第一篇：Abraham Lincoln就職演講文稿（范文模版）

Abraham Lincoln

Speeches

First Inaugural Address

Fellow-citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken as President “before he enters on the execution of his office.”

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss the matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do not but quote from one of these speeches which I declare that “I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them.And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:--”Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.“ I now reiterate these sentiments;and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:--”No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.“

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution-to this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ”shall be delivered up,“ their oaths and unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority;but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is to be done.And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that ”the citizens of each State shall be entitled the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States“?

I take the official oath today with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules.And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the executive branch of the government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceable unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak;but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.the Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.If was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And, finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was ”to form a more perfect Union.“

But if the destruction of the Union by one or by part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union: that resolves and ordinances to the effect are legally void;and the acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, and insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken;and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part;and I shall perform it so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed of violence;and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and placed belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these officers, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such officers.The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.to those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so great a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes would it now be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from--will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.It is true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not.Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of a clearly written constitutional right, it might , in a moral point of view, justify revolution--certainly would if such a right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.From questions of this class spring all over constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities.If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease.There is no other alternative;for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other.If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them;for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority.For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.Is there such a perfect identity of interest among the States to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.whoever rejects it does, of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism.Unanimity is impossible;the rule of a minority;as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible;so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court;no do I deny that such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government.and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court of the judges.It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended.This is the only substantial dispute.The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself.The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each.This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured;and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before.The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we cannot separate.We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them.A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other;but the different parts of our country could not do this.They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.It is possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always;and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.Whether they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.While I make no recommendation of amendments, I full recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of modes prescribed in the instrument itself;and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service.To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fit terms for the separation of the States.The people themselves can do this also if they choose;but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it.His duty is to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith or being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of American People.By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief;and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals.While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years.My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject.Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, the subject will be frustrated by taking time;but no good object can be frustrated by it.Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it;while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either.If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side of the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action.Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mime, is the momentous issue of civil war.The government will not assail you.You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to ”preserve, protect, and defend it.“ I am loath to close.We are not enemies, but friends.We must not be enemies.Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over the broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.The Gettysburg Address Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war;testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have consecrated it, far and above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.Second Inaugural Address

Fellow Countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath of presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper.Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phrase of the great contest which still absorbers the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is at well known to the public as to myself;and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.On the occasion to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.All dreaded it--all sought to avert it.While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide efforts, by negotiation.Both parties deprecate war;but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive;and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.And the war came.One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it.These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war.To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war;while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained.Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God;and each invokes his aid against the other.It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces;but let us judge not, that we be not judged.The prayers of both could not be answered--that of neither has been answered fully.The almighty has his own purposes.”Woe unto the world because of offenses!for it must needs be that offenses come;but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.“ If we shall suppose that American slavery is one which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away.Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, ”The judgements of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."

With malice toward none;with charity for all;with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in;to bind up the nation's wounds;to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations.

第二篇：演講文稿

演講稿

尊敬的各位老師、親愛的同事們：

大家上午好!

我是來自人事部的季興盛，泰州人，性格穩(wěn)重。下面是我的競職演講：

我很高興能站在這里同大家參加競選。拿破侖曾說過：“不想當(dāng)元帥的士兵不是好兵”。我想我不僅要做元帥，而且要做一名出色的、成功的、能為大家謀利益的元帥——人事部部長。我自信在你們各位的幫助下，我能勝任這項(xiàng)工作。先來說說我為什么想來競選！。

在人事部，我是大一干事之一，起初加入人事部是為了湊熱鬧，因?yàn)槲冶緛砭褪且粋€(gè)愛熱鬧的男孩子，但時(shí)間長了之后，才覺得人事部作為一個(gè)服務(wù)于內(nèi)部的團(tuán)體，是提高人工作能力的地方。我深深的被它給征服了！我對自己說，一定要堅(jiān)持到底，培養(yǎng)自己對工作的勝任能力。

假如我當(dāng)選人事部部長，在工作中，緊密圍繞學(xué)生會(huì)中心工作，積極開展適合同學(xué)們特點(diǎn)各項(xiàng)活動(dòng)，協(xié)助學(xué)生會(huì)搞好、創(chuàng)造好的環(huán)境。讓人事部成為學(xué)生會(huì)內(nèi)部溝通的橋梁和紐帶，加強(qiáng)各個(gè)部門的協(xié)作交流，共同進(jìn)步。

假如我當(dāng)選人事部部長，這對于我來說也是一種挑戰(zhàn)！我的首要任務(wù)是加強(qiáng)自身建設(shè)，發(fā)揚(yáng)優(yōu)良傳統(tǒng)，在工作中不斷塑造自己的性格，力爭做到位，同時(shí)，我還嚴(yán)格要求自己，使工作精益求精。

競爭給優(yōu)勝者帶來歡樂，但同時(shí)又給失敗者帶來痛楚，但我想無論我競選成功與否，我都坦然處之，因?yàn)橐粋€(gè)懂得競爭真諦的人絕不會(huì)因?yàn)槟炒问Ю⒐⒂趹?。希望是自信的?dòng)力，自信是成功的源泉，我堅(jiān)信，通過今天的洗禮，明天的我必將受益匪淺，在人事部的工作鍛煉中，一只雛鳥必將長起豐滿的雙翼。我也堅(jiān)信，青春的舞臺(tái)由我主宰會(huì)更好!最后，真誠地請各位支持我，投我一票!謝謝！我的演講到此結(jié)束！

第三篇：演講文稿

第五屆教師教育經(jīng)典閱讀演講大賽

教學(xué)勇氣-漫步教師心靈

第一次拿起這本書，很自然地大概翻閱一遍，第一反應(yīng)是，這內(nèi)容對于我這個(gè)剛步入教師隊(duì)伍新老師有點(diǎn)“深?yuàn)W”了。書的封面設(shè)計(jì)簡單純粹，特別是副標(biāo)題——《漫步教師心靈》，“漫步”兩個(gè)字，著實(shí)吸引了我。后來去了解一下。帕克.帕爾默，加州大學(xué)伯克萊分校博士。美國高等教育協(xié)會(huì)高級理事、Fetzer 研究所高級顧問。一位備受尊敬的作家和教師。本書的副標(biāo)題英文名稱是Exploring The Landscape Of Teacher's Life，直譯就是探索一個(gè)教師生命中的內(nèi)部風(fēng)景，吳國珍等翻譯為漫步教師心靈。我有些明白了，顧名思義，本書主要是探索教師的內(nèi)心生活。

對我來說，讀書之美妙不僅在于書本身的好，還在于我是在一個(gè)適當(dāng)?shù)臅r(shí)候遇上了它。在已經(jīng)歷了兩年的教學(xué)實(shí)踐，開始對教育教學(xué)問題自覺思考之時(shí)，我有幸再次與帕爾默的《教學(xué)勇氣——漫步教師心靈》相遇，看作者從關(guān)注教師心靈的角度來解讀教師，解讀教學(xué)，解讀教育,讓我有豁然開朗，重獲教育生命之感。

當(dāng)初剛剛走上講臺(tái)，面對讓我棘手的課堂，我總喜歡這樣安慰自己：等我再多教幾年書，多一些經(jīng)驗(yàn)，一切都會(huì)好起來的。而如今,已上了快半個(gè)學(xué)期的課程，每每走進(jìn)課堂時(shí)，卻并不如我當(dāng)初所想的那樣游刃有余。我依然困惑，依然茫然，依然是每節(jié)課后，我都能找到一大堆存在的問題，以致于我有時(shí)都懷疑自己到底適不適合做一名教師。我常常為教學(xué)而痛苦，為教學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)時(shí)無法找到一個(gè)恰當(dāng)?shù)那腥朦c(diǎn)，為課堂上無法激起所有學(xué)生的學(xué)習(xí)熱情，為教學(xué)時(shí)不能作出迅捷的明智的引導(dǎo)，為苦心孤詣的教育卻看不到相應(yīng)的效果……

以上的感受,相信很多老師都有，我們熱愛教育，同時(shí)為教育痛苦。我們不辭辛苦，我們樂意學(xué)習(xí)，我們希望自己的教學(xué)生涯充滿成功。但現(xiàn)實(shí)往往是不盡如人意。有時(shí)，我們甚至想放棄，失去了繼續(xù)努力的勇氣。

為什么會(huì)處于這樣一種狀態(tài)中呢？是學(xué)科知識(shí)的淺?。渴墙逃椒?、技巧的缺乏，還是對學(xué)生的研究不夠？我們自我反思著。反思中，唯獨(dú)缺少了對自己內(nèi)心的關(guān)注。然而，帕爾默告訴我，核心問題是“認(rèn)識(shí)自我”，是自我認(rèn)同和自身完整。他說：“當(dāng)我還不了解自我時(shí)，我就不了解我的學(xué)生們是

第五屆教師教育經(jīng)典閱讀演講大賽

誰?！?dāng)我還不了解自我時(shí)，我也不能夠懂得我的學(xué)科?！眱?yōu)秀教學(xué)需要教師的內(nèi)心世界資源，因此，我們要去探索教師的心靈世界。這是帕爾默獨(dú)特的眼光，嶄新的視角。

讀書也如作者談的教書一樣，是需要“自身認(rèn)同”的，只有我們內(nèi)心認(rèn)同了的書，才能對我們發(fā)揮作用?！耙磺虚喿x都是以自身底色作基礎(chǔ)?！蹦軌蜻M(jìn)入心靈的閱讀才是愉快的有效的閱讀。在閱讀此書的過程中，最令我愉快的是，時(shí)時(shí)都有美麗的風(fēng)景。如作者關(guān)于“恐懼”文化的論述，對教學(xué)實(shí)踐中六大悖論的詮釋，對教育改革計(jì)劃的論證等。在反復(fù)閱讀《教學(xué)勇氣》一書的過程中，我不斷有新的發(fā)現(xiàn)和感動(dòng)，驚奇于這本書豐富的資源。我會(huì)繼續(xù)閱讀，繼續(xù)發(fā)現(xiàn)，也希望更多的朋友去探索其中的寶藏，共享這美妙的教育經(jīng)典。

亭北莊學(xué)校：劉麗萍

郵箱：355511826@qq.com 電話聯(lián)系：***

第四篇：演講文稿

教學(xué)勇氣-漫步教師心靈

第一次拿起這本書，很自然地大概翻閱一遍，第一反應(yīng)是，這內(nèi)容對于我這個(gè)剛大學(xué)畢業(yè)的新老師有點(diǎn)“深?yuàn)W”了。書的封面設(shè)計(jì)簡單純粹，特別是副標(biāo)題——《漫步教師心靈》，“漫步”兩個(gè)字，著實(shí)吸引了我。后來去了解一下。帕克 ·J ·帕爾默，加州大學(xué)伯克萊分校博士。美國高等教育協(xié)會(huì)高級理事、Fetzer 研究所高級顧問。一位備受尊敬的作家和教師。本書的副標(biāo)題英文名稱是Exploring The Landscape Of Teacher's Life，直譯就是探索一個(gè)教師生命中的內(nèi)部風(fēng)景，吳國珍等翻譯為漫步教師心靈。我有些明白了，顧名思義，本書主要是探索教師的內(nèi)心生活。

對我來說，讀書之美妙不僅在于書本身的好，還在于我是在一個(gè)適當(dāng)?shù)臅r(shí)候遇上了它。在已經(jīng)歷了幾年的教學(xué)實(shí)踐，開始對教育教學(xué)問題自覺思考之時(shí)，我有幸與帕爾默的《教學(xué)勇氣——漫步教師心靈》相遇，看作者從關(guān)注教師心靈的角度來解讀教師，解讀教學(xué)，解讀教育,讓我有豁然開朗，重獲教育生命之感。

當(dāng)初剛剛走上講臺(tái)，面對讓我棘手的課堂，我總喜歡這樣安慰自己：等我再多教幾年書，多一些經(jīng)驗(yàn)，一切都會(huì)好起來的。而如今,已上了快半個(gè)學(xué)期的課程，每每走進(jìn)課堂時(shí)，卻并不如我當(dāng)初所想的那樣游刃有余。我依然困惑，依然茫然，依然是每節(jié)課后，我都能找到一大堆存在的問題，以致于我有時(shí)都懷疑自己到底適不適合做一名教師。我常常為教學(xué)而痛苦，為教學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)時(shí)無法找到一個(gè)恰當(dāng)?shù)那腥朦c(diǎn)，為課堂上無法激起所有學(xué)生的學(xué)習(xí)熱情，為教學(xué)時(shí)不能作出迅捷的明智的引導(dǎo)，為苦心孤詣的教育卻看不到相應(yīng)的效果??

以上的感受,相信很多老師都有，我們熱愛教育，同時(shí)為教育痛苦。我們不辭辛苦，我們樂意學(xué)習(xí)，我們希望自己的教學(xué)生涯充滿成功。但現(xiàn)實(shí)往往是不盡如人意。有時(shí)，我們甚至想放棄，失去了繼續(xù)努力的勇氣。

為什么會(huì)處于這樣一種狀態(tài)中呢？是學(xué)科知識(shí)的淺??？是教育方法、技巧的缺乏，還是對學(xué)生的研究不夠？我們自我反思著。反思中，唯獨(dú)缺少了對自己內(nèi)心的關(guān)注。然而，帕爾默告訴我，核心問題是“認(rèn)識(shí)自我”，是自我認(rèn)同和自身完整。他說：“當(dāng)我還不了解自我時(shí)，我就不了解我的學(xué)生們是誰。??當(dāng)我還不了解自我時(shí)，我也不能夠懂得我的學(xué)科?！眱?yōu)秀教學(xué)需要教師的內(nèi)心世界資源，因此，我們要去探索教師的心靈世界。這是帕爾默獨(dú)特的眼光，嶄新的視角。

讀書也如作者談的教書一樣，是需要“自身認(rèn)同”的，只有我們內(nèi)心認(rèn)同了的書，才能對我們發(fā)揮作用?！耙磺虚喿x都是以自身底色作基礎(chǔ)?！蹦軌蜻M(jìn)入心靈的閱讀才是愉快的有效的閱讀。在閱讀此書的過程中，最令我愉快的是，時(shí)時(shí)都有美麗的風(fēng)景。如作者關(guān)于“恐懼”文化的論述，對教學(xué)實(shí)踐中六大悖論的詮釋，對教育改革計(jì)劃的論證等。在反復(fù)閱讀《教學(xué)勇氣》一書的過程中，我不斷有新的發(fā)現(xiàn)和感動(dòng)，驚奇于這本書豐富的資源。我會(huì)繼續(xù)閱讀，繼續(xù)發(fā)現(xiàn)，也希望更多的朋友去探索其中的寶藏，共享這美妙的教育經(jīng)典。

亭北莊學(xué)校：劉麗萍

郵箱：355511826@qq.com 電話聯(lián)系：***

第五篇：就職演講

就職演講稿

各位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)、老師同學(xué)們：

大家晚上好！我是新一屆自律會(huì)主任李明巍。

此時(shí)此刻，站在這里，我思緒萬千。坦白的說，接過閃耀著激情與光輝的旗幟，接過這沉甸甸的責(zé)任與囑托，我的心情復(fù)雜而凝重。首先我必須感謝自律會(huì)，感謝老師和同學(xué)們給予的信任與支持。兩年來，目睹著各部門不斷的開拓與發(fā)展，各項(xiàng)規(guī)章制度的逐漸完善，各個(gè)朋友的不斷成熟，我也在其中不斷的成長。與自律會(huì)共同走過的每段路途，都在我生命的旅程中留下前進(jìn)的軌跡。而今天站在這里接受重任，不僅是對我成長的檢驗(yàn)，更是我對自己的一次挑戰(zhàn)。為此，我可以承諾，對即將為自律會(huì)付出的一切，我無怨無悔。

自律會(huì)是在學(xué)生處的直接領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和正確指導(dǎo)下開展工作的學(xué)生組織，是切實(shí)為同學(xué)服務(wù)的團(tuán)體。我校第七屆自律會(huì)是開拓創(chuàng)新不斷進(jìn)取的一屆，更是取得輝煌成績的一屆。正如源祥主任所說的各項(xiàng)工作和活動(dòng)，都在進(jìn)一步的不斷完善，也都取得了優(yōu)秀的成績。對我印象最深的是，自律會(huì)的兩個(gè)大型活動(dòng)“社區(qū)文化節(jié)”和“社區(qū)吉尼斯”的成功舉辦，豐富的同學(xué)們的社區(qū)生活，同時(shí)也為同學(xué)們提供了展示自己才藝的舞臺(tái)。當(dāng)然我們的成就不僅只體現(xiàn)在這兩個(gè)大型活動(dòng)上，各部門開展的各項(xiàng)日常工作和活動(dòng)都是非常有意義的，就如：督導(dǎo)部的查違規(guī)電器減輕了社區(qū)的安全隱患、管理部的衛(wèi)生檢查促進(jìn)了社區(qū)的美化、權(quán)益部的3.15活動(dòng)提高了同學(xué)們的維權(quán)意識(shí)、社區(qū)生活報(bào)的文章豐富了同學(xué)們的精神文化生活，等等。眼前的成就都是從各部

門平凡的日常工作中取得，是所有第七屆成員共同努力地結(jié)果。

當(dāng)然在取得以上成績的同時(shí)，由于時(shí)間有限和其他客觀原因，自律會(huì)在發(fā)展的道路中也存在著一些問題。剛才源祥主任已經(jīng)說了很多了，我這里在強(qiáng)調(diào)三點(diǎn)。1自律會(huì)各部門在工作的交流與合作還有所不足。2各部門成員在工作職責(zé)不夠明確，考核制度不夠完善，致使部門成員在工做中缺少準(zhǔn)則等。3由于我們的工作性質(zhì)，很多工作不被同學(xué)理解，造成成員們的工作激情有所減弱。

前人優(yōu)秀的方面我們需要傳承與發(fā)揚(yáng)，不足的地方我們需要改善與創(chuàng)新，針對以上存在的問題，新學(xué)年我打算采取以下措施：1通過各種方法增強(qiáng)各部門的各項(xiàng)交流，比如校自律會(huì)各部門座談交流會(huì)、趣味小互動(dòng)、友誼拔河賽等等 2通過對考核制度的完善，加強(qiáng)對自律會(huì)全體干部、委員的考核，調(diào)動(dòng)大家的積極性，讓日后的工作做到有據(jù)可依。3在做好本職工作的同時(shí)，做好各項(xiàng)宣傳，將我們的工作與同學(xué)們形成互動(dòng)，努力一同建設(shè)和諧社區(qū)4還有其他的不足在新學(xué)年的工作中，我會(huì)用我的行動(dòng)逐一做好。

自律會(huì)是把神圣火炬，我們每個(gè)人都是火炬手。接下本屆自律會(huì)承前啟后的一棒，新的團(tuán)隊(duì)，新的機(jī)遇，新的挑戰(zhàn)，我深知肩上的任務(wù)之重。我可以并希望大家也能充分預(yù)見到，在今后的工作中，我們將面臨各種壓力與挑戰(zhàn)，我們必須有魄力、有信心、有步驟地一一克服。壓力很大，但我們永不放棄超越。每個(gè)人的力道雖然微薄，但自律會(huì)集體的能量是巨大的。

“聚是一團(tuán)火，散是滿天星?！泵鎸θ绱藘?yōu)秀、團(tuán)結(jié)的隊(duì)伍，我不必再說多么美好的誓言?！驼{(diào)做人，高調(diào)做事’，這是我欣賞的一句話，也將成為我對自律會(huì)的詮釋。今晚此刻我有一個(gè)夢想，希望在座的新一屆自律會(huì)成員、特別是10級的新生，你們是自律會(huì)的明天，是自律會(huì)的未來。我相信通過我們的努力，在自律會(huì)這個(gè)溫暖的大家庭中，我們可以繼續(xù)不斷完善自己、磨練自己、施展自己。我們將一道盡自己的智慧與力量去拼搏、去奮斗，去爭取一顆平常心，一步一個(gè)腳印地完成蛻去稚嫩、走向成熟的心路歷程，做好我們自律會(huì)。

再次感謝學(xué)生處領(lǐng)導(dǎo)對我們的栽培，感謝同學(xué)們對我們的信任，我們不會(huì)辜負(fù)大家的厚望。我們會(huì)用自己的行動(dòng)，讓你們看到一個(gè)嶄新的自律會(huì)。謝謝！