第一篇：奧巴馬諾貝爾和平獎獲獎感言情態(tài)系統(tǒng)人際意義研究

玉林師范學(xué)院本科生畢業(yè)論文

A Study on Interpersonal Meaning of Modality in Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech

奧巴馬諾貝爾和平獎獲獎感言情態(tài)系統(tǒng)人際意義研究

院 系 專 業(yè) 學(xué) 生 班 級 姓 名 學(xué) 號

指導(dǎo)教師單位 指導(dǎo)教師姓名 指導(dǎo)教師職稱

外語系

英語（應(yīng)用英語方向）

2008級2班 邱佳鳳 200803402223

外國語學(xué)院 袁志強 講師

A Study on Interpersonal Meaning of Modality in Obama’s Nobel

Peace Prize Acceptance Speech Author: Qiu Jiafeng Class: 2008-2 Major: English(Applied English)School of Foreign

Studies

Supervisor: Yuan Zhiqiang

Abstract Interpersonal meaning of discourse means the function of negotiation or exchange between the addresser and the addressee, and the function of expressing the addresser’s opinion, judgment and attitude, etc.so as to establish and maintain appropriate social relationships between the addresser and addressee.Based on Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar(SFG), many scholars study interpersonal meaning of different discourse in recent years.Modality is a complex system in SFG，it is one of the devices to realize interpersonal meaning.Through proper choices of different types, values and orientations of modality, appropriate interpersonal meaning is reached.In the theoretical framework SFG, Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech is analyzed from the perspective of modality.Obama reach his aim of demonstrating his authority as a president as well as a peace keeper;shortening distance with the audience and motivating the audience by using modality.Though the analysis of the modality’s interpersonal meaning in the acceptance speech, we find the modality of interpersonal meaning can be investigated at the lexical and grammatical level.Obama uses the mixture of them to show his attitude and viewpoints, committing to the reliability of what he says, imposing pressure on himself and the audience, asking or offering the audience information, requesting the audience to take some certain actions.And the audience can feel the atmosphere and politeness through the wording choice of modality.The most often adopted modality modes are modal operators and modal adjuncts in this speech.We find that the modal operators taken high percentage are “will” “must” and “will”.The speaker also uses modal adjuncts and metaphors of modality to realize interpersonal meaning effectively.The thesis proves the effectiveness of SFG and provides the reader a good understanding of Obama’s feature of speech.Key words：interpersonal meaning, modality, Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech，Systemic Functional Grammar

奧巴馬諾貝爾和平獎獲獎感言情態(tài)系統(tǒng)人際意義研究

外國語學(xué)院 英語（應(yīng)用英語）2班 邱佳鳳

指導(dǎo)教師 袁志強

摘要

話語的人際意義是指語言傳達(dá)信息，以及表達(dá)說話人觀點、推斷、態(tài)度，表明其身份、地位的功能。人際功能能在說話人和聽話人之間建立良好的社會關(guān)系。近年來，很多學(xué)者基于韓禮德系統(tǒng)功能語法理論，對人際意義進行許多研究。情態(tài)這個復(fù)雜的系統(tǒng)，是實現(xiàn)人際意義的多種手段之一。通過情態(tài)的不同種類、不同量值、不同取向的正確選擇，可以實現(xiàn)良好的人際意義。

在系統(tǒng)功能語法的理論框架下，本文選取奧巴馬的諾貝爾和平獎獲獎感言作為研究語料，從情態(tài)角度分析其人際意義。通過運用情態(tài)，奧巴馬達(dá)到了他的目的，即建立了他作為一個總統(tǒng)和和平維護者的威望，縮短了和觀眾之間的距離，激勵觀眾。通過對本篇感言的情態(tài)分析，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)情態(tài)的人際意義可以從詞匯和語法兩個層面來分析。奧巴馬運用了兩者，表達(dá)了他的態(tài)度和觀點，承擔(dān)他演講的可靠性,對他自己及觀眾施加壓力，向觀眾提供信息或者獲取信息，要求觀眾采取一些行動。并且，觀眾也能夠通過情態(tài)用詞感覺到現(xiàn)場氣氛及禮貌程度。本篇演講中使用最多的是情態(tài)動詞和情態(tài)副詞，而使用最多的情態(tài)動詞是“will” “must” 和 “can”。演講者同樣也很有效的運用了情態(tài)隱喻來實現(xiàn)人際意義。本篇論文證實了系統(tǒng)功能語法的有效性，也能夠使讀者很好的理解奧巴馬演講的特征。

關(guān)鍵詞：人際意義，情態(tài)，奧巴馬諾貝爾和平獎獲獎感言，系統(tǒng)功能語法

Contents 1.Introduction…………………………………………………………………….1 2.Literature Review………………………………………………………………3 2.1 Previous Studies on Interpersonal Meaning From Systemic Functional Perspective ………………………….........................................................................................3 2.2 Functional Viewpoint of Modality………………………………………..........5

2.2.1 Types…………………………………………………………………...5

2.2.2 Values………………………………………………………………......6

2.2.3 Orientations………………………………………………………….....6 2.3 Linguistic Realizations of Modality……………………………………………7 3.Theoretical Framework......................................................................................10 3.1 Fundamental Speech Function……………………………..………………….10 3.2 Theoretical Framework of Modality………………………………………….11 3.2.1 Types………………………………………………………………........11 3.2.2 Values……………………………………………………………….......12 3.2.3 Orientations……………………………………………………………..12

3.3 Summary……………………………………………………………………...13 4.Discussion and Results……………….………………………………………..14 4.1 Data Analysis of Modality in This Speech……………………………...............14 4.2 Interpersonal Meaning of Modality in This Speech…………………………….17 4.2.1 Interpersonal Meaning of Different Types of Modality…….……………...17 4.2.2 Interpersonal Meaning of Different Values of Modality...............................23 4.2.3 Interpersonal Meaning of Different Orientations of Modality……………..26 5.Conclusions and Limitations…………………………………………………..30 References…………………………………………………………………………..32 Appendix: Text of Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech…………….33 Acknowledgment…………………………………………………………………....45

List of Tables

Table 2.1 Types of Modality……………………………………………………..5 Table 2.2 Degrees of Modality…………………………………………………...6 Table 2.3 Values of Modal Operators……………………………………………..6 Table 2.4 Orientations of Modality………………………………………………7 Table 2.5 Comment Adjuncts…………………………………………………….9 Table 3.1 Fundamental Speech Functions………………………………………..10 Table 4.1 Overall Frequencies of the Modal Operators…………………………..14 Table 4.2 Frequencies of Mood Adjuncts………………………………………..15 Table 4.3 Frequencies of Values of Modal Operators…………………………....16 Table 4.4 Frequencies of Values of Metaphorical Modality……………………..16 Table 4.5 Frequencies of Orientations of Modality……………………………...17

第二篇：諾貝爾和平獎獲獎感言-奧巴馬

奧巴馬諾貝爾和平獎獲獎感言（中英對照）

10月9日，挪威諾貝爾獎委員會(Nobel Committee)宣布授予奧巴馬總統(tǒng)2009諾貝爾和平獎。奧巴馬獲悉后發(fā)表講話。以下是奧巴馬9日在白宮玫瑰園講話的全文譯文。Good morning.Well, this is not how I expected to wake up this morning.After I received the news, Malia walked in and said, “Daddy, you won the Nobel Peace Prize, and it is Bo's birthday.” And then Sasha added, “Plus, we have a three-day weekend coming up.” So it's--it's good to have kids to keep things in perspective.早上好。我沒有料到今早醒來是這樣。在我接到消息后，瑪莉婭（Malia）走進來說：“爸爸，你獲諾貝爾獎了，而今天是波（Bo，小狗的名字—譯注）的生日！” 薩夏（Sasha）接著說：“還有，我們就要過三天長周末了?！彼?，有孩子幫助保持清醒是好事。I am both surprised and deeply humbled by the decision of the Nobel Committee.Let me be clear, I do not view it as a recognition of my own accomplishments, but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations.諾貝爾獎委員會的決定令我既驚訝又深受感動。我要說明：我不認(rèn)為這是表彰我個人的成就，而是對為實現(xiàn)所有國家人民的愿望發(fā)揮美國帶頭作用的肯定。

To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who've been honored by this prize, men and women who've inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace.坦率地說，我認(rèn)為自己沒有資格躋身于獲此殊榮的眾多變革者之列——是那些男女志士對和平的勇敢追求激勵了我和整個世界。

But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women and all Americans want to build, a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents.And I know that throughout history the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honor specific achievement;it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes.And that is why I will accept this award as a call to action, a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st century.但我也知道，這個獎反映出這些男女志士及全體美國人民都想建立的那種世界——一個將我國建國綱領(lǐng)的承諾變?yōu)楝F(xiàn)實的世界。我知道，諾貝爾和平獎在歷史上從來不是僅用來表彰具體的成就，而是也被作為一種給一系列事業(yè)增添動力的手段。因此，我將把接受這個獎視為行動的召喚——一個呼吁所有國家迎接21世紀(jì)共同挑戰(zhàn)的行動召喚。

Now, these challenges can't be met by any one leader or any one nation.And that's why my administration's worked to establish a new era of engagement in which all nations must take responsibility for the world we seek.這些挑戰(zhàn)無法由任何一位領(lǐng)袖或任何一個國家應(yīng)對。因此，本屆政府致力于創(chuàng)建一個交往接觸的新時代——一個所有國家必須為我們所向往的世界承擔(dān)責(zé)任的時代。

We cannot tolerate a world in which nuclear weapons spread to more nations and in which the terror of a nuclear holocaust endangers more people.And that's why we've begun to take concrete steps to pursue a world without nuclear weapons: because all nations have the right to pursue peaceful nuclear power, but all nations have the responsibility to demonstrate their peaceful intentions.我們不能容忍一個核武器向更多國家擴散的世界，不能容忍一個核武大屠殺的恐怖危及更多人民的世界。正因為如此，我們已經(jīng)開始為爭取實現(xiàn)沒有核武器世界而采取具體步驟，因為，雖然所有國家都有和平利用核能的權(quán)利，但所有國家也都有責(zé)任表明他們的和平意圖。We cannot accept the growing threat posed by climate change, which could forever damage the world that we pass on to our children, sowing conflict and famine, destroying coastlines and emptying cities.And that's why all nations must now accept their share of responsibility for transforming the way that we use energy.我們不能讓氣候變化構(gòu)成的威脅日益增長——埋下沖突與饑荒的禍種，摧毀海岸線，城市蕭疏——給我們將傳予子孫后代的世界造成永久性破壞。因此，我們所有國家必須承擔(dān)各自的責(zé)任，改變我們使用能源的方式。

We can't allow the differences between peoples to define the way that we see one another.And that's why we must pursue a new beginning among people of different faiths and races and religions, one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect.我們不能讓民族間的差異來界定看待彼此的方式，因此，我們必須在不同信仰、種族和宗教的人民之間謀求一個新開端，一個以互利和互尊為基礎(chǔ)的開端。

And we must all do our part to resolve those conflicts that have caused so much pain and hardship over so many years.And that effort must include an unwavering commitment to finally realize that--the rights of all Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and security in nations of their own.我們必須竭盡全力解決多少年來導(dǎo)致無數(shù)創(chuàng)痛與苦難的沖突，這一努力必須包括堅定不移地致力于最后實現(xiàn)所有以色列人和巴勒斯坦人在各自國家平安生活的權(quán)利。

We can't accept a world in which more people are denied opportunity and dignity that all people yearn for: the ability to get an education and make a decent living, the security that you won't have to live in fear of disease or violence without hope for the future.我們不能容許一個使更多人被剝奪機會與尊嚴(yán)的世界——這種人人渴望的機會與尊嚴(yán)體現(xiàn)在，能夠受教育，能夠過像樣的生活；享有安全感，不在疾病或暴力恐怖的威脅下無望過活。And even as we strive to seek a world in which conflicts are resolved peacefully and prosperity is widely shared, we have to confront the world as we know it today.I am the commander in chief of a country that's responsible for ending a war and working in another theater to confront a ruthless adversary that directly threatens the American people and our allies.即便在努力尋求一個和平解決沖突，共享繁榮的世界的同時，我們也必須面對今天我們眼前的世界。我是一國之最高統(tǒng)帥，而這個國家有責(zé)任結(jié)束一場戰(zhàn)爭并在另一戰(zhàn)場抗擊直接威脅美國人民和盟國的無情的敵人。

I'm also aware that we are dealing with the impact of a global economic crisis that has left millions of Americans looking for work.我也清楚，我們正在應(yīng)對導(dǎo)致數(shù)百萬美國人待業(yè)求職的全球性經(jīng)濟危機的沖擊。這些是我必須為美國人民的利益每天迎戰(zhàn)的問題。

These are concerns that I confront every day on behalf of the American people.Some of the work confronting us will not be completed during my presidency.Some, like the elimination of nuclear weapons, may not be completed in my lifetime.我們面臨的一些工作不可能在我的任期內(nèi)完成。有些工作，例如全部銷毀核武器，可能在我的有生之年也不會完成。

But I know these challenges can be met, so long as it's recognized that they will not be met by one person or one nation alone.This award is not simply about the efforts of my administration;it's about the courageous efforts of people around the world.但我深信，只要我們認(rèn)識到這些挑戰(zhàn)不可能由一個人或一個國家來獨自應(yīng)對，則最終問題會得到解決。這份獎勵針對的并非僅是本屆政府的努力，而是全世界人民作出的無畏努力。And that's why this award must be shared with everyone who strives for justice and dignity;for the young woman who marches silently in the streets on behalf of her right to be heard, even in the face of beatings and bullets;for the leader imprisoned in her own home because she refuses to abandon her commitment to democracy;for the soldier who sacrificed through tour after tour of duty on behalf of someone half a world away;and for all those men and women across the world who sacrifice their safety and their freedom and sometime their lives for the cause of peace.That has always been the cause of America.That's why the world has always looked to America.And that's why I believe America will continue to lead.Thank you very much.因此，這份獎勵必須由為正義和尊嚴(yán)而奮斗的每一個人分享——其中包括為爭取自己的發(fā)言權(quán)，甘冒遭受毒打和槍擊的危險默默上街游行的年輕婦女；包括因拒絕放棄追求民主而被軟禁家中的領(lǐng)袖；包括為了地球他方的人而犧牲自己，一次次奔赴戰(zhàn)場的士兵；包括那些在世界各地為了和平事業(yè)貢獻出自己的安全、自由甚至生命的所有男女人士。這一直是美國的事業(yè)，一直是世界對美國矚以厚望的原因，也是我認(rèn)為美國將繼續(xù)走在最前列的原因。

第三篇：奧巴馬獲諾貝爾和平獎的獲獎感言

英語演講稿：奧巴馬獲諾貝爾和平獎的獲獎感言

[日期：2009-10-12]

來源：網(wǎng)絡(luò) 作者：未知

[字體：大 中 小]

英語口語練習(xí)免費體驗最便宜的外教課 模擬英語口語面試

Well, this is not how I expected to wake up this morning.After I received the news, Malia walked in and said, “Daddy, you won the Nobel Peace Prize, and it is Bo's birthday!” And then Sasha added: “Plus, we have a three-day weekend coming up.” So it's good to have kids to keep things in perspective.I am both surprised and deeply humbled by the decision of the Nobel Committee.Let me be clear: I do not view it as a recognition of my own accomplishments, but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations.To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who have been honoured by this prize – men and women who have inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace.But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women, and all Americans, want to build – a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents.And I know that, throughout history, the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honour specific achievement;it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes.And that is why I will accept this award as a call to action – a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st-century.These challenges can't be met by any one leader or any one nation.And that's why my administration has worked to establish a new era of engagement in which all nations must take responsibility for the world we seek...Some of the work confronting us will not be completed during my presidency.Some, like the elimination of nuclear weapons, may not be completed in my lifetime.But I know these challenges can be met so long as it's recognised that they will not be met by one person or one nation alone.This award is not simply about the efforts of my administration – it's about the courageous efforts of people around the world.And that's why this award must be shared with everyone who strives for justice and dignity – for the young woman who marches silently in the streets on behalf of her right to be heard even in the face of beatings and bullets;for the leader imprisoned in her own home because she refuses to abandon her commitment to democracy;for the soldier who sacrificed through tour after tour of duty on behalf of someone half a world away;and for all those men and women across the world who sacrifice their safety and their freedom and sometimes their lives for the cause of peace.That has always been the cause of America.That's why the world has always looked to America.And that's why I believe America will continue to lead.Thank you very much.

第四篇：奧巴馬諾貝爾獲獎感言-中英對照

奧巴馬諾貝爾獲獎感言-中英對照

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses，distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

國王和王后陛下，各位殿下，杰出的挪威諾貝爾委員會（Norwegian Nobel Committee）委員，美國公民及全世界公民們：

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility.It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations--that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate.Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.獲此殊榮，我深懷感激并深表謙恭。這個獎表達(dá)出我們的最高理想--盡管這個世界存在種種兇殘困苦，但我們并不任命運擺布。我們的行動是有作用的，能夠推動歷史向正義方向發(fā)展。

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated.(Laughter.)In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage.Compared to some of the giants of history who've received this prize--Schweitzer and King;Marshall and Mandela--my accomplishments are slight.And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice;those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering;the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics.I cannot argue with those who find these men and women--some known, some obscure to all but those they help--to be far more deserving of this honor than I.不過，如果不坦承你們這項厚愛有加的決定所引起的相當(dāng)激烈的爭議，那我就有失疏忽了。（笑聲）其中部分原因是，我在世界舞臺上的奮斗才剛剛開始，而不是接近尾聲。與曾經(jīng)獲此殊榮的一些歷史巨人相比--史懷哲（Schweitzer）和馬丁·路德·金(King)；馬歇爾(Marshall)和曼德拉(Mandela)--我的成就微不足道。還有全世界為追求正義而遭到監(jiān)禁和歐打的男女志士；那些為減輕苦難而在人道組織中艱辛工作的人；那千百萬默默無聞地以充滿勇氣和關(guān)愛的無聲行動讓最悲觀的憤世嫉俗者也受到感召的人們。我絕不反駁那些認(rèn)為這樣的男女志士--有些知名，有些只為他們所幫助的對象所知--遠(yuǎn)比我有資格獲此殊榮的看法。

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars.One of these wars is winding down.The other is a conflict that America did not seek;one in which we are joined by 42 other countries--including Norway--in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.但與我獲獎有關(guān)的最深層的問題可能在于我是一個正打著兩場戰(zhàn)爭的國家的三軍統(tǒng)帥。其中一場戰(zhàn)爭已接近尾聲。另一場并非是美國挑起的沖突；有包括挪威在內(nèi)的42個國家在與我們共同努力，為的是保護我們及其他所有國家不再遭受攻擊。

Still, we are at war, and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land.Some will kill, and some will be killed.And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict--filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.然而，我們?nèi)蕴幵趹?zhàn)爭時期，是我派遣成千上萬名美國年輕人遠(yuǎn)赴戰(zhàn)場。有些人要殺射，有些人要被殺射。因此，我是帶著對武裝沖突的代價的敏銳感覺來到這里的--心中充滿有關(guān)戰(zhàn)爭與和平的關(guān)系以及我們?yōu)橛煤推饺〈鷳?zhàn)爭而努力的難題。

Now these questions are not new.War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man.At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned;it was simply a fact, like drought or disease--the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.而這些問題并不新鮮。戰(zhàn)爭，以這樣或那樣的形式，隨著人類的誕生而出現(xiàn)。在歷史初期，戰(zhàn)爭的道義性無人質(zhì)疑；它是如同干旱或疾病一樣的現(xiàn)實--是各個部落以及后來的各種文明謀求權(quán)力和解決分歧的方式。

And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war.The concept of a “just war” emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense;if the force used is proportional;and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.后來，隨著旨在控制群體內(nèi)部暴力的規(guī)范的出現(xiàn)，哲學(xué)家、宗教領(lǐng)袖和政治家也紛紛致力于用條文限制戰(zhàn)爭的破壞力?！罢x戰(zhàn)爭”的概念由此形成，亦即認(rèn)為，在符合以下幾個具體條件時，戰(zhàn)爭是正義的：如果戰(zhàn)爭是最后手段或是為自我防御；如果武力程度適當(dāng)；以及在一切可能的情況下不對平民使用暴力。

Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of “just war” was rarely observed.The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God.Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations--total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred.In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent.And while it's hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.當(dāng)然，我們都知道，在人類歷史的大部分時間內(nèi)，這種“正義戰(zhàn)爭”的概念鮮被理會。人類顯然有無窮的能力不斷想出新的方式相互殘殺，同樣也有無窮的能力毫不憐惜那些外貌不同或信仰不同的人。軍隊之間的戰(zhàn)爭變成國家間的戰(zhàn)爭--模糊了戰(zhàn)斗人員與平民界線的全面戰(zhàn)爭。這種戰(zhàn)爭大屠殺曾在30年內(nèi)兩度侵吞這塊大陸。雖然難以設(shè)想還有什么比擊敗第三帝國（Third Reich）和軸心國（Axis powers）更正義的事業(yè)，但在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)中死亡的平民總數(shù)超過了戰(zhàn)死疆場的軍人。

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war.And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations--an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize--America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons.在這種毀滅之后，并且隨著核時代的到來，戰(zhàn)勝者與戰(zhàn)敗者同樣清楚地認(rèn)識到，這個世界需要有防止另一次世界大戰(zhàn)的機制。為此，在美國參議院拒絕接受國際聯(lián)盟（League of Nations）的四分之一世紀(jì)后--而伍德羅·威爾遜（Woodrow Wilson）正因為提出成立國聯(lián)的設(shè)想而榮獲諾貝爾和平獎，美國帶動世界建起維護和平的體制：馬歇爾計劃(Marshall Plan)和聯(lián)合國，對發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭的規(guī)范，以及保護人權(quán)、防止種族滅絕大屠殺和限制最危險武器的各項條約。

In many ways, these efforts succeeded.Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed.But there has been no Third World War.The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall.Commerce has stitched much of the world together.Billions have been lifted from poverty.The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced.We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.這些努力在很多方面獲得了成功。不錯，可怕的戰(zhàn)爭仍然發(fā)生，種種暴行依然出現(xiàn)，但第三次世界大戰(zhàn)沒有爆發(fā)。冷戰(zhàn)以興高采烈的人群推倒一堵墻而告結(jié)束；商貿(mào)將世界大片地區(qū)緊密連在了一起；數(shù)十億人口擺脫了貧困；自由、自決、平等和法治的理想斷斷續(xù)續(xù)地向前推進。我們是先輩們的堅韌精神和遠(yuǎn)大目光的繼承人，這是我自己的國家有理由為之感到驕傲的業(yè)績。

And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats.The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe.Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.然而，在進入新世紀(jì)已10年之際，這一舊有的架構(gòu)正在越來越難撐新生威脅的重壓。世界或許不再為兩個超級核大國之間可能發(fā)生戰(zhàn)爭而顫栗，但核擴散可能會增加發(fā)生巨大災(zāi)難的危險?？植乐髁x一貫是一種手段，但現(xiàn)代技術(shù)會使少數(shù)怒火超量的小人以可怕的規(guī)模殘殺無辜。

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations.The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts;the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states--all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos.In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers;the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred.而且，國與國的戰(zhàn)爭正在日益被國家內(nèi)部的戰(zhàn)爭所取代。民族和宗派沖突的重新抬頭、分離主義運動、叛亂活動和失控國家的增加，都越來越將平民困于無休止的**中。在今天的戰(zhàn)爭中，平民的死亡大大超過軍人；埋下未來沖突的種子；破壞經(jīng)濟；摧毀公民社會；形成大批難民；使兒童遭受創(chuàng)傷。

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war.What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago.And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.我今天沒有帶來對戰(zhàn)爭問題的決定性解決辦法。但我確知，應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)要求具有幾十年前那些英勇無畏的前輩所具有的遠(yuǎn)見、勤勞和堅韌不拔。這需要我們從新的角度思考正義戰(zhàn)爭的含義和正義和平的必備條件。

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes.There will be times when nations--acting individually or in concert--will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.我們必須首先承認(rèn)這個嚴(yán)峻的現(xiàn)實：在我們的有生之年，我們不會根除暴力沖突。會有一些時候，國家--不論是單獨或共同行動--發(fā)現(xiàn)使用武力不僅必要，而且為道義所需。

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr.said in this same ceremony years ago: “Violence never brings permanent peace.It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones.” As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr.King's life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence.I know there's nothing weak--nothing passive--nothing na?ve--in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.我說這番話時并沒有忘記馬丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King Jr.）多年前在這同一儀式上說過的話：“暴力永遠(yuǎn)不會帶來持久和平。它解決不了社會問題：只會制造新的、更復(fù)雜的問題”。我站在這里，作為金博士畢生奮斗的直接受益者，就是對非暴力的道義力量的活見證。我知道在甘地（Gandhi）和馬丁·路德·金的信念與人生中，絕無軟弱--絕無消極--絕無天真。

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone.I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people.For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world.A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies.Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms.To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism--it is a recognition of history;the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.但是，作為宣誓保衛(wèi)自己國家的一國元首，我不能只以他們的榜樣為指南。我面對的世界是現(xiàn)實的世界，我不能面對美國人民遭到的威脅無動于衷。因為，切莫誤會：邪惡在世界上確實存在。一場非暴力運動不可能阻止希特勒的軍隊。談判不能說服基地（al Qaeda）組織的頭目放下武器。說武力有時是必要的并不是讓大家變得憤世嫉俗--這是承認(rèn)歷史；是人類的不完美和情理的限度。

I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause.And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower.我說起這一點，我以這一點開頭，因為今天在許多國家，對軍事行動，不管出于什么理由，都存在一種深深的矛盾心理。有時候，這種矛盾又摻雜著對美國，這個世界上惟一的超級大國的一種反射性的不信任。

But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions--not just treaties and declarations--that brought stability to a post-World War II world.Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms.The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans.We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will.We have done so out of enlightened self-interest--because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.但世人必須記住，不簡單地是因為國際體制--不只是條約和宣言--才給二戰(zhàn)后的世界帶來穩(wěn)定。不管我們犯了多少錯誤，一個明白的事實是：美利堅合眾國在60 多年里，以自己公民的鮮血和軍力，幫助維護和保證了世界的安全。我們的男女軍人的貢獻與犧牲促進了從德國到韓國的和平與繁榮，使民主能在像巴爾干這樣的地方扎根。我們承受這些重負(fù)并不是因為我們謀求強加我們的意志。我們這樣做是出于開化的自身利益--因為我們?yōu)槲覀兊淖幼訉O孫追求更美好的未來。我們相信如果別人的子子孫孫能生活在自由和繁榮中，他們的生活會更好。

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace.And yet this truth must coexist with another--that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy.The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms.But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.所以，是的，戰(zhàn)爭的手段確實在保衛(wèi)和平中具有作用。但這個事實必須同另一個事實共存--不管理由多么正當(dāng)，戰(zhàn)爭導(dǎo)致人間悲劇。軍人的勇敢和犧牲無比光榮，表達(dá)了對國家、事業(yè)、戰(zhàn)友的忠誠。但戰(zhàn)爭本身決不光榮，我們決不能如此宣揚。

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths--that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly.Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago.“Let us focus,” he said, “on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions.” A gradual evolution of human institutions.因此，我們面對的挑戰(zhàn)部分來自于調(diào)和這兩個看似不可調(diào)和的事實--戰(zhàn)爭有時必要，戰(zhàn)爭在某種程度上是人類愚蠢的表現(xiàn)。具體說，我們必須把我們的努力放在肯尼迪總統(tǒng)（Kennedy）很久以前所指出的使命上。他說：“讓我們把注意力，集中在更實際，更能取得的和平上，這種和平不是基于人類本性的突發(fā)革命，而是基于人類體制的逐漸演進?！?/p>

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

這種演進可能具有何種形式？哪些可能是切實可行的步驟？

To begin with, I believe that all nations--strong and weak alike--must adhere to standards that govern the use of force.I--like any head of state--reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation.Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don't.首先，我認(rèn)為所有國家，無論強弱，都必須遵循對使用武力的規(guī)范。與任何國家元首一樣，我保留在必要時采取單邊行動保衛(wèi)自己國家的權(quán)利。然而，我確信遵循標(biāo)準(zhǔn)--國際標(biāo)準(zhǔn)--的國家更有力量，而那些不遵循標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的國家會陷于孤立，并且被削弱。

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense.Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait--a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.“9.11” 之后，全世界團結(jié)一致，與美國站在一起，并在今天繼續(xù)支持我們在阿富汗的努力，這是濫殺無辜的殘忍與公認(rèn)的自衛(wèi)原則使然。同樣，當(dāng)薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因（Saddam Hussein）入侵科威特時，世界也認(rèn)識到必須與其抗衡。這一共識發(fā)出的清晰信息是：侵略必須付出代價。

Furthermore, America--in fact, no nation--can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves.For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified.另外，美國──以及任何國家──都不能在自己拒絕遵守規(guī)則時要求別人遵守規(guī)則。如果我們不以身作則，我們的行動就會表現(xiàn)為專橫武斷，使未來進行干預(yù)的合理性受到影響，無論理由多么充足。

And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor.More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.當(dāng)軍事行動的目的超越了自衛(wèi)或幫助某一國抵抗侵略者的防衛(wèi)行動時，這一點變得尤其重要。我們大家都越來越多地面對棘手的問題：如何防止一國政府屠殺本國的平民？如何制止一場其暴行和所導(dǎo)致的痛苦會殃及整個地區(qū)的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)?

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war.Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later.That's why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.我認(rèn)為，基于人道理由的武力是正當(dāng)?shù)?，例如在巴爾干地區(qū)或飽經(jīng)戰(zhàn)亂的其他地區(qū)。不采取行動不僅折磨我們的良心，還會導(dǎo)致未來以更高的代價進行干預(yù)。因此，所有負(fù)責(zé)任的國家都必須相信使命明確的軍事行動所能夠發(fā)揮的維護和平作用。

第五篇：奧巴馬獲諾貝爾和平獎的獲獎感言 演講稿(全文)

奧巴馬獲諾貝爾和平獎的獲獎感言 演講稿(全文)

時間：2009年12月10日

演講者：奧巴馬

撰稿者：陳羅祥

尊敬的諾貝爾委員會，大家好！

10月9日清晨，我接到了白宮發(fā)言人吉布斯的來電，獲悉貴委員會決定，將本的諾貝爾和平獎頒發(fā)給我。

我感到十分榮幸，在此，我非常感謝諾貝爾委員會對我的褒獎、信任和支持。

我知道，不僅僅是我贏得了一個獎項，這同樣也是全體美國民眾的勝利！

我知道，最近幾十天來，有關(guān)我的獲獎，引起多方的質(zhì)疑和爭論。贊成者認(rèn)為，我在削減核武器、解決核問題爭端、應(yīng)對氣候變化、支持―多伙伴世界‖等一系列全球性問題上的多次許諾和積極努力，是獲獎的關(guān)鍵元素。反對者認(rèn)為，做出頒獎給我的這一決定過早也過于草率，因為我就任美國總統(tǒng)，畢竟只有短短幾個月的時間，需要假以時日。還有人認(rèn)為，我的獲獎僅僅是因為―明星力量‖而非有意義的成就；我之能夠獲獎也僅僅因為我是美國有史以來的第一位黑人總統(tǒng)。更有人認(rèn)為，與其說把獎項頒給我是對我成績的肯定，不如說是他們投給我的政府未來的―信任投票‖。甚至，有人認(rèn)為，這不過是給我下的一個圈套而已。

我知道，我陷入了一個兩難的境地：我的面前，是尊敬的諾貝爾委員會，我的身后，是廣大的美國民眾，我的左邊和右邊，是兩種截然不同的意見，和一些嘰嘰喳喳的喧嘩。這時，我聽到一個清晰的聲音，穿越了時空，靜靜地傳來……

我知道，在遙遠(yuǎn)的中國，有一種宗教，叫道教；我知道，在五千年前的東方，有一個圣人叫老子。在我獲獎的翌日，有一位來自中國的道長，送了一本書給我：《道德經(jīng)》。

我知道，這是中國傳統(tǒng)文化的經(jīng)典之一。我打開了書，于是那些智慧的聲音在我耳邊響起：道可道，非常道；名可名，非常名……

于是，我明白了——

我知道，我信仰上帝，但我從不排斥，世界上任何一種智慧的聲音。我不會排斥，美國大眾不會排斥，世界各國人民都不會排斥。

我知道，在我之前，1906年羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)、1919年威爾遜總統(tǒng)都曾在任上獲得諾貝爾和平獎。我并不認(rèn)為我能與那些杰出前輩相提并論。

我知道，我的任上，還有下述這些或那些問題：

我知道，當(dāng)今世界上，―準(zhǔn)核國家‖數(shù)量似乎正不減反增；

我知道，印、巴的核武器好像已經(jīng)被世界遺忘，而處理朝核、伊核問題也無進展； 我知道，我們確實是在開始從伊拉克撤軍，但阿富汗呢？恐怕未來還要不斷增兵； 我知道，應(yīng)對―氣候變化‖，我們作的承諾究竟能否兌現(xiàn)，也是一個問題。

我知道，古老中國還有一句名言：任重道遠(yuǎn)。

……

我知道，在今天這個特殊的日子和場合，面對尊敬的的諾貝爾委員會，我必須盡可能婉轉(zhuǎn)地表達(dá)我對授予我諾貝爾和平獎的感激之情和謝絕之意。

我知道，我心里深深隱藏著對在座各位的抱歉。這里，我再一次深切地表達(dá)我的感激和歉意。

我知道，我這樣做，是因為深知我面前任務(wù)的艱難。我們正面臨平生最大的挑戰(zhàn)——兩場戰(zhàn)爭，一個處于危險邊緣的星球、一個本世紀(jì)以來最嚴(yán)重的金融危機。

我知道，對于那些在其它國度關(guān)注美國和我的人們，從國會到王宮、到在被世界遺忘的角落擺弄收音機的人們，我要說：我們的經(jīng)歷或許各有不同，但是目標(biāo)是共同的，一個新的黎明已經(jīng)到來。

感謝大家，上帝保佑你們，上帝保佑美利堅！

奧巴馬獲諾貝爾和平獎的獲獎感言 英文原稿：

Well, this is not how I expected to wake up this morning.After I received the news, Malia walked in and said, “Daddy, you won the Nobel Peace Prize, and it is Bo's birthday!” And then Sasha added: “Plus, we have a three-day weekend coming up.” So it's good to have kids to keep things in perspective.I am both surprised and deeply humbled by the decision of the Nobel Committee.Let me be clear: I do not view it as a recognition of my own accomplishments, but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations.To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who have been honoured by this prize – men and women who have inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace.But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women, and all Americans, want to build – a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents.And I know that, throughout history, the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honour specific achievement;it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes.And that is why I will accept this

award as a call to action – a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st-century.These challenges can't be met by any one leader or any one nation.And that's why my administration has worked to establish a new era of engagement in which all nations must take responsibility for the world we seek…

Some of the work confronting us will not be completed during my presidency.Some, like the elimination of nuclear weapons, may not be completed in my lifetime.But I know these challenges can be met so long as it's recognised that they will not be met by one person or one nation alone.This award is not simply about the efforts of my administration – it's about the courageous efforts of people around the world.And that's why this award must be shared with everyone who strives for justice and dignity – for the young woman who marches silently in the streets on behalf of her right to be heard even in the face of beatings and bullets;for the leader imprisoned in her own home because she refuses to abandon her commitment to democracy;for the soldier who sacrificed through tour after tour of duty on behalf of someone half a world away;and for all those men and women across the world who sacrifice their safety and their freedom and sometimes their lives for the cause of peace.That has always been the cause of America.That's why the world has always looked to America.And that's why I believe America will continue to lead.Thank you very much.