第一篇：奧巴馬西點軍校演講詞

Remarks by the President at United States Military Academy at West Point Commencement

Michie Stadium, West Point, New York 10:31 A.M.EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.Thank you.Thank you.Thank you.Please be seated.Thank you very much.Good morning.AUDIENCE: Good morning.THE PRESIDENT: It is wonderful to be back at the United States Military Academy--the oldest continuously occupied military post in America--as we commission the newest officers in the United States Army.Thank you, General Hagenbeck, for your introduction, on a day that holds special meaning for you and the Dean, General Finnegan.Both of you first came to West Point in the Class of 1971 and went on to inspire soldiers under your command.You’ve led this Academy to a well-deserved recognition: best college in America.(Applause.)And today, you’re both looking forward to a well-deserved retirement from the Army.General Hagenbeck and Judy, General Finnegan and Joan, we thank you for 39 years of remarkable service to the Army and to America.(Applause.)

To the Commandant, General Rapp, the Academy staff and faculty, most of whom are veterans, thank you for your service and for inspiring these cadets to become the “l(fā)eaders of character” they are today.(Applause.)Let me also acknowledge the presence of General Shinseki, Secretary McHugh, the members of Congress who are with us here today, including two former soldiers this Academy knows well, Senator Jack Reed and Congressman Patrick Murphy.(Applause.)

To all the families here--especially all the moms and dads--this day is a tribute to you as well.The decision to come to West Point was made by your sons and daughters, but it was you who instilled in them a spirit of service that has led them to this hallowed place in a time of war.So on behalf of the American people, thank you for your example and thank you for your patriotism.(Applause.)

To the United States Corps of Cadets, and most of all, the Class of 2010--it is a singular honor to serve as your Commander-in-Chief.As your Superintendent indicated, under our constitutional system my power as President is wisely limited.But there are some areas where my power is absolute.And so, as your Commander-in-Chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses.(Applause.)I will leave the definition of “minor”--(laughter)--to those who know better.(Laughter.)

Class of 2010, today is your day--a day to celebrate all that you’ve achieved, in the finest tradition of the soldier-scholar, and to look forward to the important service that lies ahead.You have pushed yourself through the agony of Beast Barracks, the weeks of training in rain and mud, and, I’m told, more inspections and drills than perhaps any class before you.Along the way, I’m sure you faced a few moments when you asked yourself: “What am I doing here?” I have those moments sometimes.(Laughter.)

You’ve trained for the complexities of today’s missions, knowing that success will be measured not merely by performance on the battlefield, but also by your understanding of the cultures and traditions and languages in the place where you serve.You’ve reached out across borders, with more international experience than any class in Academy history.You’ve not only attended foreign academies to forge new friendships, you’ve welcomed into your ranks cadets from nearly a dozen countries.You’ve challenged yourself intellectually in the sciences and the humanities, in history and technology.You’ve achieved a standard of academic excellence that is without question, tying the record for the most post-graduate scholarships of any class in West Point history.(Applause.)

This includes your number one overall cadet and your valedictorian--Liz Betterbed and Alex Rosenberg.And by the way, this is the first time in Academy history where your two top awards have been earned by female candidates.(Applause.)

This underscores a fact that I’ve seen in the faces of our troops from Baghdad to Bagram--in the 21st century, our women in uniform play an indispensable role in our national defense.And time and again, they have proven themselves to be role models for our daughters and our sons--as students and as soldiers and as leaders in the United States armed forces.And the faces in this stadium show a simple truth: America’s Army represents the full breadth of America’s experience.You come from every corner of our country--from privilege and from poverty, from cities and small towns.You worship all of the great religions that enrich the life of our people.You include the vast diversity of race and ethnicity that is fundamental to our nation’s strength.There is, however, one thing that sets you apart.Here in these quiet hills, you’ve come together to prepare for the most difficult test of our time.You signed up knowing your service would send you into harm’s way, and you did so long after the first drums of war were sounded.In you we see the commitment of our country, and timeless virtues that have served our nation well.We see your sense of duty--including those who have earned their right shoulder patch--their right shoulder combat patches, like the soldier who suffered a grenade wound in Iraq, yet still helped his fellow soldiers to evacuate--your First Captain of the Corps of Cadets, Tyler Gordy.(Applause.)

We see your sense of honor--in your respect for tradition, knowing that you join a Long Grey Line that stretches through the centuries;and in your reverence for each other, as when the Corps stands in silence every time a former cadet makes the ultimate sacrifice for our nation.Indeed, today we honor the 78 graduates of this Academy who have given their lives for our freedom and our security in Iraq and Afghanistan.And we see your love of country--a devotion to America captured in the motto you chose as a class, a motto which will guide your lives of service: “Loyal ‘Til the End.”

Duty.Honor.Love of country.Everything you have learned here, all that you’ve achieved here, has prepared you for today--when you raise your right hand;when you take that oath;when your loved one or mentor pins those gold bars on your shoulders;when you become, at long last, commissioned officers in the United States Army.This is the ninth consecutive commencement that has taken place at West Point with our nation at war.This time of war began in Afghanistan--a place that may seem as far away from this peaceful bend in the Hudson River as anywhere on Earth.The war began only because our own cities and civilians were attacked by violent extremists who plotted from a distant place, and it continues only because that plotting persists to this day.For many years, our focus was on Iraq.And year after year, our troops faced a set of challenges there that were as daunting as they were complex.A lesser Army might have seen its spirit broken.But the American military is more resilient than that.Our troops adapted, they persisted, they partnered with coalition and Iraqi counterparts, and through their competence and creativity and courage, we are poised to end our combat mission in Iraq this summer.(Applause.)

Even as we transition to an Iraqi lead and bring our troops home, our commitment to the Iraqi people endures.We will continue to advise and assist Iraqi security forces, who are already responsible for security in most of the country.And a strong American civilian presence will help Iraqis forge political and economic progress.This will not be a simple task, but this is what success looks like: an Iraq that provides no haven to terrorists;a democratic Iraq that is sovereign and stable and self-reliant.And as we end the war in Iraq, though, we are pressing forward in Afghanistan.Six months ago, I came to West Point to announce a new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan.And I stand here humbled by the knowledge that many of you will soon be serving in harm’s way.I assure you, you will go with the full support of a proud and grateful nation.We face a tough fight in Afghanistan.Any insurgency that is confronted with a direct challenge will turn to new tactics.And from Marja to Kandahar, that is what the Taliban has done through assassination and indiscriminate killing and intimidation.Moreover, any country that has known decades of war will be tested in finding political solutions to its problems, and providing governance that can sustain progress and serve the needs of its people.So this war has changed over the last nine years, but it’s no less important than it was in those days after 9/11.We toppled the Taliban regime--now we must break the momentum of a Taliban insurgency and train Afghan security forces.We have supported the election of a sovereign government--now we must strengthen its capacities.We’ve brought hope to the Afghan people--now we must see that their country does not fall prey to our common enemies.Cadets, there will be difficult days ahead.We will adapt, we will persist, and I have no doubt that together with our Afghan and international partners, we will succeed in Afghanistan.(Applause.)

Now even as we fight the wars in front of us, we also have to see the horizon beyond these wars--because unlike a terrorist whose goal is to destroy, our future will be defined by what we build.We have to see that horizon, and to get there we must pursue a strategy of national renewal and global leadership.We have to build the sources of America’s strength and influence, and shape a world that’s more peaceful and more prosperous.Time and again, Americans have risen to meet and to shape moments of change.This is one of those moments--an era of economic transformation and individual empowerment;of ancient hatreds and new dangers;of emerging powers and new global challenges.And we’re going to need all of you to help meet these challenges.You’ve answered the call.You, and all who wear America’s uniform, remain the cornerstone of our national defense, the anchor of global security.And through a period when too many of our institutions have acted irresponsibly, the American military has set a standard of service and sacrifice that is as great as any in this nation’s history.(Applause.)

Now the rest of us--the rest of us must do our part.And to do so, we must first recognize that our strength and influence abroad begins with steps we take at home.We must educate our children to compete in an age where knowledge is capital, and the marketplace is global.We must develop clean energy that can power new industry and unbound us from foreign oil and preserve our planet.We have to pursue science and research that unlocks wonders as unforeseen to us today as the microchip and the surface of the moon were a century ago.Simply put, American innovation must be the foundation of American power--because at no time in human history has a nation of diminished economic vitality maintained its military and political primacy.And so that means that the civilians among us, as parents and community leaders, elected officials, business leaders, we have a role to play.We cannot leave it to those in uniform to defend this country--we have to make sure that America is building on its strengths.(Applause.)

As we build these economic sources of our strength, the second thing we must do is build and integrate the capabilities that can advance our interests, and the common interests of human beings around the world.America’s armed forces are adapting to changing times, but your efforts have to be complemented.We will need the renewed engagement of our diplomats, from grand capitals to dangerous outposts.We need development experts who can support Afghan agriculture and help Africans build the capacity to feed themselves.We need intelligence agencies that work seamlessly with their counterparts to unravel plots that run from the mountains of Pakistan to the streets of our cities.We need law enforcement that can strengthen judicial systems abroad, and protect us here at home.And we need first responders who can act swiftly in the event of earthquakes and storms and disease.The burdens of this century cannot fall on our soldiers alone.It also cannot fall on American shoulders alone.Our adversaries would like to see America sap its strength by overextending our power.And in the past, we’ve always had the foresight to avoid acting alone.We were part of the most powerful wartime coalition in human history through World War II.We stitched together a community of free nations and institutions to endure and ultimately prevail during a Cold War.Yes, we are clear-eyed about the shortfalls of our international system.But America has not succeeded by stepping out of the currents of cooperation--we have succeeded by steering those currents in the direction of liberty and justice, so nations thrive by meeting their responsibilities and face consequences when they don’t.So we have to shape an international order that can meet the challenges of our generation.We will be steadfast in strengthening those old alliances that have served us so well, including those who will serve by your side in Afghanistan and around the globe.As influence extends to more countries and capitals, we also have to build new partnerships, and shape stronger international standards and institutions.This engagement is not an end in itself.The international order we seek is one that can resolve the challenges of our times –-countering violent extremism and insurgency;stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and securing nuclear materials;combating a changing climate and sustaining global growth;helping countries feed themselves and care for their sick;preventing conflict and healing wounds.If we are successful in these tasks, that will lessen conflicts around the world.It will be supportive of our efforts by our military to secure our country.More than anything else, though, our success will be claimed by who we are as a country.This is more important than ever, given the nature of the challenges that we face.Our campaign to disrupt, dismantle, and to defeat al Qaeda is part of an international effort that is necessary and just.But this is a different kind of war.There will be no simple moment of surrender to mark the journey’s end--no armistice, no banner headline.Though we have had more success in eliminating al Qaeda leaders in recent months than in recent years, they will continue to recruit, and plot, and exploit our open society.We see that in bombs that go off in Kabul and Karachi.We see it in attempts to blow up an airliner over Detroit or an SUV in Times Square, even as these failed attacks show that pressure on networks like al Qaeda is forcing them to rely on terrorists with less time and space to train.We see the potential duration of this struggle in al Qaeda’s gross distortions of Islam, their disrespect for human life, and their attempt to prey upon fear and hatred and prejudice.So the threat will not go away soon, but let’s be clear: Al Qaeda and its affiliates are small men on the wrong side of history.They lead no nation.They lead no religion.We need not give in to fear every time a terrorist tries to scare us.We should not discard our freedoms because extremists try to exploit them.We cannot succumb to division because others try to drive us apart.We are the United States of America.(Applause.)We are the United States of America, and we have repaired our union, and faced down fascism, and outlasted communism.We’ve gone through turmoil, we’ve gone through Civil War, and we have come out stronger--and we will do so once more.(Applause.)

And I know this to be true because I see the strength and resilience of the American people.Terrorists want to scare us.New Yorkers just go about their lives unafraid.(Applause.)Extremists want a war between America and Islam, but Muslims are part of our national life, including those who serve in our United States Army.(Applause.)Adversaries want to divide us, but we are united by our support for you--soldiers who send a clear message that this country is both the land of the free and the home of the brave.(Applause.)

You know, in an age of instant access to information, a lot of cynicism in the news, it’s easy to lose perspective in a flood of pictures and the swirl of political debate.Power and influence can seem to ebb and flow.Wars and grand plans can be deemed won or lost day to day, even hour to hour.As we experience the immediacy of the image of a suffering child or the boasts of a prideful dictator, it’s easy to give in to the belief sometimes that human progress has stalled--that events are beyond our control, that change is not possible.But this nation was founded upon a different notion.We believe, “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”(Applause.)And that truth has bound us together, a nation populated by people from around the globe, enduring hardship and achieving greatness as one people.And that belief is as true today as it was 200 years ago.It is a belief that has been claimed by people of every race and religion in every region of the world.Can anybody doubt that this belief will be any less true--any less powerful--two years, two decades, or even two centuries from now?

And so a fundamental part of our strategy for our security has to be America’s support for those universal rights that formed the creed of our founding.And we will promote these values above all by living them--through our fidelity to the rule of law and our Constitution, even when it’s hard;even when we’re being attacked;even when we’re in the midst of war.And we will commit ourselves to forever pursuing a more perfect union.Together with our friends and allies, America will always seek a world that extends these rights so that when an individual is being silenced, we aim to be her voice.Where ideas are suppressed, we provide space for open debate.Where democratic institutions take hold, we add a wind at their back.When humanitarian disaster strikes, we extend a hand.Where human dignity is denied, America opposes poverty and is a source of opportunity.That is who we are.That is what we do.We do so with no illusions.We understand change doesn’t come quick.We understand that neither America nor any nation can dictate every outcome beyond its borders.We know that a world of mortal men and women will never be rid of oppression or evil.What we can do, what we must do, is work and reach and fight for the world that we seek--all of us, those in uniform and those who are not.And in preparing for today, I turned to the world--to the words of Oliver Wendell Holmes.And reflecting on his Civil War experience, he said, and I quote, “To fight out a war you must believe in something and want something with all your might.So must you do to carry anything else to an end worth reaching.” Holmes went on, “More than that, you must be willing to commit yourself to a course, perhaps a long and hard one, without being able to foresee exactly where you will come out.”

America does not fight for the sake of fighting.We abhor war.As one who has never experienced the field of battle--and I say that with humility, knowing, as General MacArthur said, “the soldier above all others prays for peace”--we fight because we must.We fight to keep our families and communities safe.We fight for the security of our allies and partners, because America believes that we will be safer when our friends are safer;that we will be stronger when the world is more just.So cadets, a long and hard road awaits you.You go abroad because your service is fundamental to our security back home.You go abroad as representatives of the values that this country was founded upon.And when you inevitably face setbacks--when the fighting is fierce or a village elder is fearful;when the end that you are seeking seems uncertain--think back to West Point.Here, in this peaceful part of the world, you have drilled and you have studied and come of age in the footsteps of great men and women--Americans who faced times of trial, and who even in victory could not have foreseen the America they helped to build, the world they helped to shape.George Washington was able to free a band of patriots from the rule of an empire, but he could not have foreseen his country growing to include 50 states connecting two oceans.Grant was able to save a union and see the slaves freed, but he could not have foreseen just how much his country would extend full rights and opportunities to citizens of every color.Eisenhower was able to see Germany surrender and a former enemy grow into an ally, but he could not have foreseen the Berlin Wall coming down without a shot being fired.Today it is your generation that has borne a heavy burden--soldiers, graduates of this Academy like John Meyer and Greg Ambrosia who have braved enemy fire, protected their units, carried out their missions, earned the commendation of this Army, and of a grateful nation.From the birth of our existence, America has had a faith in the future--a belief that where we’re going is better than where we’ve been, even when the path ahead is uncertain.To fulfill that promise, generations of Americans have built upon the foundation of our forefathers--finding opportunity, fighting injustice, forging a more perfect union.Our achievement would not be possible without the Long Grey Line that has sacrificed for duty, for honor, for country.(Applause.)

And years from now when you return here, when for you the shadows have grown longer, I have no doubt that you will have added your name to the book of history.I have no doubt that we will have prevailed in the struggles of our times.I have no doubt that your legacy will be an America that has emerged stronger, and a world that is more just, because we are Americans, and our destiny is never written for us, it is written by us, and we are ready to lead once more.Thank you.May God bless you.And may God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)

END

11:04 A.M.EDT

第二篇：奧巴馬演講詞

Remarks of President Barack ObamaMay 19, 2012 For the past three and a half years, we’ve been fighting our way back from an historic economic crisis – one caused by breathtaking irresponsibility on the part of some on Wall Street who treated our financial system like a casino.Not only did that behavior nearly destroy the financial system – it cost our economy millions of jobs, hurt middle-class families, and left taxpayers holding the bag.Since then, we’ve recovered taxpayer dollars that were used to stabilize troubled banks.And we’ve put in place Wall Street reform with smarter, tougher, commonsense rules that serve one primary purpose: to prevent a crisis like that from ever happening again.And yet, for the past two years, too many Republicans in Congress and an army of financial industry lobbyists have actually been waging an all-out battle to delay, defund, and dismantle Wall Street reform.Recently, we’ve seen why we can’t let that happen.We found out that a big mistake at one of our biggest banks resulted in a two billion dollar loss.While that bank can handle a loss of that size, other banks may not have been able to.And without Wall Street reform, we could have found ourselves with the taxpayers once again on the hook for Wall Street’s mistakes.That’s why it’s so important that Members of Congress stand on the side of reform, not against it;because we can’t afford to go back to an era of weak regulation and little oversight;where excessive risk-taking on Wall Street and a lack of basic oversight in Washington nearly destroyed our economy.We can't afford to go back to that brand of “you’re-on-your-own” economics.Not after the American people have worked so hard to come back from this crisis.We’ve got to keep moving forward.We’ve got to finish the job of implementing this reform and putting these rules in place.These new rules say that, if you’rea big bank or financial institution, you now have to hold more cash on hand so that if you make a bad decision you pay for it, not the taxpayers.You have to write out a “l(fā)iving will” that details how you’ll be wound down if you do fail.The new law takes away big bonuses and paydays from failed CEOs, while giving shareholders a say on executive salaries.And for the first time in our nation’s history, we have in place a consumer watchdog whose sole job is to look out for working families by protecting them from deceptive and unfair practices.So unless you run a financial institution whose business model is built on cheating consumers, or making risky bets that could damage the whole economy, you have nothing to fear from Wall Street reform.Yes, it discourages big banks and financial institutions from making risky bets with taxpayer-insured money.And it encourages them to do things that actually help the economy – like extending loans toentrepreneurs with good ideas, to middle-class families who want to buy a home, to students who want to pursue higher education.That is what Wall Street reform is all about – making this economy stronger for you.And we are going to keep working – to recover every job lost to the recession;to build an economy where hard work and responsibility are once again rewarded;to restore an America where everyone has a fair shot, everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same rules.I believe the free market is one of the greatest forces for progress in human history;that businesses are the engine of growth;that risk-takers and innovators should be celebrated.But I also believe that at its best, the free market has never been a license to take whatever you want, however you can get it.Alongside our entrepreneurial spirit and rugged individualism, America only prospers when we meet our obligations to one another;and to future generations.If you agree with me, let your Member of Congress know.Tell them to spend less time working to undermine rules that are there to protect the economy, and spend more time actually working to strengthen the economy.Thanks and have a great weekend.Vicky: What are you working on? Issac: If I tell you, will you promise not to laugh? Vicky: All right.What is it? Issac: It’s a love letter to Julie.Vicky: Isn’t it a little premature? You’ve only been going out for a month.Issac: Maybe, but I really want her to know how I feel.Vicky: Let me see it.“Dear Julie.I’m writing this letter to pour my heart out to you.When we met, it was love at first sight and I can’t get you out of my head.You mean everything to me.Now that we’re together, how can I ever live without you?”

Issac: So, what do you think? Vicky: I thought it would have some simple sweet nothings.I didn’t expect it to be this heavy.Issac: Do you think it needs more terms of endearment? Maybe I should have called her “my love,” “my darling,” or “sweetheart.” Tell me the truth, do you think it’s too much? I don’t want to scare her off.Vicky: Well, I know you’re head over heels in love with her, but if I were you, I’d play it by ear.Give it to her when you feel the time is right.Issac: Okay, thanks.I’ll try to play it cool, for now.《純正英語一分鐘》第194課：Multiculturalism Multiculturalism is everywhere today.As the world gets smaller, multiculturalism becomes bigger.Few of us today live in towns in which there is only one culture.Today, we live in towns where we are surrounded by many other cultures.If we live in a city, we will see people from all over the world.Of course, some cities are more multicultural than others.New York is a real melting pot.It is called the most multicultural city on Earth.A city like Tokyo isn’t so multicultural.I think multiculturalism is a great thing.It’s fantastic walking out of your door and seeing other cultures.This didn’t happen when I was young.People didn’t understand other cultures.They didn’t even want to understand.I’m glad things are changing today.打賭

Suzanna: Hey, the back of the line is over there.Ivan: I was here.I just stepped out of line for a minute to get some cash.Suzanna: Yeah, right.I don’t remember you being in line ahead of me.Ivan: Come on.Let’s do this.We’ll flip for it.If it’s heads, I win and I get to get back into line.If it’s tails, you win and I’ll go to the back of the line.Suzanna: All right.I’ll take those odds.You’re on.Ivan: Here goes…Oh, it’s heads!I win.Suzanna: I guess it’s your lucky day.Ivan: I guess so.How about going double or nothing? Suzanna: What are the stakes? Ivan: If it’s tails and you win, I go to the back of the line and I have to buy you a drink when we get inside.If It’s heads and I win, I get in back in line in front of you and you buy me a drink.Suzanna: So, no matter what happens I have to have a drink with you? Ivan: That’s the idea.What do you say?

Suzanna: Okay, you talked me into it.Let’s see if your luck will hold up.Ivan: I’ve got a good feeling it will.Muscle Where would we be without muscles? Probably a mess on the floor.Muscles are pretty interesting things.Everybody has lots of them.Some people look after them better than others.Bodybuilders want to have really big muscles.The bigger the better.They spend hours in the gym lifting weights to make their muscles as big as they can.Athletes work on the specific muscles they need for their sport.If you look at a hundred-metre runner, you’ll notice they have large shoulder and arm muscles.This is so they can power ahead when they run.An interesting thing about muscles is that it takes more face muscles to frown than it does to smile.This means smiling uses less energy, so we should do it more.

第三篇：奧巴馬演講詞

奧巴馬演講詞

2009年11月16日, 首次訪華的美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在上海科技博物館與數(shù)百名中國學生對話

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon.It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you.I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome.I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations.I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.(Laughter.)奧巴馬總統(tǒng)：你們好。能夠有機會在上海跟你們大家交談，我深感榮幸。我要感謝復旦大學的楊校長，感謝他的款待和熱情的歡迎。我還要感謝我們出色的大使洪博培，他代表了我們兩國之間的深遠聯(lián)系和相互尊重。我不知道他剛才說什么，但是希望他說得不錯。（笑聲）

What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman.And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.我今天準備先做一個開場白，但我真正希望做的是回答問題，不但回答在座的學生提出的問題，同時也回答從網上提出的一些問題，這些問題由在座的一些學生和洪博培大使代為提出。很抱歉，我的中文不如你們的英文，但我期待著這個和你們對話的機會。

This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country.Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world--the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity.And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past.Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall.Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.這是我首次訪問中國，看到你們壯麗的國家，我感到很興奮。在上海，我們看到了全球矚目的發(fā)展——高聳的大廈、繁忙的街道、創(chuàng)業(yè)的動態(tài)。這些都是中國步入 21世紀的跡象，讓我感到贊嘆。同時，我也期盼看到向我們展現(xiàn)中國悠久歷史的古跡。明天和后天我會在北京，希望有機會看到壯觀的故宮和奇跡般的長城。的確，這是一個既有豐富的歷史，又對未來的希望充滿信心的國家。The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries.Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China.It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people.However, America's ties to this city--and to this country--stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.我們兩國的關系也是如此。毫無疑問，上海在美中關系史上是一個具有重大意義的城市。正是在這里，37年前發(fā)布的《上海公報》（Shanghai Communique）開啟了我們兩國政府和兩國人民接觸交往的新篇章。然而，美國與這個城市以及這個國家的紐帶可以追溯到更久遠的過去，直至美國獨立初期。

In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty.Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China.This is a common American impulse--the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.1784年，我們的建國之父喬治·華盛頓主持了“中國女皇號”（Empress of China）的下水儀式。這條船前往中國海岸，尋求與清朝通商。華盛頓希望看到這條懸掛美國國旗的船前往世界各地，與像中國這樣的國家締結新的紐帶。這是通常的美國人的愿望——希望達到新的地平線，建立新的、互利的伙伴關系。Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions.And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties.For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so.And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.在此后的兩個世紀中，歷史洪流使我們兩國關系向許多不同的方向發(fā)展，但即使在動蕩的歲月中，兩國人民也抓住機會發(fā)展了深入的、甚至極不平凡的關系。例如，美國人民永遠不會忘記，二戰(zhàn)期間，美國飛行員在中國上空被擊落后，中國公民冒著失去一切的危險護理他們。參加過二戰(zhàn)的中國老兵仍然熱情歡迎故地重游的美國老兵，他們曾經在那里作戰(zhàn)，幫助中國從占領下獲得解放。A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis.The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success--because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed.As one American player described his visit to China--“[The]people are just like us?The country is very similar to America, but still very different.”近40年前，簡單的乒乓球比賽帶來了兩國關系的解凍，使我們兩國建立起另一種聯(lián)系。這種接觸令人意外，但卻恰恰促成了其成功，因為盡管我們之間存在許多分歧，但是我們共同的人性和共同的好奇心得以從中顯現(xiàn)。正如一位美國乒乓球隊員在回憶對中國的訪問時所說：“那里的人民和我們一樣??這個國家和美國有許多相似之處，也有很大區(qū)別?！?/p>

Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979.And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.無須贅言，這個小小的契機帶來了《上海公報》的問世，并最終促使美中兩國在1979年建立正式外交關系。請看在此后的30年，我們取得了多么長足的進展。

In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion--today it tops over $400 billion each year.The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways.America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear;and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry.This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life.And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.1979年，美中貿易額約為50億美元，今天，貿易額已經超過4000億美元。貿易在許多方面影響著兩國人民的生活，美國電腦中的許多元件以及我們身穿的服裝都是從中國進口的，我們向中國出口你們的工業(yè)需要的機器。這種貿易可以在太平洋兩岸創(chuàng)造更多的就業(yè)機會，讓我們的人民過上質量更高的生活。隨著需求趨于平衡，繁榮的范圍將進一步擴大。

In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time--economic recovery and the development of clean energy;stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change;the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe.All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.1979年，美中之間的政治合作主要立足于雙方共同面對的競爭對手蘇聯(lián)。如今我們享有積極的、建設性的、全面的關系，為我們在當今時代的關鍵性全球問題上建立伙伴關系打開了大門，這些問題包括：經濟復蘇和清潔能源開發(fā)、制止核武器擴散和氣候變化的影響、在亞洲及全球各地促進和平與安全。所有這些問題都是我明天與胡主席會談的內容。

And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited.Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors.The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students.There are nearly 200 “friendship cities” drawing our communities together.American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery.And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball--I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.1979年，我們兩國人民的聯(lián)系十分有限。今天，我們看到當年乒乓球隊員的好奇心已經化為許多領域的紐帶，中國留學生在美國的人數(shù)名列第二，而在美國學生中，學中文的人數(shù)增加了50%。我們兩國有近200個友好城市，把我們的社區(qū)連接在一起。美中科學家合作進行新的研究與發(fā)現(xiàn)。而姚明是我們兩國人民都熱愛籃球的僅僅一個標志而已——令我遺憾的是，此行中我不能觀看上海大鯊魚隊的比賽。

It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change.China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty--an accomplishment unparalleled in human history--while playing a larger role in global events.And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.我們兩國之間的關系相伴著一個積極變化的時期，這不是偶然的。中國實現(xiàn)了億萬人民脫貧，這一成就史無前例，同時，中國在全球問題中也在發(fā)揮更大的作用。美國在促使冷戰(zhàn)順利結束的同時，經濟也取得了增長，人民的生活水平提高。

There is a Chinese proverb: “Consider the past, and you shall know the future.” Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years.Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty.But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined--not when we consider the past.Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure.We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.中國有句名言：“溫故而知新?！碑斎?，過去30年中我們也曾遇到挫折和挑戰(zhàn)，我們的關系不是沒有分歧和困難。但是，“我們必然是對手”的概念并非是注定不變的——回顧過去不會是這樣。由于我們的合作，美中兩國都更加繁榮、更加安全。我們已經看到我們本著共同的利益和相互的尊重去努力所能取得的成果。

And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding--on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another.For just as that American table tennis player pointed out--we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.可是，這種接觸的成功取決于理解，取決于繼續(xù)進行開誠布公的對話，相互了解，相互學習。正如前面提到的那位美國乒乓球隊員所說——作為人，我們有著許多共同之處，但是我們兩國在某些方面存在著差別。

I believe that each country must chart its own course.China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture.The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles--that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights;that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes;that commerce should be open, information freely accessible;and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.我認為每個國家都必須規(guī)劃自己的前進方向。中國是一個文明古國，文化深遠。而美國相對而言是一個年輕的國家，它的文化由來自許多不同國家的移民以及指導我國民主制度的建國綱領所形成。這些綱領中提出了對人類事務的簡單明了的矚望，并包含了一些核心原則——不論男女人人生而平等，都享有某些基本權利；政府應當反映民意，并對人民的愿望作出回應；商貿應該是開放的，信息應該自由流通；司法保障應該來自法治而不是人治。

Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters.In many ways--over many years--we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union.We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery.It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced.Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.當然，我國的歷史也并非沒有困難的篇章。在很多方面，在很長的時間里，我們要通過斗爭去實現(xiàn)這些原則對全體人民的承諾，締造一個更趨完善的聯(lián)邦。我們曾打過一場很痛苦的南北戰(zhàn)爭，將我國的一部分人口從奴役下解放出來。婦女獲得投票權、勞工贏得組織權、來自世界各地的移民得到完全的接納——這些都是經過了一段時間才實現(xiàn)的。非洲裔美國人即使在獲得自由后依然生活在被隔離和不平等的條件下，他們經過不懈努力才最終贏得全面、平等的權利。None of this was easy.But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms.That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal” could long endure.That is why Dr.Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed.That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores;why opportunity is available to all who would work for it;and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.所有這些都不曾輕而易舉。但是，由于我們對這些核心原則的堅定信念，我們取得了進步，這些原則指引我們沖過了最黑暗的風暴。這就是為什么林肯能在南北戰(zhàn)爭中挺身而出并宣布，這是一場考驗一個孕育于自由之中、“忠實于人人生而平等這一原則”的國家能否永存的斗爭。這也就是為什么馬丁·路德·金博士能夠站立在林肯紀念堂的臺階上，要求我們的國家實踐自身信仰的真正含義。這也就是為什么來自從中國到肯尼亞的各國移民能夠在我國的土地上安家；為什么所有努力尋求機會的人都能獲得機會；為什么像我這種在不到50年前在美國的某些地方連投票都遇到困難的人，現(xiàn)在能夠出任這個國家的總統(tǒng)。

And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world.We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation.These freedoms of expression_r_r_r and worship--of access to information and political participation--we believe are universal rights.They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities--whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation.Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries;our respect for different cultures;our commitment to international law;and our faith in the future.這就是為什么美國一直在全世界為這些核心原則而大聲疾呼。我們不尋求把任何政治體制強加給任何別的國家，但是我們也不認為我們主張的這些原則是我們國家所獨有的。表達自由和宗教信仰自由——獲得信息和政治參與的自由——我們認為這些自由都是普世的權利，所有人都應當享有，包括少數(shù)民族和宗教少數(shù)派，不管是在美國、中國還是在任何其他國家。正是對普世權利的尊重指導著美國向其他國家開放，尊重各種不同的文化，致力于遵守國際法，并對未來抱有信念。

These are all things that you should know about America.I also know that we have much to learn about China.Looking around at this magnificent city--and looking around this room--I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future.Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements.For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.這些都是你們應當了解的美國的情況。我也知道中國有很多有待我們了解的情況。環(huán)顧一下這座偉大的城市——環(huán)顧一下這個大廳——我確信我們兩個國家有一個很重要的共同點，那就是我們對未來的信念。美國和中國都不想滿足于已取得的成就，止步不前。雖然中國是一個古老的國家，但你們顯然也對未來滿懷信心、雄心和使年輕一代能比這一代人更有作為的決心。

In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research--a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use.China is now the world's largest Internet user--which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event.This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change--and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow.But above all, I see China's future in you--young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.我們不但欽佩中國日益增長的經濟，還贊賞你們在科學研究方面極不平凡的努力——從你們建設的基礎設施到你們使用的技術，均體現(xiàn)出這種努力。中國現(xiàn)在是世界上最大的互聯(lián)網使用國——這也是我們今天很高興能把互聯(lián)網作為此次活動的一部分的原因。這個國家目前擁有世界上最大的移動電話網絡，它正在投資發(fā)展既能維持可持續(xù)增長，又能應對氣候變化的新型能源——我期待著明天在這個至關重要的領域中深化兩國的合作關系。然而，最重要的是，我在你們身上看到了中國的未來 ——年輕一代的聰明才智、獻身精神和夢想將為塑造21世紀發(fā)揮巨大作用。

I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected.The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek--all of these things are shared.And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game;one country's success need not come at the expense of another.And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise.On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations--a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.我已說過多次，我相信我們現(xiàn)在的世界是緊密相連的。我們所做的工作，我們所建設的繁榮，我們所保護的環(huán)境，以及我們所尋求的安全——所有這一切都是共有的。鑒于這種相互聯(lián)系，在21世紀，權力不應再成為一場零和游戲；一國的成功發(fā)展不應以他國為代價。這也就是為什么美國堅決表示我們不謀求遏制中國的崛起。恰恰相反，我們歡迎中國成為國際社會中一個強大、繁榮、成功的成員——一個從你們這樣的每個中國人的權利、實力和創(chuàng)造力中獲得力量的中國。

To return to the proverb--consider the past.We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide.That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations.And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government.It must be rooted in our people--in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play.And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.回到前面提到的那句古語——回顧過去。我們知道，大國之間選擇合作而非對抗會帶來更大的惠益。這是人類不斷汲取的一個教訓，我們兩國的關系史中也不乏其例。我深信，合作必須不止于政府間的合作。合作必須植根于我們的人民——植根于我們共同進行的研究，我們的商貿活動，我們所學到的知識，乃至我們的體育運動。這些橋梁必須由你們這樣的年輕人和美國的年輕人共同構筑。

That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000.And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century.And I'm absolutelyconfident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people.For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.因此，我高興地宣布，美國準備將在中國留學的美國學生人數(shù)大幅度增加到10萬人。這種交流是對在我們兩國人民之間建立聯(lián)系的明確承諾，毫無疑問，你們將幫助決定21世紀的命運。我完全相信，對美·來說，再好的使者莫過于我們的年輕人。因為他們和你們一樣，才華橫溢，充滿活力，對有待書寫的歷史篇章充滿樂觀。

So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world.And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.那么，就讓這個舉措成為我們穩(wěn)步尋求合作的下一個步驟，這種合作有利于我們兩國乃至整個世界。如果能從今天的對話中得到一點啟示的話，我希望那就是致力于今后繼續(xù)進行這種對話。

So thank you very much.And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you.Thank you very much.(Applause.)非常感謝諸位?，F(xiàn)在我希望回答你們大家提出的一些問題。非常感謝。（掌聲。）

第四篇：奧巴馬演講詞

Good evening.Tonight, I can report to the American people and to the world that the United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of al Qaeda, and a terrorist who’s responsible for the murder of thousands of innocent men, women, and children.晚上好。今天晚上，我終于能向美國人民和全世界宣布，美國指揮的一項行動已經將基地組織的頭目奧薩馬·本·拉登擊斃，他要為成千上萬美國無辜的男人女人和兒童的死亡負責。

It was nearly 10 years ago that a bright September day was darkened by the worst attack on the American people in our history.The images of 9/11 are seared into our national memory--hijacked planes cutting through a cloudless September sky;the Twin Towers collapsing to the ground;black smoke billowing up from the Pentagon;the wreckage of Flight 93 in Shanksville, Pennsylvania, where the actions of heroic citizens saved even more heartbreak and destruction.那個陽光明媚的九月被美國有史以來遭受的最慘重的恐怖襲擊遮蔽，距今就要十年了。911事件的情景一直留在全國人民的記憶中——被劫持的飛機劃過萬里無云的九月晴空；雙子塔轟然倒塌；五角大樓冒出濃濃黑煙；93航班上英勇的乘客們?yōu)榱送炀雀酂o辜生命采取行動讓飛機墜毀在賓夕法尼亞。

And yet we know that the worst images are those that were unseen to the world.The empty seat at the dinner table.Children who were forced to grow up without their mother or their father.Parents who would never know the feeling of their child’s embrace.Nearly 3,000 citizens taken from us, leaving a gaping hole in our hearts.然而，我們知道，最慘痛的景象是那些無法展示在世人面前的。餐桌邊空空的座位，孩子們不得不在沒有父母的環(huán)境下成長。父母們再也感受不到孩子們的擁抱。我們的身邊被奪走了將近3000個生命，在我們的心中留下沉痛的悲傷。

On September 11, 2001, in our time of grief, the American people came together.We offered our neighbors a hand, and we offered the wounded our blood.We reaffirmed our ties to each other, and our love of community and country.On that day, no matter where we came from, what God we prayed to, or what race or ethnicity we were, we were united as one American family.2001年9月11日，在我們悲傷的時刻，美國人民團結在一起了。我們向鄰居們伸出援手，我們向傷者捐出獻血，我們重新確認了彼此之間的羈絆以及我們對社區(qū)和國家的愛。在那一天，不管我們來自何方、信仰什么宗教、屬于什么種族，我們都被緊緊聯(lián)系在了美國這個大家庭里。

We were also united in our resolve to protect our nation and to bring those who committed this vicious attack to justice.We quickly learned that the 9/11 attacks were carried out by al Qaeda--an organization headed by Osama bin Laden, which had openly declared war on the United States and was committed to killing innocents in our country and around the globe.And so we went to war against al Qaeda to protect our citizens, our friends, and our allies.在保護我們的國家，給那些應該對這起惡性攻擊負責的人以正義制裁的決心面前，我們也萬眾一心。很快我們就意識到911恐怖襲擊是由基地組織策劃的，這個組織的頭目就是奧薩馬·本·拉登，他曾經公開對美國宣戰(zhàn)，在我們的國家和全世界都犯下了殺害無辜生命的罪行。于是，我們對基地組織開戰(zhàn)，以保護我們的人民、我們的朋友和我們的盟友們。

Over the last 10 years, thanks to the tireless and heroic work of our military and our counterterrorism professionals, we’ve made great strides in that effort.We’ve disrupted terrorist attacks and strengthened our homeland defense.In Afghanistan, we removed the Taliban government, which had given bin Laden and al Qaeda safe haven and support.And around the globe, we worked with our friends and allies to capture or kill scores of al Qaeda terrorists, including several who were a part of the 9/11 plot.過去的十年里，在我們的軍人和反恐專家們不懈而英勇的努力下，我們取得了巨大的成效。我們粉碎了恐怖襲擊、加強了我們的國土安全。在阿富汗，我們擊退了為基地組織提供安全避難和支持的塔利班政府。在全球，我們和朋友及盟友一起或抓住或擊斃了數(shù)十名基地恐怖分子，其中包括一些911事件的始作俑者。

Yet Osama bin Laden avoided capture and escaped across the Afghan border into Pakistan.Meanwhile, al Qaeda continued to operate from along that border and operate through its affiliates across the world.然而奧薩馬·本·拉登逃避了抓捕并在阿富汗和巴基斯坦邊境逃竄。同時，基地組織也繼續(xù)通過這條邊境線以及世界的分支組織運行著。

And so shortly after taking office, I directed Leon Panetta, the director of the CIA, to make the killing or capture of bin Laden the top priority of our war against al Qaeda, even as we continued our broader efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat his network.所以，在上任之后，我命令中情局局長里昂·帕內塔把擊斃或活捉本拉登當作我們和基地作戰(zhàn)的頭等大事，我們也仍在加強力量來瓦解、拆分和擊潰他的聯(lián)系網。

Then, last August, after years of painstaking work by our intelligence community, I was briefed on a possible lead to bin Laden.It was far from certain, and it took many months to run this thread to ground.I met repeatedly with my national security team as we developed more information about the possibility that we had located bin Laden hiding within a compound deep inside of Pakistan.And finally, last week, I determined that we had enough intelligence to take action, and authorized an operation to get Osama bin Laden and bring him to justice.然后，去年八月，在情報機構數(shù)年的辛勤工作之后，我得到本拉登的一份簡報。那時還不能確認，我們花費了幾個月的時間來確認這條線索，我和咱們國家安全小組的成員們不斷的會面，我們得到了更多可能性的信息，把本拉登的藏身地鎖定在了巴基斯坦很隱蔽的一個院子里。終于在上周，我決定我們已經有了足夠的情報來采取行動，授權打擊奧薩馬·本·拉登，讓他得到正義的制裁。

Today, at my direction, the United States launched a targeted operation against that compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan.A small team of Americans carried out the operation with extraordinary courage and capability.No Americans were harmed.They took care to avoid civilian casualties.After a firefight, they killed Osama bin Laden and took custody of his body.今天，在我的指揮下，美國發(fā)動了一項對巴基斯坦阿伯塔巴德的針對性打擊。一小隊美國人在超凡的勇氣和能力下執(zhí)行了這個任務，沒有美國人受傷。他們很小心的避免了平民的傷亡。在一次交火后，他們擊斃了奧薩馬·本·拉登，將他繩之以法。

For over two decades, bin Laden has been al Qaeda’s leader and symbol, and has continued to plot attacks against our country and our friends and allies.The death of bin Laden marks the most significant achievement to date in our nation’s effort to defeat al Qaeda.在過去的二十年里，本拉登作為基地組織的頭目和象征，一直在策劃對我們的國家、我們的朋友和盟友們進行襲擊。本拉登的死標志著我們國家在和基地組織的戰(zhàn)斗中取得了重大的成就。

Yet his death does not mark the end of our effort.There’s no doubt that al Qaeda will continue to pursue attacks against us.We must –-and we will--remain vigilant at home and abroad.然而，他的死并不意味著我們戰(zhàn)斗的終止?；亟M織無疑會繼續(xù)尋求對我們的攻擊。我們必須——也必將——在國內和國外保持高度警惕。

As we do, we must also reaffirm that the United States is not –-and never will be-– at war with Islam.I’ve made clear, just as President Bush did shortly after 9/11, that our war is not against Islam.Bin Laden was not a Muslim leader;he was a mass murderer of Muslims.Indeed, al Qaeda has slaughtered scores of Muslims in many countries, including our own.So his demise should be welcomed by all who believe in peace and human dignity.同時，我們也必須重申，美國沒有也永遠不會向伊斯蘭世界開展。我要清楚的表明，正如小布什總統(tǒng)在911不久后所說，我們的戰(zhàn)爭并不針對伊斯蘭世界，本拉登也不是一個穆斯林領袖，他是殺害穆斯林教徒的兇手?；亟M織在很多國家，包括我們自己的國家內確實屠殺了很多穆斯林教徒。所以，他的死亡應該受到所有相信世界和平維護人的尊嚴的人們的歡迎。

Over the years, I’ve repeatedly made clear that we would take action within Pakistan if we knew where bin Laden was.That is what we’ve done.But it’s important to note that our counterterrorism cooperation with Pakistan helped lead us to bin Laden and the compound where he was hiding.Indeed, bin Laden had declared war against Pakistan as well, and ordered attacks against the Pakistani people.在過去數(shù)年，我也一直重申一旦我們確認拉登所在，我們可能在巴基斯坦境內采取行動，我們也是這么做的。但要特別拿出來說的一點是我們的反恐是在巴基斯坦的協(xié)作下找到本拉登和他的藏身之所的。本拉登也曾經對巴基斯坦宣戰(zhàn)，也曾下命令攻擊巴基斯坦人民。

Tonight, I called President Zardari, and my team has also spoken with their Pakistani counterparts.They agree that this is a good and historic day for both of our nations.And going forward, it is essential that Pakistan continue to join us in the fight against al Qaeda and its affiliates.今晚，我給巴基斯坦總統(tǒng)扎爾達里打了電話，我的小隊也和巴基斯坦相關人士通了話。今天對我們兩國來說都是具有歷史意義的好日子，在這一點上大家都達成了共識。

The American people did not choose this fight.It came to our shores, and started with the senseless slaughter of our citizens.After nearly 10 years of service, struggle, and sacrifice, we know well the costs of war.These efforts weigh on me every time I, as Commander-in-Chief, have to sign a letter to a family that has lost a loved one, or look into the eyes of a service member who’s been gravely wounded.美國人民沒有選擇戰(zhàn)爭，戰(zhàn)爭來到了我們的海岸，對我們的人民進行無意義的屠殺。經過近十年的服役、戰(zhàn)爭和犧牲，我們太知道戰(zhàn)爭的代價了。每當我作為三軍統(tǒng)帥，必須要給那些失去了心愛之人以及那些遭受重大創(chuàng)傷的服役人員的家人寫信的時候，種種艱難時時刻刻都壓在我的心頭。

So Americans understand the costs of war.Yet as a country, we will never tolerate our security being threatened, nor stand idly by when our people have been killed.We will be relentless in defense of our citizens and our friends and allies.We will be true to the values that make us who we are.And on nights like this one, we can say to those families who have lost loved ones to al Qaeda’s terror: Justice has been done.美國人民知道戰(zhàn)爭的代價。然而作為一個國家，我們永遠都不能忍受國家安全受到威脅，或者在人民被殺的時候袖手旁觀。我們會一直保護我們的居民、我們的朋友和盟友。我們會真實的面對這些代價。然后像今天這個夜晚，我們終于能對那些被基地組織奪去家人生命的家庭說：正義得到了伸張。

Tonight, we give thanks to the countless intelligence and counterterrorism professionals who’ve worked tirelessly to achieve this outcome.The American people do not see their work, nor know their names.But tonight, they feel the satisfaction of their work and the result of their pursuit of justice.今晚，我要感謝數(shù)不清的情報人員和反恐專家們，正是你們不知疲倦的努力才有了這項成就。美國人民看不到他們的工作，也不知道他們的名字，但是今晚，他們會對自己的工作感到滿足，他們對正義的追求得到了收獲。

We give thanks for the men who carried out this operation, for they exemplify the professionalism, patriotism, and unparalleled courage of those who serve our country.And they are part of a generation that has borne the heaviest share of the burden since that September day.我們感謝那些執(zhí)行這項行動的人，這是他們服務國家的職業(yè)化、愛國主義和無可匹敵的勇氣的明證。自從九月那天起，他們就成了背負最沉重負擔的一代人。

Finally, let me say to the families who lost loved ones on 9/11 that we have never forgotten your loss, nor wavered in our commitment to see that we do whatever it takes to prevent another attack on our shores.最后，讓我對那些在911事件中失去家人的家庭們說，我們永遠不會忘記你們的損失，我們會采取任何措施來防止對我們國土的另一次襲擊，這個承諾我們也永遠不會動搖。

And tonight, let us think back to the sense of unity that prevailed on 9/11.I know that it has, at times, frayed.Yet today’s achievement is a testament to the greatness of our country and the determination of the American people.今晚，讓我們回顧一下911那天我們的團結一心，我知道隨著時間的流逝這種感覺已經漸漸淡去，但是今天的成就見證了我們國家的偉大和人民的堅不可摧。

The cause of securing our country is not complete.But tonight, we are once again reminded that America can do whatever we set our mind to.That is the story of our history, whether it’s the pursuit of prosperity for our people, or the struggle for equality for all our citizens;our commitment to stand up for our values abroad, and our sacrifices to make the world a safer place.我們保護國家的任務還沒有完成，但是今晚，我們再次相信，美國人民可以完成任何我們下定決心完成的事情。這就是我們的歷史：不管是對人民繁榮的追求、或是對人人平等的奮斗，我們傳播我們的價值觀的承諾以及我們?yōu)榫S護世界和平所作出的犧牲。

Let us remember that we can do these things not just because of wealth or power, but because of who we are: one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.讓我們銘記，我們做這件事并不因為我們的財富或力量，而是因為我們自身：我們是在上帝之下，所有人都擁有自由和正義的不可分割的一個國家。

Thank you.May God bless you.And may God bless the United States of America.謝謝大家，愿上帝保佑你們，上帝保佑美國。

今晚，我可以向美國民眾和全世界宣布，美國已經完成了消滅基地組織頭目本-拉丹的行動，此人是屠殺數(shù)以千計無辜男女老少的恐怖分子。

將近十年前，9月一個陽光明媚的早晨，美國民眾遭受了歷史上最嚴重的襲擊。9-11襲擊的一幕幕在我國民眾記憶中揮之不去。遭劫持的飛機劃破了 9月云淡風輕的天空；世貿中心雙子塔瞬間倒塌；黑煙從五角大樓滾滾上升；墜毀在賓夕法尼亞州尚克斯維爾的93號航班殘骸，乘客們的英勇行為避免了更多慘劇和摧毀的發(fā)生。

然而我們知道，最慘痛的是那些未向全世界播出的畫面：餐桌旁空空如也的椅子；失去父母的兒童們；再也無法體會孩子擁抱的父母們。將近3000名市民離開了我們，同時在我們心中留下巨大空洞。

2001年9月11日，在我們這個悲痛的時刻，全體美國人走到了一起。我們向鄰居們伸出援手，為受傷者獻血。我們相互之間的關系更加牢固，我們對社區(qū)和國家的愛更加濃烈。

在那一天，不管我們來自何處、不管我們向哪一位神靈祈禱，也無論我們的種族如何，我們都團結在一起，整個美國就像一個大家庭。我們有著共同的決心，即矢志保衛(wèi)我們的國家，并把那些發(fā)動了這場邪惡襲擊的人繩之以法。

我們很快查明，發(fā)動9-11襲擊的是基地組織，該組織以奧薩馬-本-拉丹為首，他們早已公開對美國宣戰(zhàn)，并在我們國家和全球其他地方殺害無辜人民。為了保護我們的公民、我們的朋友以及我們的盟友，我們展開了針對基地組織的戰(zhàn)爭。

過去十年以來，得益于我們軍隊和專業(yè)反恐人員不知疲倦的英勇工作，我們在打擊基地組織方面取得了巨大進展。我們挫敗了多起恐怖襲擊，強化了本土安全。

在阿富汗，我們推翻了向本-拉丹和基地組織提供庇護傘和支持的塔利班政府。在世界范圍內，我們與友邦盟國共同合作逮捕或者擊斃大量的基地組織恐怖分子，包括那些參與9-11襲擊的。

但是奧薩馬-本-拉丹逃脫了追捕，從阿富汗邊境潛逃進入巴基斯坦。與此同時，基地組織繼續(xù)在阿巴邊境地區(qū)以及通過其分支機構在全球地區(qū)活動。

我就任美國總統(tǒng)后不久，就曾命令中央情報局局長萊昂-帕內塔把擊斃或者抓捕本？拉丹作為打擊基地組織戰(zhàn)爭的首要任務。我們也加強努力破壞、分解和打擊拉丹的恐怖網絡。

去年八月，在我們的情報部門歷經數(shù)年的艱苦工作之后，我獲悉已經有了本-拉丹的線索，盡管那時還遠遠無法確定。我們花費了數(shù)月才得以順藤摸瓜。

我多次同國家安全人員會談，也有更多信息鎖定本-拉丹就藏在巴基斯坦的一座建筑內。

終于在上周，在我們有了充分的情報之后，我下令對奧薩馬-本-拉丹采取行動，將他繩之以法。

今天，在我的指示下，美軍對巴基斯坦阿巴德的一處目標實施了有針對性的行動。本次行動的執(zhí)行者是一小隊有著非凡勇氣和能力的美國士兵，并沒有造成任何美國人傷亡。雙方交火后，美國士兵打死了奧薩馬-本-拉丹，并且掌握了本-拉丹的尸體。

在過去的二十年里，本-拉丹一直是基地組織的頭目和象征，并且不斷地策劃針對我們國家、朋友和盟友的襲擊。

本？拉丹之死是我們在打擊基地組織的努力中，迄今為止取得的最為重要的成就。

本？拉丹的死并不意味著我們工作的結束。毫無疑問，基地組織將會繼續(xù)對我們實施攻擊。因此，我們必須并且繼續(xù)對國內外的情況保持警惕。

如我們做的那樣，我們還必須重申美國沒有也絕對不會對伊斯蘭發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。正如小布什總統(tǒng)在9-11事件之后我曾經明確表示，我們的戰(zhàn)爭并非針對伊斯蘭。本-拉丹并非一個穆斯林領袖，相反，他屠殺了大量的穆斯林人民。事實上，基地組織在包括美國在內的很多國家都屠殺了許多穆斯林。

所有愛好和平并相信人之尊嚴者都會為他的死而歡欣鼓舞。在過去的數(shù)年里，我一再重申，如果我們確認本拉丹在巴基斯坦境內棲身，我們將采取行動。我們這次就是這么做的。

這里我們必須指出同巴基斯坦在反恐上的合作在這次行動中幫助我們找到并確認了本拉丹的藏身之所。事實上，本-拉丹早已對巴基斯坦宣戰(zhàn)并且命令采取行動襲擊巴基斯坦人民。

今晚我已經同扎爾達里總統(tǒng)通了電話，同時我的同事也與巴基斯坦方面的相應官員進行了交流。我們一致認為今天對美巴兩國人民來說都是一個值得紀念的日子。雙方都同意未來巴基斯坦還將同美國一起展開針對基地組織及其分支機構的行動。美國人民并不想要這場戰(zhàn)爭，這一切都源于一場對美國本土無辜平民的無端殘殺。10年的斗爭和犧牲，使我們深切體會到這場戰(zhàn)爭的代價。

作為美國三軍統(tǒng)帥，每次在給陣亡士兵家人的信上簽名，每次看到被重傷軍人的眼睛，我都感到沉重的壓力。

美國人民清楚戰(zhàn)爭必然會有傷亡，知道戰(zhàn)爭必然要我們付出代價。但是作為一個國家，我們更是絕對不能容忍有人威脅我們的安全，也不能看著我們的人民被殺害還坐視不管。我們將堅持不懈地保護美國公民、朋友和盟友。我們將永遠堅持那些我們所認可的價值。這個晚上，讓我們對那些因基地恐怖分子而失去親人至愛的家庭說，正義終于得到了伸張。

我們要感謝那些情報和反恐界的專業(yè)人士，正是他們孜孜不倦的工作才促成了今天的勝利。美國人民看不到他們的工作，也不知道他們的名字。但是在這個晚上，這些人能夠真切地感受到付出得到回報、正義得以伸張的滿足。我們還要感謝那些參與了這次行動的軍人，他們是所有為國盡忠的士兵們的代表，展現(xiàn)出了專業(yè)、愛國和無可比擬的勇氣。他們在9-11之后承擔了最重的責任。

最后，我還要對那些在9-11恐怖襲擊中失去至親至愛的家庭說，我們從來沒有忘記過你們的損失，我們也從來沒有動搖所做出的承諾，那就是竭盡全力讓國家免遭新的襲擊。

這個夜晚，讓我們重新回顧在9-11襲擊發(fā)生后美國上下緊密團結的情景，我知道那種團結在有些時候已經淡化。但是今天的成就證明了美國的偉大和美國人的決心。

請記住，保衛(wèi)我們國家的事業(yè)并沒有終結。但是今天我們再次印證只要美國下定決心，這個國家想做的事情就一定能夠實現(xiàn)。這是我們國家的歷史：不管是為了人民的繁榮還是國民的平等，我們對全球傳遞美國價值觀的承諾不變，我們?yōu)槭澜绨踩珜幵缸晕覡奚某兄Z不變。

我們要牢記，做這些并僅是為了財富或者權勢，而是因為我們生來如此，我們生來要為所有人爭取自由和公正。

感謝你們，上帝保佑大家，上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。

第五篇：奧巴馬西點軍校演講

奧巴馬西點軍校演講

奧巴馬

本周一是陣亡將士紀念日，所以在今天這個場合，美國來緬懷那些為捍衛(wèi)自由犧牲的人們，特別合適。你們是“911”以來第一屆不用奔赴伊拉克或阿富汗前線的畢業(yè)生。當我2009年第一次在西點演講時，我們在伊拉克還有10萬多名駐軍。我們還準備增兵阿富汗。我們反恐行動的重點還集中在基地組織的核心領導層——那些策劃了“911”襲擊的人。我們的國家才剛剛從大蕭條以來最嚴重的經濟危機中爬起身來。

四年半之后，當你們畢業(yè)之時，局面已經改變了。我們從伊拉克撤出了軍隊。我們正在阿富汗收縮戰(zhàn)線。盤踞在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)的若干基地組織領導人已被誅殺，奧薩馬?本—拉登已不復存在。經此巨變，我們已將資源重新集中于美國實力的本源：不斷成長的經濟——能夠為每一個愿在國內勤勉工作、盡職盡責的人創(chuàng)造機會。

實際上，以大多數(shù)指標來衡量，相對于世界其他國家，美國很少像今天這樣強大。那些持不同論調——說美國正在衰落，或說她已喪失全球領導地位——的人，要么是誤解了歷史，要么就是被黨派立場蒙住了雙眼。想想看。我們的軍事實力舉世無匹。來自任何一個國家的直接威脅都很低，遠不能同冷戰(zhàn)時期的危險相比。同時，我們的經濟仍是全球最具活力的經濟，我們的企業(yè)是最富創(chuàng)新能力的企業(yè)。我們在能源供應上一年比一年更獨立。從歐洲到亞洲，如此眾多的盟友簇擁在我們周圍，為萬國歷史上所僅見。

美國仍在吸引努力奮斗的移民前來。我們的建國理念在世界各地激勵著議會中的領袖和廣場上參與運動的人群。當菲律賓受臺風肆虐，尼日利亞女學童遭到劫持，或是烏克蘭的蒙面槍手占據(jù)大樓，美國仍然是全世界尋求幫助的對象。我國是而且仍然是一個不可或缺的國家。上一個世紀是這樣，下一個世紀仍將如此。

然而，世界正在加速變遷。這種變遷帶來機遇，但也帶來新的危險?！?11”以后我們深刻地認識到，新技術和全球化如何讓個人掌握了原本只有國家才有的力量，提升了恐怖主義者實施傷害的能力。俄羅斯對前蘇聯(lián)加盟國的侵凌踩痛了歐洲各國的神經，而中國的經濟和軍事崛起則引發(fā)其鄰國的緊張。從巴西到印度，新興的中產階級社會同我們展開競爭，它們的政府在國際議題上尋求更大的發(fā)言權。盡管許多發(fā)展中國家擁抱民主和市場經濟，但24小時新聞和社交媒體讓人難以忽視派系沖突、國家失靈和民眾暴動的持續(xù)存在，而這一切在10年前只會偶爾受到關注。

應對這樣一個新世界，是你們這一代的任務。我們所面臨的問題，你們每一個人所要面臨的問題，不是美國還會不會領導世界，而是我們將如何領導世界——不僅僅確保我們自身的和平和繁榮，還要把和平和繁榮擴展到全世界。

其實，這個問題并不是新問題。最晚從華盛頓在獨立戰(zhàn)爭中擔任大陸軍總司令以來，總有人說，干嘛要關心那些并不直接牽涉我國安全和經濟福利的外國爛攤子？如今，按照那些自詡為現(xiàn)實主義者的人的說法，不管是敘利亞、烏克蘭還是中非共和國的紛爭，都不關我們的事。并不奇怪，在經歷了靡費的戰(zhàn)爭和國內的重重挑戰(zhàn)之后，很多美國人都有類似想法。

左的和右的干涉主義者則持另一種看法，他們說，無視這些沖突，最終會令我們自己遭殃。他們說，美國在全世界運用實力的意志是防止世界陷入混亂的終極保障，如果美國面對敘利亞的暴行或俄羅斯的挑釁而無所行動，不僅違背我們的良心，而且也是在縱容未來更加肆無忌憚的行徑。

兩邊都可以從歷史上找到論據(jù)。但我認為，上面兩種觀點都沒有充分滿足當今時代所提出的要求。毫無疑問，在21世紀，美國孤立主義絕對行不通。我們不可能對國境之外的事態(tài)坐視不理。如果國外的核材料得不到妥善保存，美國的城市就會遭受威脅。當敘利亞內戰(zhàn)向境外蔓延，經過戰(zhàn)爭歷練的極端組織攻擊美國的能力只會有增無減。如果地區(qū)擴張行為得不到約束——不論是在烏克蘭南部還是南中國海，或是其他地方——最終會觸及我們的盟友，并將我們自己的軍隊卷入沖突。我們不能對國境外的種種事態(tài)袖手旁觀。

除了上面那些利益計算，我相信我們還有一個真實的關切、一個長遠利益：保證我們的子孫后代在一個女學童不被劫持，人們不因部落、信仰或政治立場而遭屠戮的世界里長大。我堅信，建設一個更自由、更寬容的世界不僅是一種道德要求，也有助于保障我們本國的安全。

然而，說我們有必要在國境之外推進和平與自由，并不是說所有所有問題都要用軍事手段解決。自第一次世界大戰(zhàn)以來，我們所犯過的一些代價最高昂的錯誤不是來自我們的克制，而是因為我們在貿然投入軍事冒險前對后果考慮不周——沒有為我們的行動獲得國際支持與合法性；沒有對美國人民坦陳需要他們做出的犧牲。強硬言辭容易博取新聞版面，但戰(zhàn)爭的真相很少能夠符合口號。對這個問題理解深刻的艾森豪威爾將軍1947年在這個典禮上說得好：“戰(zhàn)爭是人類最可悲、最愚昧的蠢行。故意挑起戰(zhàn)爭，不論是自己決斷還是出謀劃策，都是對全人類犯下的邪惡罪行?！?/p>

像艾森豪威爾一樣，這一代的男女軍人對戰(zhàn)爭的代價理解甚深，你們西點畢業(yè)生也是如此。當我5年前在此宣布增兵阿富汗的時候，聽眾中的四人后來就在那個戰(zhàn)場上捐軀。還有很多西點生負傷。我相信美國的國家安全需要采取那次軍事部署。但那些傷亡者的英靈和苦痛令我寢食難安。如果我把你們送去冒生命危險，只是因為覺得世界上的哪個地方出了問題得有人管管，或者因為怕別人說不派兵干涉就會顯得美國很軟弱，那我就是背叛了我對你們、對我所愛的這個國家所負有的責任。

這是我的底線：在世界舞臺上，美國必須堅持發(fā)揮領導作用。如果我們不做，就沒人會去承擔那份責任。你們加入的美國軍隊一直是支持美國領導作用的中堅力量。但是美國的軍事行動不能在所有情況下都構成美國領導力的唯一內容，甚至不能總是其首要內容。我們手中握有最好的榔頭，并不意味著所有的問題就都成了釘子。而且，正因為軍事行動成本高昂，你們理當期待，每一位平民政府的總統(tǒng)——尤其他又是你們的總司令——在動用這種令人敬畏的力量之時，都應該懷著何種戒慎恐懼的心情。

所以，我將用接下來的時間，描述一下我設想的前景：美利堅合眾國及其軍隊如何在未來若干年內領導世界，因為你們都將組成那種領導力的一部分。

首先，請允許我重復我在初任總統(tǒng)時所說的一句話：美國將運用軍事力量，如必要時甚至是單邊運用，如果我們的核心利益要求如此——如果我們的人民受到威脅，如果我們的生計蒙受風險，如果我們的盟友陷入危難。在這些情況下，我們仍須追問，我們的行動是否適度、有效和正義。國際輿論很重要，但保護我們的人民、國土和生活方式，美國不需要請求允許。

另一方面，如果全球關心的問題并沒有直接威脅到美國，卻也有所關涉的時候——當國外的危機刺痛了我們的良心，或者將世界推向一個更危險的方向卻并未直接威脅到我們時，軍事行動的門檻必須提高。在這些情況下，我們不應獨自動武。而是必須動員盟友和伙伴采取集體行動。我們必須拓展手段，包括外交和國際開發(fā)、制裁和孤立、訴諸國際法和采取多邊軍事行動——前提是正義、必要和有效性。我們必須同其他方面合作，因為在此類情況下，集體行動更容易成功，更容易持久，也更不容易導致嚴重的錯誤。

這就引出我的第二個論點：在可預見的未來，在國內外對美國構成最直接威脅的還是恐怖主義。但是入侵所有庇護恐怖主義網絡的國家，這種戰(zhàn)略既是天真的，也是不可持續(xù)的。我認為我們必須改變我們的反恐戰(zhàn)略，吸取我們在伊拉克和阿富汗的經驗教訓，更有效地同那些恐怖主義試圖滲透的國家合作。

之所以需要新戰(zhàn)略，是因為現(xiàn)在的主要威脅不在來自一個集中化的基地組織核心，而是來自分散化的基地外圍和在各國各自為戰(zhàn)的極端勢力。這種變化降低了“911”式大規(guī)模襲擊美國本土的可能性，但它卻加劇了美國人員在海外遇襲的危險，就像我們在班加西領館遇襲事件中看到的情況一樣。它也加劇了防衛(wèi)薄弱的目標遇襲的危險，就像我們在內羅畢購物中心襲擊事件中看到的情況一樣。

所以我們必須設計出一套戰(zhàn)略，以應對此類分散化的威脅。那套戰(zhàn)略要能讓我們在擴大干預范圍的同時，不至于把我們的軍力過度攤薄，或引發(fā)當?shù)厝说某鸷?。我們需要伙伴來和我們并肩打擊恐怖主義。培養(yǎng)伙伴的能力正是我們在阿富汗所做的主要工作之一。

與盟友攜手，美國重拳打擊了基地組織核心，并反擊了旨在推翻阿富汗政權的暴動。但要保住這些果實，前提是阿富汗方面有足夠的能力完成任務。所以我們在訓練數(shù)十萬的阿富汗士兵和警察。今年年初，正是那些阿富汗部隊保障了這個國家完成其歷史上首次民主的政權交接。今年年末，一位新的阿富汗總統(tǒng)將會走馬上任，而美國的戰(zhàn)斗任務屆時也就結束了。

那是美國武裝部隊幫助完成的一個了不起的成就。當我們在阿富汗轉向訓練和顧問任務，我們在該國的收縮讓我們可以更有效地應對在中東與北非出現(xiàn)的新威脅。所以，今年早些時候，我要求我的國家安全團隊制定一套計劃，從南亞到非洲薩赫勒地區(qū)打造一個伙伴網絡。今天，作為這一努力的一部分，我呼吁國會支持設立一個50億美元的反恐怖主義伙伴基金，以使我們訓練和裝備處于反恐前線的伙伴。這些資源將使我們能夠靈活勝任各種不同任務，包括幫助受到基地滲透的也門訓練安全部隊、在索馬里部署多國維和部隊、同歐洲盟友一起訓練利比亞安全部隊和邊界巡邏隊以及協(xié)助法國在馬里采取行動等。

這一切努力的一個關鍵焦點是曠日持久的敘利亞危機。這場令人沮喪的危機沒有容易的解決辦法，用任何軍事手段都不可能很快消除那里令人發(fā)指的暴行。作為總統(tǒng)，我決定不讓美國的部隊介入那場日益演變成派系戰(zhàn)爭的沖突，我相信這一決定是正確的。但那并不意味著我們不應該幫助敘利亞人民反抗那轟炸、餓死自己人民的獨裁者。通過幫助那些為全體敘利亞人決定自身命運的權利而戰(zhàn)的人，我們也就是在反擊那些試圖從這場混亂中漁利的極端主義者。

依靠我今天倡議設立的這個新基金，我們將幫助敘利亞的鄰國約旦、黎巴嫩、土耳其和伊拉克，幫助他們在敘利亞邊境疏導難民，拒斥恐怖分子。我將和國會通力合作，支持敘利亞反對派中最有希望替代恐怖分子和殘暴獨裁者的那些力量。我們還會繼續(xù)同我們在歐洲和阿拉伯世界的盟友協(xié)調，推動這場危機得到政治解決，確保那些國家而不僅僅是美國在幫助敘利亞人民的過程中做出一份合理的貢獻。

關于反恐怖主義，我還有最后一點要講。我所描述的伙伴關系并不意味著，不需要采取任何直接行動，實施必要的自衛(wèi)了。當我們掌握了可以據(jù)以采取行動的充分情報以后，我們就會采取行動。例如抓捕1998年陰謀炸毀美國使館的恐怖分子、在也門和索馬里實施無人機打擊等等。在必須行動的時候，我們不能猶豫。

但就像我去年所說，在采取直接行動時我們必須堅持標準，持守我們的價值觀。那意味著僅當面對持續(xù)的、實質性的威脅時才進行打擊，而且要盡量確保不會造成平民傷亡。因為我們的行動要符合一條簡單標準：我們不能在清除敵人的過程中，制造更多的敵人。

我也相信，關于反恐行動的基礎和實施方式，我們必須更加透明。我們必須對公眾作出解釋。我會更多地讓軍方主導并向公眾提供行動信息。我們的情報部門做了很多出色的工作，我們還會繼續(xù)保護它們的信息源和工作方法。但如果我們無法清楚、公開地解釋我們的行為，我們就得應付恐怖分子的宣傳和國際上的質疑，我們在伙伴和人民眼里的合法性會遭到削弱，我們對自己政府的報告義務會遭到忽視。

透明度問題直接關系到美國領導力的第三個層面，那就是加強國際秩序。

第二次世界大戰(zhàn)以后，美國智慧地創(chuàng)造出一些制度，以維護和平，促進人類進步——從北約到聯(lián)合國再到世界銀行和國際貨幣基金組織。這些制度并不完美，但它們是力量的放大器。它們減少了美國采取單邊行動的需要，增加了對其他國家的約束。

如今，正如這個世界已經變化，這一國際治理架構也需要因時而變。在冷戰(zhàn)高潮時期，肯尼迪總統(tǒng)說過，和平需要建立在“人類制度的漸進演化”之上。促使這些國際制度進一步演化，以應今時今日之需，是美國領導力的關鍵內容。

現(xiàn)在有不少人、不少懷疑論者老是要貶低多邊行動的有效性。在他們看來，通過聯(lián)合國這種國際組織來做事或遵守國際法是軟弱的標志。我說他們錯了。容我舉兩個例子來說明為什么。

俄羅斯最近在烏克蘭的行動讓人回想起蘇聯(lián)坦克碾壓東歐的年代。但這并不是冷戰(zhàn)重演。我們塑造世界輿論的能力幫助我們成功孤立了俄羅斯。由于美國的領導力，各國都很快對俄羅斯的行徑做出譴責，歐洲和七國集團聯(lián)合我們實施制裁，北約加強了對東歐盟友的承諾，國際貨幣基金組織協(xié)助穩(wěn)定烏克蘭經濟，歐洲安全與合作組織的監(jiān)督將全世界的目光引向了烏克蘭南部的動蕩。這場對世界輿論和國際組織的動員有力地抗衡了俄羅斯的宣傳攻勢、其部署在俄烏邊境的軍隊和滲透在烏克蘭的蒙面武裝分子。

上周周末，數(shù)以百萬計的烏克蘭公民投了票。昨天我同烏克蘭當選總統(tǒng)通了話。我們不知道局勢會怎樣演變，不知道前方還會有何種兇險，但同盟友并肩、同國際組織攜手捍衛(wèi)國際秩序的做法，已經給了烏克蘭人民一個選擇未來的機會，而我們并沒有費一槍一彈。

與此類似，盡管美國、以色列和其他國家反復警告，伊朗近年來一直在穩(wěn)步推進核計劃。但就在我擔任總統(tǒng)的初期，我們組成了一個聯(lián)盟，對伊朗經濟實施制裁，并對伊朗政府伸出外交之手。如今我們有機會和平地化解分歧。

雖然談論成功為時尚早，我們也為防止伊朗擁有核武器而保留一切手段。但十年來，我們首次有機會達成突破性的協(xié)議。這份協(xié)議比我們用武力所能達成的更有效，更牢靠。在所有這些談判中，我們自愿通過多邊渠道開展工作，讓全世界站到我們一邊。

這就說明，這才是美國的領導力。這才是美國的強項。在上述兩個例子中，我們打造同盟應對挑戰(zhàn)。如今我們需要進一步加強這些制度，使其能夠預見并組織問題擴散。例如北約是全世界迄今為止最強大的軍事聯(lián)盟。我們正著眼于新的任務加強同北約盟友的合作，一方面在東歐鞏固新獲得的盟友，另一方面要求北約盟友在歐洲以外參與反恐，應對崩潰國家的挑戰(zhàn)并且訓練伙伴網絡。

與之相似，聯(lián)合國提供了一個在沖突不斷的各國之間維持和平的平臺。現(xiàn)在我們需要確保參與維和行動的國家有足夠的訓練和設備來完成使命，以避免剛果（金）和蘇丹戰(zhàn)亂那樣的大屠殺再次出現(xiàn)。我們要深化對那些參與維和國家的投入，因為如果其他國家能夠就近維持有關地區(qū)的秩序，我們就無需投入自己的軍隊去冒險。這是一筆劃算的投資。這是正確的領導方式。

請記住，并不是所有的國際規(guī)則都直接關乎武裝沖突。網絡攻擊是一個棘手問題，因此我們正在努力塑造和加強網絡治理規(guī)則，以保障網絡和公民安全。在亞太地區(qū)，我們支持東南亞國家同中國談判，以在南中國海島嶼爭端中制定行為準則。我們也試圖通過國際法解決那些爭端。我們也需要發(fā)揚合作精神，來為全球應對氣候變化重振活力。氣候變化這個悄無聲息的國家安全危機會影響你們一代軍人所面對的形勢，諸如難民潮、自然災害和爭搶水資源以及食物的各種挑戰(zhàn)。因此明年我將努力確保在美國引領下建立全球框架，保護我們的星球。

諸君請看，美國的影響力最強之際，都是我們用榜樣的力量領導世界之時。我們不能把自己排除于規(guī)則之外，而讓他人遵守規(guī)則。我們不能一邊呼吁其他國家應對氣候變化，另一邊許多我們自己的政治領袖卻在否認氣候變化的存在。我們不能一邊試圖解決南中國海問題，另一邊卻無法確?！秶H海洋法公約》在美國參議院獲得批準，盡管我們的高級將領也認為該公約有利于國家安全。那不是領導，那是退卻。那不是強大，那是軟弱。在羅斯福、杜魯門、艾森豪威爾和肯尼迪那樣的領袖身上，完全看不到這些東西。

我全身心地信仰美國例外論。但讓我們成為例外的不是我們違反國際規(guī)則和法治的能力，而是我們以實際行動來肯定它們的意愿。正是因此，我將繼續(xù)推動關閉關塔那摩監(jiān)獄，因為美國的價值觀和司法傳統(tǒng)不允許在海外無限期關押犯人。正是因此，我將設立新規(guī)，規(guī)范美國收集使用情報的行為，因為如果人們都認定我們監(jiān)聽普通公民，我們會失去朋友，工作效率也會大打折扣。美國不僅僅代表著不惜一切代價謀求穩(wěn)定或沒有沖突。我們代表著更長遠的和平，而只有當其他地方的人們獲得機會和自由，那種和平才會來臨。

這就關系到美國領導力的第四個也是最后一個要素：我們捍衛(wèi)人類尊嚴的意志。美國對民主和人權的支持超乎理想主義，它也是國家安全的一個考量。民主國家是我們最親近的朋友，也最不易走向戰(zhàn)爭?；谧杂?、開放市場的經濟體表現(xiàn)更佳，也會成為我們產品的市場。尊重人權則有助于克服不穩(wěn)定因素，有利于消解滋生暴力與恐怖的仇恨土壤。

新世紀的來臨并沒有帶來暴政的黃昏。在世界各國，甚至是美國的一些伙伴，對公民社會的壓制依然存在。腐敗的癌癥讓太多的政府官員和他們的圈內人一夜暴富，激怒了從偏遠鄉(xiāng)村到偉大廣場上的普通公民?？吹竭@些趨勢以及阿拉伯世界的一些暴力行徑，很容易讓人變得玩世不恭。

但也請記得，恰恰是因為美國的努力，因為美國的外交和對外援助，因為美國軍隊的犧牲，很多人如今已經生活在民選的政府之下，比人類歷史上的任何時期都要多。技術使公民社會變得更有力量，讓鐵拳更難對它們加以控制。各種新突破讓數(shù)以億計的人脫離貧困。即便是阿拉伯世界的動蕩也表現(xiàn)出拒斥威權統(tǒng)治的傾向——它們絕不穩(wěn)固——而且也預示了更負責、更有效的治理前景。

我們承認，我們同埃及等國家的關系是出于安全利益考量，包括巴以和平進程和共同反對暴力極端勢力等等。所以我們并未切斷同新政府的聯(lián)系，但我們能夠也將會繼續(xù)施壓，敦促埃及政府實施其民眾所要求的改革。

與此同時，像緬甸，幾年前還是不可理喻、對美國充滿敵意的專制國家，那可是4千萬人口的國家啊。依靠該國人民巨大的勇氣以及我們的外交努力，我們已經看到一個曾經封閉的社會開啟了政治改革的進程，緬甸領導層開始疏遠朝鮮，轉向美國和盟友。我們正在支持該國的改革和亟需的民族和解進程，通過勸說和偶爾公開批評的方式。那里的進步還有陷入倒退的可能，不過，如果緬甸能夠成功，我們就是未開一槍而贏得了新的伙伴。這就是美國的領導力。

在所有這些例子中，我們不能期待改變一夜之間完成。因此我們不僅同政府結盟，也同普通人民交好。和其他一些國家不同，美國不懼怕個體的人變得強大，有力的個人是美國的力量之源。公民社會、新聞自由令我們的力量有增無減。勤奮的企業(yè)家和小業(yè)主夯實我們的經濟實力。教育交流和為一切男人、女人和兒童提供機會，這種開放性讓我們近悅遠來。那才是我們美國。那是我們所代表的一切。

去年在訪問非洲的時候，我看到美國的援助令許多年輕人免受艾滋病的感染，同時也使得非洲居民能夠照顧自己的病人。我們幫助農夫把出產送往市場，讓饑民獲得口糧。我們讓撒哈拉以南非洲的電力供應翻番，讓當?shù)厝说靡苑窒砣蚪洕姆睒s。這一切都在為我們贏得新的伙伴，擠壓恐怖主義和暴力沖突的空間。

不幸的是，美國的安全努力都不足以消除博科圣地等極端組織造成的威脅，該組織劫持了200多名女學生。所以我們不能只顧營救學生，還要幫助尼日利亞教育他們的青年。這是我們在伊拉克和阿富汗來之不易的經驗之一，美國駐軍要成為外交和當?shù)亟洕鐣l(fā)展的最有力推動者。我們的部隊明白了，對外援助不是細枝末節(jié)，不是可以跟國防分開考慮的事情。它是壯大我們的重要一環(huán)。

歸根結底，全球領導力要求我們直面世界的本來面目，看清其全部危險和不確定性。我們得做最壞打算，防備一切意外。但美國的領導力也要求我們前瞻世界的應然狀態(tài)：個人的愿望得到尊重，統(tǒng)治人們的是希望而非恐懼，我們的立國文獻中所寫下的真理可以引導世界歷史潮流走向正義的方向。

資料來源：一財網