the period of the civilization state.In other words, China, unlike the Western states and most countries in the world, is shaped by its sense of civilization, its existence as a civilization state, rather than as a nation state.And there's one other thing to add to this, and that is this: Of course we know China's big, huge, demographically and geographically, with a population of 1.3 billion people.What we often aren't really aware of is the fact that China is extremely diverse and very pluralistic, and in many ways very decentralized.You can't run a place on this scale simply from Beijing, even though we think this to be the case.It's never been the case.So this is China, a civilization state, rather than a nation state.And what does it mean? Well I think it has all sorts of profound implications.I'll give you two quick ones.The first is that the most important political value for the Chinese is unity, is the maintenance of Chinese civilization.You know, 2,000 years ago, Europe: breakdown, the fragmentation of the Holy Roman Empire [Roman Empire].It divided, and it's remained divided ever since.China, over the same time period, went in exactly the opposite direction, very painfully holding this huge civilization, civilization state together.The second is maybe more prosaic, which is Hong Kong.Do you remember the handover of Hong Kong by Britain to China in 1997? You may remember what the Chinese constitutional proposition was.One country, two systems.And I'll lay a wager that barely anyone in the West believed them.“Window dressing.When China gets it's hands on Hong Kong, that won't be the case.” 13 years on, the political and legal system in Hong Kong is as different now as it was in 1997.We were wrong.Why were we wrong? We were wrong because we thought, naturally enough, in nation state ways.Think of German unification, 1990.What happened? Well, basically the East was swallowed by the West.One nation, one system.That is the nation state mentality.But you can't run a country like China, a civilization state, on the basis of one civilization, one system.It doesn't work.So actually the response of China to the question of Hong Kong--as it will be to the question of Taiwan--was a natural response: one civilization, many systems.Let me offer you another building block to try and understand China--maybe not such a comfortable one.The Chinese have a very, very different conception of race to most other countries.Do you know, of the 1.3 billion Chinese, over 90 percent of them think they belong to the same race, the Han.Now this is completely different from the other world's most populous countries.India, the United States, Indonesia, Brazil--all of them are multiracial.The Chinese don't feel like that.China is only multiracial really at the margins.So the question is, why? Well the reason, I think, essentially is, again, back to the civilization state.A history of at least 2,000 years, a history of conquest, occupation, absorption, assimilation and so on, led to the process by which, over time, this notion of the Han emerged--of course, nurtured by a growing and very powerful sense of cultural identity.Now the great advantage of this historical experience has been that, without the Han, China could never have held together.The Han identity has been the cement which has held this country together.The great disadvantage of it is that the Han have a very weak conception of cultural difference.They really believe in their own superiority, and they are disrespectful of those who are not.Hence their attitude, for example, to the Uyghurs and to the Tibetans.Or let me give you my third building block, the Chinese state.Now the relationship between the state and society in China is very different from that in the West.Now we in the West overwhelmingly seem to think--in these days at least--that the authority and legitimacy of the state is a function of democracy.The problem with this proposition is that the Chinese state enjoys more legitimacy and more authority amongst the Chinese than is true with any Western state.And the reason for this is because--well, there are two reasons, I think.And it's obviously got nothing to do with democracy, because in our terms the Chinese certainly don't have a democracy.And the reason for this is, firstly, because the state in China is given a very special--it enjoys a very special significance as the representative, the embodiment and the guardian of Chinese civilization, of the civilization state.This is as close as China gets to a kind of spiritual role.And the second reason is because, whereas in Europe and North America, the state's power is continuously challenged--I mean in the European tradition, historically against the church, against other sectors of the aristocracy, against merchants and so on--for 1,000 years, the power of the Chinese state has not been challenged.It's had no serious rivals.So you can see that the way in which power has been constructed in China is very different from our experience in Western history.The result, by the way, is that the Chinese have a very different view of the state.Whereas we tend to view it as an intruder, a stranger, certainly an organ whose powers need to be limited or defined and constrained, the Chinese don't see the state like that at all.The Chinese view the state as an intimate--not just as an intimate actually, as a member of the family--not just in fact as a member of the family, but as the head of the family, the patriarch of the family.This is the Chinese view of the state--very, very different to ours.It's embedded in society in a different kind of way to what is the case in the West.And I would suggest to you that actually what we are dealing with here, in the Chinese context, is a new kind of paradigm, which is different from anything we've had to think about in the past.Know that China believes in the market and the state.I mean, Adam Smith, already writing in the late 18th century said, “The Chinese market is larger and more developed and more sophisticated than anything in Europe.” And, apart from the Mao period, that has remained more-or-less the case ever since.But this is combined with an extremely strong and ubiquitous state.The state is everywhere in China.I mean, it's leading firms, many of them are still publicly owned.Private firms, however large they are, like Lenovo, depend in many ways on state patronage.Targets for the economy and so on are set by the state.And the state, of course, its authority flows into lots of other areas--as we are familiar with--with something like the the one-child policy.Moreover, this is a very old state tradition, a very old tradition of statecraft.I mean, if you want an illustration of this, the Great Wall is one.But this is another, this is the Grand Canal, which was constructed in the first instance in the fifth century B.C.and was finally completed in the seventh century A.D.It went for 1,114 miles, linking Beijing with Hangzhou and Shanghai.So there's a long history of extraordinary state infrastructural projects in China, which I suppose helps us to explain what we see today, which is something like the Three Gorges Dam and many other expressions of state competence within China.So there we have three building blocks for trying to to understand the difference that is China--the civilization state, the notion of race and the nature of the state and its relationship to society.And yet we still insist, by-and-large, in thinking that we can understand China by simply drawing on Western experience, looking at it through Western eyes, using Western concepts.If you want to know why we unerringly seem to get China wrong--our predictions about what's going to happen to China are incorrect--this is the reason.Unfortunately I think, I have to say that I think attitude towards China is that of a kind of little Westerner mentality.It's kind of arrogant.It's arrogant in the sense that we think that we are best, and therefore we have the universal measure.And secondly, it's ignorant.We refuse to really address the issue of difference.You know, there's a very interesting passage in a book by Paul Cohen, the American historian.And Paul Cohen argues that the West thinks of itself as probably the most cosmopolitan of all cultures.But it's not.In many ways, it's the most parochial, because for 200 years, the West has been so dominant in the world that it's not really needed to understand other cultures, other civilizations.Because, at the end of the day, it could, if necessary by force, get its own way.Whereas those cultures--virtually the rest of the world, in fact--which have been in a far weaker position, vis-a-vis the West, have been thereby forced to understand the West, because of the West's presence in those societies.And therefore, they are, as a result, more cosmopolitan in many ways than the West.I mean, take the question of East Asia.East Asia: Japan, Korea, China, etc.--a third of the world's population lives there, now the largest economic region in the world.And I'll tell you now, that East Asianers, people from East Asia, are far more knowledgeable about the West than the West is about East Asia.Now this point is very germane, I'm afraid, to the present.Because what's happening? Back to that chart at the beginning--the Goldman Sachs chart.What is happening is that, very rapidly in historical terms, the world is being driven and shaped, not by the old developed countries, but by the developing world.We've seen this in terms of the G20--usurping very rapidly the position of the G7, or the G8.And there are two consequences of this.First, the West is rapidly losing its influence in the world.There was a dramatic illustration of this actually a year ago--Copenhagen, climate change conference.Europe was not at the final negotiating table.When did that last happen? I would wager it was probably about 200 years ago.And that is what is going to happen in the future.And the second implication is that the world will inevitably, as a consequence, become increasingly unfamiliar to us, because it'll be shaped by cultures and experiences and histories that we are not really familiar with, or conversant with.And at last, I'm afraid--take Europe, America is slightly different--but Europeans by and large, I have to say, are ignorant, are unaware about the way the world is changing.Some people--I've got an English friend in China, and he said, “The continent is sleepwalking into oblivion.” Well, maybe that's true, maybe that's an exaggeration.But there's another problem which goes along with this--that Europe is increasingly out of touch with the world--and that is a sort of loss of a sense of the future.I mean, Europe once, of course, once commanded the future in it's confidence.Take the 19th century for example.But this, alas, is no longer true.If you want to feel the future, if you want to taste the future, try China--there's old Confucius.This is a railway station the like of which you've never seen before.It doesn't even look like a railway station.This is the new Guangzhou railway station for the high-speed trains.China already has a bigger network than any other country in the world and will soon have more than all the rest of the world put together.Or take this: Now this is an idea, but it's an idea to by tried out shortly in a suburb of Beijing.Here you have a megabus, on the upper deck carries about 2,000 people.It travels on rails down a suburban road, and the cars travel underneath it.And it does speeds of up to about 100 miles an hour.Now this is the way things are going to move, because China has a very specific problem, which is different from Europe and different from the United States.China has huge numbers of people and no space.So this is a solution to a situation where China's going to have many, many, many cities over 20 million people.Okay, so how would I like to finish? Well, what should our attitude be towards this world that we see very rapidly developing before us? I think there will be good things about it and there will be bad things about it.But I want to argue, above all, a big picture positive for this world.For 200 years, the world was essentially governed by a fragment of the human population.That's what Europe and North America represented.The arrival of countries like China and India--between them 38 percent of the world's population--and others like Indonesia and Brazil and so on, represent the most important single act of democratization in the last 200 years.Civilizations and cultures, which had been ignored, which had no voice, which were not listened to, which were not known about, will have a different sort of representation in this world.As humanists, we must welcome, surely, this transformation.And we will have to learn about these civilizations.This big ship here was the one sailed in by Zheng He in the early 15th century on his great voyages around the South China Sea, the East China Sea and across the Indian Ocean to East Africa.The little boat in front of it was the one in which, 80 years later, Christopher Columbus crossed the Atlantic.(Laughter)Or, look carefully at this silk scroll made by ZhuZhou in 1368.I think they're playing golf.Christ, the Chinese even invented golf.Welcome to the future.Thank you.

第二篇：馬丁演講稿

演講稿及譯文

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat

of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.?

朋友們，今天我對你們說，在此時此刻，我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折，我仍然有一個夢想，這個夢想深深扎根于美國的夢想里。

我夢想有一天，這個國家會站立起來，真正實現(xiàn)其信條的真諦：“我們認為人人生而平等的真理不言而喻?！蔽覊粝胗幸惶?，在佐治亞的紅山上，從前奴隸的后嗣將能夠和奴隸主的后嗣坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個正義匿跡，壓迫成風，如同沙漠般的地方，也將變成綠洲，充滿自由和正義。我夢想有一天，我的四個孩子將生活在一個不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優(yōu)劣來評價他們的國度里。今天，我有一個夢想。我夢想有一天，亞拉巴馬州能夠有所轉(zhuǎn)變，盡管該州州長現(xiàn)在仍然滿口異議，反對聯(lián)邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手并立。

今天，我有一個夢想。我夢想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降；坎坷曲折的道路變成坦途，那圣光披露，普照天地。這就是我們的希冀。我懷著這種信念回到南方。

第三篇：我看中國崛起的演講稿

我看中國之崛起------經(jīng)濟總量是衡量一國經(jīng)濟發(fā)展水平和綜合經(jīng)濟實力的硬標。根據(jù)世界銀行資料，折合成美元，我國2010年國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值為6.04萬億美元，相當于美國的40.01%，已超過了日本。從一個經(jīng)濟發(fā)展起點低的貧窮國家，到成為躋身世界前三甲的經(jīng)濟大國，我國62年經(jīng)濟建設(shè)取得的巨大進步令人震驚。由弱到強，由小到大，由封閉半封閉到全方位開放，由一個沒有話語權(quán)的“東亞病夫”，到當今世界具有舉足輕重地位的經(jīng)濟巨人，中國用62年時間完成了令全世界為之矚目的偉大崛起。一系列歷史巨變和轉(zhuǎn)折的實現(xiàn)，不僅記錄了新中國經(jīng)濟建設(shè)所取得的輝煌成就，更見證了中國在國際上政治經(jīng)濟地位和影響力的顯著提升，因為經(jīng)濟基礎(chǔ)決定了上層建筑!中國是一個傳統(tǒng)的農(nóng)業(yè)大國，有著悠久的農(nóng)耕歷史，男耕女織是古老中國文明的典型畫面。而“臉朝黃土背朝天”的勞作形態(tài)和靠天吃飯的生活狀況世代延綿，小農(nóng)經(jīng)濟的模式充斥著整個中國，這種自給自足的經(jīng)濟模式逐漸拉大了我們與國外的差距,其不僅導致了國內(nèi)的**，而且還導致了列強的隨意欺凌。1950年，剛剛結(jié)束多年戰(zhàn)亂的新中國政府，開始實現(xiàn)它對農(nóng)民“耕者有其田”的承諾。從1950年冬季開始，一場大規(guī)模的土地改革運動廣泛展開。到1952年底，除西藏等少數(shù)地區(qū)外，土地改革在全國農(nóng)村完成。土地改革的完成，解放了農(nóng)村生產(chǎn)力。在其后的年代，農(nóng)村地區(qū)雖經(jīng)歷了農(nóng)業(yè)合作化運動、人民公社化運動等等，但由于經(jīng)濟體制和管理體制的高度集權(quán)，農(nóng)民沒有生產(chǎn)積極性，農(nóng)業(yè)長期處于徘徊局面，農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)整體技術(shù)水平較低，以及計劃經(jīng)濟體制和片面強調(diào)“以糧為綱”的政策影響，我國農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)結(jié)構(gòu)基本上仍停留在“農(nóng)業(yè)以種植業(yè)為主，種植業(yè)以糧食生產(chǎn)為主”的單一結(jié)構(gòu)階段。更為糟糕的是十年浩劫，使得我國的經(jīng)濟全面的癱瘓，到1976年文化大革命結(jié)束，滿目蒼夷的中國又經(jīng)歷了兩年的停滯和徘徊期。文革對中國經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展造成的危害將中國又帶回到新中國成立時一窮二白的困境。在這樣的危急關(guān)頭，黨和國家領(lǐng)導人積極尋找對策。就在這樣的大環(huán)境下，中共十一屆三中全會拉開了帷幕。以此為標志，中國進入了改革開放和社會主義現(xiàn)代化建設(shè)的歷史新時期。而作為我國現(xiàn)代化建設(shè)的主要決策者和改革開放的總設(shè)計師，鄧小平對我國經(jīng)濟建設(shè)和經(jīng)濟體制的諸多重大問題，提出了一系列敢為天下先的富于創(chuàng)造性的思想和觀點。讓我們來用一些數(shù)據(jù)來說話：從1978年至今，我國的國民生產(chǎn)總值（GDP）總體保持在10%以上，我們城鎮(zhèn)居民的可支配收入和農(nóng)村居民的純收入增長了6.7倍，我國的對外貿(mào)易總額從1978年的109億增長到2010年的2.97萬億元。從這些數(shù)據(jù)我們不難看出自1987年鄧小平經(jīng)濟改革以來中國經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)生的翻天覆地的變化。在這30間，中國在經(jīng)濟領(lǐng)域取得了舉世矚目的成就，經(jīng)濟實力快速成長；人民生活水平大幅提高；社會主義市場經(jīng)濟體制的建立和逐步完善；現(xiàn)代市場體系逐步建立；中國已成為世界經(jīng)濟體的重要成員。中國用自己的努力贏得了世界的認可和尊重。而這些巨大變化的發(fā)生都離不開鄧小平同志對經(jīng)濟的改革。

改革不僅僅促進了經(jīng)濟的發(fā)展、工業(yè)的繁榮、國力的增長，而且還拓寬了人們的視野，增長了人們的見識，改善了萬千的民生！

60多年前，大多數(shù)人還不知道電視為何物。如今，我國已是全球彩電第一生產(chǎn)大國。這對于經(jīng)歷了共和國60多年成長的老人們來說，這種巨變恐怕是當年無法想象的。60多年來我國實現(xiàn)了從落后的農(nóng)業(yè)大國向工業(yè)化大國的邁進，繼而從工業(yè)化初期向中期前進。在落后農(nóng)業(yè)大國基礎(chǔ)上，用60多年時間走過了發(fā)達國家200年至300年的工業(yè)化歷程，這不能不說是一個“奇跡”！60多年彈指一揮間。如今，我國已經(jīng)擺脫了貧窮落后的農(nóng)業(yè)大國的形象，并且隨著“中國制造”遍及世界各地，我國已經(jīng)建立起全面的、具有相當規(guī)模和水平的現(xiàn)代工業(yè)和通信業(yè)體系。國家統(tǒng)計局公布的數(shù)據(jù)顯示，2008年，我國完成工業(yè)增加值15.5萬億元，按可比價格計算，比1978年增長了33倍，比新中國成立初期更是增長了上百倍。人們的夢想終于成為了現(xiàn)實。從農(nóng)業(yè)國向工業(yè)國的轉(zhuǎn)變，給人們提供了更為豐富的商品，提升了人們的生活水平。如今，我們不僅能造汽車，而且高端的火箭技術(shù)已經(jīng)為包括發(fā)達國家在內(nèi)的其他國家服務(wù)。“中國制造”，更意味著我國已經(jīng)成為一個世界制造業(yè)大國。根據(jù)聯(lián)合國工業(yè)發(fā)展組織資料，按照2000年不變價計算，我國制造業(yè)增加值占世界的份額由1995年的5.1%上升到2007年的11.4%。按照國際標準工業(yè)分類，在22個大類中，我國制造業(yè)占世界比重在7個大類中名列第一。工業(yè)產(chǎn)品的產(chǎn)量位次大幅前移，一些產(chǎn)品在國際市場上已經(jīng)成為舉足輕重的力量。截至2008年，我國工業(yè)產(chǎn)品產(chǎn)量居世界第一位的已有210種。如果說，新中國用62年的時間，從一窮二白大步走向繁榮富強，完成了自身的偉大變革，那么，對外開放30年，則讓中國在融入世界的同時日益影響和改變著世界。08年的奧運會、去年的世博會無不顯示著中國這個大國的發(fā)展和實力?

中國有世界上最大的水電站三峽、有世界最長的跨海大橋杭州灣大橋?

08年的世界金融危機，中國又是唯一一個保持經(jīng)濟增長的國家，GDP總值躍居世界第三，成為世界關(guān)注的焦點?

然而在這些成就的后面又蘊藏著諸多的危機和問題?！吨袊i》里面有這樣的一句話“中國仍在歷史的三峽前行，但不知前面還有多少淺灘和暗礁。”二十一世紀的世界是一個開放的世界，同時經(jīng)濟全球化、經(jīng)濟知識化、科學技術(shù)突飛猛進、社會日新月異，要想正真在走好自己的路子就必須看清自己的問題，做到居安思危，及時糾正。未來不是空中樓閣，它蘊藏在歷史和現(xiàn)實之中；未來也不是歷史和現(xiàn)實的簡單延伸，而是人類今天對社會發(fā)展能動抉擇的結(jié)果?！惫爬系奈拿髡~向未來，但這段路子又是艱辛的，充滿著阻撓和危險，但我們必須下定決心解決掉所有阻止和可能阻止我們前進的東西。相信我國的經(jīng)濟發(fā)展會更上一層樓，相信我國的明天會更好。

第四篇：我有一個夢想演講稿2018與我有一個夢想演講稿馬丁

我有一個夢想演講稿2018

1968年4月4日，當馬丁路德金在孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導該市的工人罷工時，飛來了一顆罪惡的子彈，一個懷揣這很多美好的夢想還沒有實現(xiàn)的偉人倒在了地上，但我有一個夢想這句話卻真正站了起來，不僅在美國站起來，而且在全世界站了起來。

如果說人生是一段徒步而行的旅程，那么我們在這路途上的前進的姿態(tài)就決定了各自人生的價值。泰戈爾有言：“信念是鳥，它在黎明仍然黑暗之際，感覺到了光明，唱出了歌。”

遙望歷史，不曾忘項羽“彼可取而代之”的夢想，于是他中原逐鹿，堅持信念、楚漢爭霸，西楚霸王的神話經(jīng)久不息;不曾忘張愛玲的《天才夢》，這位臨水照花的年輕才女不斷努力，于是她上路就是巔峰，出手就是經(jīng)典，傅雷把她的小說稱為“文壇最美的收獲之一”。不曾忘俞敏洪在北大開學典禮上說：“如果我們有一個偉大的理想，我們一定能把很多瑣碎的日子堆砌起來變成一個偉大的生命歷程。”他懷揣著“穿越地平線的渴望”，相信優(yōu)秀是一種習慣，終成新東方的創(chuàng)始人。正如詩人汪國真所言：“我不去想是否能夠成功，既然選擇了遠方，便只顧風雨兼程。”

展望未來，我夢想有一天未名湖邊的桃花開時，湖邊折枝的人群里會有自己的身影。我夢想有一天，在“思想自由，兼容并包”的大學學府里求學。我夢想有一天，中國的教育不是如錢鐘書先生說的：“古代的愚民政策是讓人民不受教育，現(xiàn)代的愚民政策是讓人民只受一種教育。”

而今，步入毓文的校園，這是人才輩出的地方，這是學子心中的殿堂，我們用頑強拼搏打造理想，用辛勤汗水澆灌希望。持之以恒的積累，石破天驚的暢想。舉胸中豪情，傾熱忱滿腔。與時間賽跑，同日月爭光。學練并舉，成竹在胸，彎弓搭箭，百步穿楊、師生同心、協(xié)力攻關(guān)，笑看燕趙魁首誰人爭?

久有凌云志，此志可問天。心慕象牙塔，魂系夢亦牽。若能遂了心愿，何惜衣帶漸寬!懷揣著“衣帶漸寬終不悔”的信念，從最初的“千磨萬擊還堅勁，任爾東西南北風?！钡阶罱K的“千淘萬漉雖辛苦，吹盡狂沙始得金?！?/p>

我有一個夢想演講稿馬丁

今天，我高興的同大家一起參加這次將成為我國歷史上為爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。

1XX年前，一位偉大的美國人--今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下--簽署了《解放黑奴宣言》。這項重要法令的頒布，對于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。

然而1XX年后的今天，我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到自由這一悲慘的事實。1XX年后的今天，在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活備受壓榨。1XX年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物質(zhì)充裕的海洋中一個窮困的孤島上。1XX年后的今天，黑人仍然蜷縮在美國社會的角落里，并且意識到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們在這里集會，就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公諸于世。

就某種意義而言，今天我們是為了要求兌現(xiàn)諾言而匯集到我們國家的首都來的。我們共和國的締造者草擬憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時，曾向每一個美國人許下了諾言，他們承諾所有人--不論白人還是黑人--都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。

就有色公民而論，美國顯然沒有實踐她的諾言。美國沒有履行這項神圣的義務(wù)，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子后便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經(jīng)破產(chǎn)，我們不相信，在這個國家巨大的機會之庫里已沒有足夠的儲備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現(xiàn)——這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義保障。

我們來到這個圣地也是為了提醒美國，現(xiàn)在是非常急迫的時刻?，F(xiàn)在決非侈談冷靜下來或服用漸進主義的鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時候。現(xiàn)在是實現(xiàn)民主的諾言時候?，F(xiàn)在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時候，現(xiàn)在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機會之門的時候，現(xiàn)在是把我們的國家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來，置于兄弟情誼的磐石上的時候。

如果美國忽視時間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那么，這對美國來說，將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。1963年并不意味著斗爭的結(jié)束，而是開始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒氣就會滿足;如果國家安之若素，毫無反應(yīng)，這 些人必會大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的基本權(quán)利，美國就不可能有安寧或平靜，正義的光明的一天不到來，叛亂的旋風就將繼續(xù)動搖這個國家的基礎(chǔ)。

但是對于等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們，有些話我是必須說的。在爭取合法地位的過程中，我們不要采取錯誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對自由的渴望而抱著敵對和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們斗爭時必須永遠舉止得體，紀律嚴明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內(nèi)容的抗議蛻變?yōu)楸┝π袆?。我們要不斷地升華到以精神力量對付物質(zhì)力量的崇高境界中去。

現(xiàn)在黑人社會充滿著了不起的新的戰(zhàn)斗精神，但是不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因為我們的許多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認識到，他們的命運與我們的命運是緊密相連的，他們今天參加游行集會就是明證。他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關(guān)的。我們不能單獨行動。

當我們行動時，我們必須保證向前進。我們不能倒退?，F(xiàn)在有人問熱心民權(quán)運動的人，“你們什么時候才能滿足?”

只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害，我們就絕不會滿足。

只要我們在外奔波而疲乏的身軀不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城里的旅館找到住宿之所，我們就絕不會滿足。

只要黑人的基本活動范圍只是從少數(shù)民族聚居的小貧民區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)移到大貧民區(qū)，我們就絕不會滿足。

只要我們的孩子被“僅限白人”的標語剝奪自我和尊嚴，我們就絕不會滿足。

只要密西西比州仍然有一個黑人不能參加選舉，只要紐約有一個黑人認為他投票無濟于事，我們就絕不會滿足。

不!我們現(xiàn)在并不滿足，我們將來也不滿足，除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤，洶涌澎湃，滾滾而來。

我并非沒有注意到，參加今天集會的人中，有些受盡苦難和折磨，有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房，有些由于尋求自由，曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊，并在警察暴行的旋風中搖搖欲 墜。你們是人為痛苦的長期受難者。堅持下去吧，要堅決相信，忍受不應(yīng)得的痛苦是一種贖罪。

讓我們回到密西西比去，回到亞拉巴馬去，回到南卡羅來納去，回到佐治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我們北方城市中的貧民區(qū)和少數(shù)民族居住區(qū)去，要心中有數(shù)，這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。我們不要陷入絕望而不可自拔。

朋友們，今天我對你們說，在此時此刻，我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折，我仍然有一個夢想，這個夢想深深扎根于美國的夢想之中。

我夢想有一天，這個國家會站立起來，真正實現(xiàn)其信條的真諦：“我們認為真理是不言而喻，人人生而平等?！?/p>

我夢想有一天，在佐治亞的紅山上，昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。

我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個正義匿跡，壓迫成風，如同沙漠般的地方，也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。

我夢想有一天，我的四個孩子將在一個不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優(yōu)劣來評價他們的國度里生活。

今天，我有一個夢想。我夢想有一天，亞拉巴馬州能夠有所轉(zhuǎn)變，盡管該州州長現(xiàn)在仍然滿口異議，反對聯(lián)邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手并進。

今天，我有一個夢想。我夢想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降;坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，滿照人間。

這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個信念，我們將能從絕望之嶺劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個信念，我們將能把這個國家刺耳的爭吵聲，改變成為一支洋溢手 足之情的優(yōu)美交響曲。

有了這個信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起斗爭，一起坐牢，一起維護自由;因為我們知道，終有一天，我們是會自由的。

在自由到來的那一天，上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌：“我的祖國，美麗的自由之鄉(xiāng)，我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方，您是最初移民的驕傲，讓自由之聲響徹每個山崗?！?/p>

如果美國要成為一個偉大的國家，這個夢想必須實現(xiàn)!

讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨的崇山峻嶺響起來!

讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來!

讓自由之聲從賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼山響起來!

讓自由之聲從科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的落基山響起來!

讓自由之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起來!

不僅如此，還要讓自由之聲從佐治亞州的石嶺響起來!

讓自由之聲從田納西州的了望山響起來!

讓自由之聲從密西西比的每一座丘陵響起來!

讓自由之聲從每一片山坡響起來!

當我們讓自由之聲響起，讓自由之聲從每一個大小村莊、每一個州和每一個城市響起來時，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來，那時，上帝的所有兒女，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手攜手，合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：

“自由啦!自由啦!感謝全能上帝，我們終于自由啦!”

馬丁·路德·金簡介：

1968年4月4日黃昏，馬丁·路德·金在洛蘭賓館306房間陽臺散心時遇刺身亡，終年39歲。

第五篇：馬丁·路德金演講稿：《我有一個夢想》

GUIZHOU UNIVERSITY OF FINANCE AND ECONOMICS

馬丁·路德·金 簡介

馬丁·路德·金（英語：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美國民權(quán)運動領(lǐng)袖。1948年大學畢業(yè)。1948年到1951年間，在美國東海岸的費城繼續(xù)深造。1963年，馬丁·路德·金晉見了肯尼迪總統(tǒng)，要求通過新的民權(quán)法，給黑人以平等的權(quán)利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀念堂前發(fā)表《我有一個夢想》的演說。1964諾貝爾和平獎獲得者。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導工人罷工被人刺殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國政府將每年1月的第三個星期一定為馬丁路德金全國紀念日。

1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學會了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學到了果敢、堅強、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時，聰穎好學的金以優(yōu)異成績進入摩爾豪斯學院攻讀社會學，后獲得文學學士學位。

盡管美國戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟發(fā)展很快，強大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可國內(nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對丑惡的現(xiàn)實，金立志為爭取社會平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學院和波士頓大學，于1955年獲神學博士學位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起

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“蒙哥馬利市政改進協(xié)會”，號召全市近5萬名黑人對公共法與公司進行長達1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運動的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運動的領(lǐng)袖。

1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。

美國政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀念日。

College Of Tourism Management