第一篇：美國財政部長 蒂姆西演講致辭

美中經(jīng)濟關(guān)系的前進道路

——就美中經(jīng)濟關(guān)系發(fā)表的演講 美國財政部長 蒂姆西?蓋特納

約翰斯霍布金斯大學高級國際問題研究院 2011年1月12日

It’s a pleasure to be here at SAIS.非常高興來到高級國際問題研究院。

SAIS is a leader in one of the most important challenges in public policy and education – that of helping Americans understand the world and the role we play in it.This is important because we cannot effectively pursue our national interests unless we understand the objectives, the intentions, and the capabilities of other nations.貴院在公共政策和教育戰(zhàn)線中最具重要挑戰(zhàn)性的領(lǐng)域之一——幫助美國人民了解世界和我們在其中所發(fā)揮的作用——堪稱是佼佼者。它之所以重要是因為，如果我們不了解其他國家的目標、意圖和能力，我們就不能有效地尋求我們的國家利益。

Next week, President Obama will host President Hu Jintao at the White House.下個星期，奧巴馬總統(tǒng)將在白宮接待胡錦濤主席。

This State Visit takes place at a time of important transition for the world economy, the Chinese economy, and the U.S.economy.此次國事訪問正值世界經(jīng)濟、中國經(jīng)濟和美國經(jīng)濟處于重要過渡時期。

The global economy is emerging from the financial crisis, but that crisis has left lasting scars that will take years to repair.And it has left a growing gap between the growth trajectories of the large developed economies and the rapidly growing emerging economies.全球經(jīng)濟正在擺脫金融危機，但此次危機留下的創(chuàng)痕需要多年時間才會平復(fù)。危機也使大型發(fā)達經(jīng)濟體和迅速增長的新興經(jīng)濟體的發(fā)展軌跡產(chǎn)生日益擴大的差距。

While many of the major economies are still confronted with the challenge of rebuilding after crisis, many of the emerging economies are at the early stage of what should be a long period of very rapid economic growth, with rising incomes creating growing demand for resources and for investment capital.當很多主要經(jīng)濟體依然面臨危機后的重建挑戰(zhàn)時，很多新興經(jīng)濟體已經(jīng)進入應(yīng)會是長期快速經(jīng)濟增長的初期階段，隨之而來的是日益增長的收入帶來對資源和投資資本的更大需求。

The growth of the United States stands between these two divergent paths.We are likely to grow at about half the rate of the major emerging economies, but about twice the rate of Europe and Japan.美國的增長處于這兩種不同道路之間。我們的增長速度很可能是主要新興經(jīng)濟體的一半，但大約為歐洲和日本的一倍。

These dynamics will fundamentally change the balance in the world economy, forcing changes in the architecture of the trade and financial systems.這一動態(tài)將從根本上改變世界經(jīng)濟的平衡，使貿(mào)易和金融系統(tǒng)的結(jié)構(gòu)發(fā)生變化。

In this new global context, China’s principal economic challenge is how it will manage the next stage in its transition from a state-dominated developing economy, dependent on external demand and technology, to a more market-oriented economy, with growth powered by domestic demand and innovation.在這一新的全球背景下，中國面臨的主要經(jīng)濟挑戰(zhàn)是如何處理好轉(zhuǎn)型的下一階段，即從依靠外來需求和技術(shù)的國家控制的發(fā)展中經(jīng)濟轉(zhuǎn)向靠內(nèi)需和創(chuàng)新帶動增長、更加由市場導(dǎo)向的經(jīng)濟。

Today, I want to talk about the implications of these changes for our economic relationship with China and for U.S.economic policy.今天，我想談一談這些變化對美中經(jīng)濟關(guān)系及對美國的經(jīng)濟政策的含義。

China presents enormous economic opportunities for the United States and for the world, but its size, the speed of its ascent, and its policies are a growing source of concern in the United States and in many other countries.中國為美國和世界提供了巨大的經(jīng)濟機遇，但其規(guī)模、崛起速度和政策越來越引起美國和很多其他國家的擔憂。

To put those concerns in context, I’d like to begin by stating a few fundamental propositions about our economic relationship.為給這些擔憂提供一個背景，我想首先闡明一下有關(guān)兩國經(jīng)濟關(guān)系的幾個基本論點。

First, the economic relationship between the United States and China provides tremendous benefits to both our nations.Even though we compete in many areas, our economic strengths are largely complementary.首先，美中經(jīng)濟關(guān)系為兩國都帶來了巨大的利益。雖然兩國在很多領(lǐng)域存在競爭，但兩國的經(jīng)濟優(yōu)勢在很大程度上具有互補性。

Second, China faces a very complicated set of challenges as it transitions toward a more open, market oriented economy.It is very much in our interest that the Chinese manage these challenges successfully.第二，中國在向更開放、更為市場導(dǎo)向的經(jīng)濟轉(zhuǎn)型時，面臨一系列相當復(fù)雜的挑戰(zhàn)。中國成功應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)非常符合我們的意愿。

Third, our priorities in our economic relationship with China – from its exchange rate to its treatment of intellectual property – reflect changes that are fundamentally in China’s interest.Ultimately, China will need to make these changes in order to promote its own long-term prosperity.第三，我們在兩國經(jīng)濟關(guān)系中的重點關(guān)注領(lǐng)域——從匯率到對知識產(chǎn)權(quán)的處理——反映著中國需要作出的符合其根本利益的改變。為了促進其本身的長期繁榮，中國最終需要有這些改變。

Fourth, and finally, I want to emphasize that the prosperity of Americans depends overwhelmingly on the economic policies we pursue to strengthen American competitiveness.Even as we work to encourage further reforms in China, we need to understand that our strength as a nation will depend, not on choices made by China’s leaders, but on the choices we make here at home.第四，也就是最后，我想強調(diào)，美國的繁榮極大地有賴于我們奉行增強美國競爭力的經(jīng)濟政策。雖然我們鼓勵中國實行更進一步的改革，但我們要明白，我們作為一個國家的力量不是取決于中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人作出的選擇，而是我們自己在國內(nèi)所作的選擇。

Now, over the last few decades, China has emerged as a major economic force.在過去幾十年里，中國已成長為一個主要的經(jīng)濟力量。

That growth was unleashed by China’s economic reforms, a growing labor force, and one of history’s greatest economic migrations from farms to factories.這種增長的動力是中國的經(jīng)濟改革、勞動力增加和歷史上最浩大的從農(nóng)田到工廠的經(jīng)濟遷徙。

But China’s growth was also made possible by the access China enjoyed to the markets, the investments, and the technology of the United States and the other major economies.但是，中國之所以能有這樣的增長也是由于中國獲得了美國和其他主要經(jīng)濟體的市場、投資和技術(shù)。

The open, multilateral system of trade and investment, with its balance of rules and responsibilities, was built with the leadership of the United States decades before China opened up to the world.這種開放與多邊的體制，包括貿(mào)易和投資體制中規(guī)則與責任之間的相互平衡，是中國向世界開放之前幾十年在美國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下建立起來的。

The opportunities created by the system were fundamental to China’s economic ascent, and they remain vital to China’s ability to continue to grow.該體制創(chuàng)造的機遇對中國的經(jīng)濟崛起極其重要，對中國能否繼續(xù)增長仍然至關(guān)重要。

China needs the United States, but the United States also benefits very substantially from our rapidly expanding economic relationship with China.中國需要美國，但美國也從迅速擴大的與中國的經(jīng)濟關(guān)系中獲益良多。

The benefits of this relationship are hard to capture in any one statistic, but remember this.這種關(guān)系的好處很難用一個統(tǒng)計數(shù)字來概括，但請謹記這點：

The United States is on track to export more than $100 billion of goods and services to China this year.Our exports to China are growing at twice the rate of our exports to the rest of the world.今年美國可望向中國出口1000多億美元的服務(wù)與商品。我們到中國的出口正以高于向世界其他地方出口一倍的速度增長。

These exports are supporting hundreds of thousands of jobs across the nation in all sectors – from high technology to soybeans, aircraft to autos, and forklifts to financial services.這些出口支持著全國各行業(yè)數(shù)十萬的就業(yè)機會——從高科技到大豆、飛機到汽車、從叉車到金融服務(wù)。

We have a great deal invested in each other’s success.我們對相互的成功投入甚多。

In our economic relationship with China we have focused on two principal objectives.在我們與中國的經(jīng)濟關(guān)系中，我們主要側(cè)重于兩個主要目標。

The first is to expand opportunities for U.S.companies to export and sell to the Chinese market.This requires a more level playing field for U.S.companies that compete with Chinese companies in China, in the United States, and around the world.首先是為美國公司出口和銷售到中國市場擴大機會。這要求為在中國、美國和世界各地與中國公司競爭的美國公司開辟一個更公平的競爭市場。

Our second objective is to promote reforms that will reduce China’s reliance on export led growth and encourages a shift to domestic consumption and investment.As part of this, China’s exchange rate needs to strengthen in response to market forces.我們的第二個目標是促進改革，減少中國對外銷型增長的依賴，并鼓勵向國內(nèi)消費和投資轉(zhuǎn)變。作為其中一項內(nèi)容，中國的匯率需要根據(jù)市場因素而加強。

I want to provide a quick review of some of our concerns and the extent of progress, as we see it, in each of these areas.我想簡要地回顧一下在這些方面我們的一些擔憂和取得進展的幅度。

First, on the broader competitive landscape in China and the opportunities and challenges we face competing in China:

首先，關(guān)于中國的更寬闊的競爭格局和我們在中國競爭所面臨的機遇與挑戰(zhàn)。

The commanding heights of China’s economy and its financial system are still dominated by the government.中國經(jīng)濟和金融體系的制高點仍然為政府所控制。

Chinese companies and workers are able to take advantage of a range of preferences and subsidies and operate behind trade barriers that give them a competitive advantage relative to U.S.and other foreign firms and workers.中國企業(yè)和工人能夠利用一系列優(yōu)惠和補貼的優(yōu)勢，借助貿(mào)易壁壘的屏蔽而經(jīng)營，這使他們享有相對于美國和其他外國公司和工人的競爭優(yōu)勢。

They get access to low-cost finance, land, and energy.They enjoy preferences in terms of access to government contracts.他們可以低代價得到資金、土地和能源。在得到政府合同上享有優(yōu)勢。

Next, theft of intellectual property remains widespread in China, across many industries.第二，侵犯知識產(chǎn)權(quán)在中國的許多行業(yè)仍然很普遍。

And the Chinese government has introduced a range of new policies to encourage innovation in China that are designed to favor Chinese technology over foreign technology, including in the enormous Chinese government procurement market.中國政府出臺了一系列鼓勵在中國創(chuàng)新的新政策，旨在有利于中國技術(shù)而不利于外國技術(shù)，包括在巨大的中國政府的采購市場中。

Where these practices violate China’s international commitments, we are actively using the remedies available under U.S.and international trade laws to protect our interests.在這些做法違反了中國的國際承諾的情況下，我們積極利用美國和國際貿(mào)易法律賦予的補救辦法來保護我們的利益。

And China has been gradually moving to address some of our concerns.而中國已經(jīng)在逐步采取行動，解決我們所擔心的一些問題。

The government recently launched a new enforcement effort to combat the theft of intellectual property and to force Chinese companies to pay for the intellectual property they use.政府最近推出了新的執(zhí)法措施，打擊知識產(chǎn)權(quán)侵權(quán)，迫使中國公司支付他們所使用的知識產(chǎn)權(quán)。

The Chinese leadership has committed to expand opportunities for U.S.firms in access to procurement by government entities.中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層已承諾擴大美國企業(yè)進入政府實體采購市場的機會。

And the government has committed not to discriminate against U.S.companies that operate in China.政府已承諾不歧視在中國經(jīng)營的美國公司。

We welcome these commitments.They don’t address all our concerns, but they are something we can build on.And we will continue to press the Chinese to translate these commitments into further progress.我們歡迎這些承諾。它們不能解決我們所有的問題，但是是我們發(fā)展的基礎(chǔ)。我們將繼續(xù)敦促中國把這些承諾轉(zhuǎn)化為更多進展。

Doing so is in their interest.Government domination limits competitiveness within the Chinese economy and prevents the private sector from contributing to growth at its full potential.And you can’t promote innovation if you don’t protect intellectual property.這樣做符合他們的利益。政府主導(dǎo)束縛了中國經(jīng)濟內(nèi)部的競爭力，妨礙私營部門對增長充分發(fā)揮作用。如果不保護知識產(chǎn)權(quán)，就不能推動創(chuàng)新。

Alongside the reforms I’ve mentioned, we want to encourage China to move definitively away from the export driven growth model of the last few decades to a growth model driven by domestic consumption.除了我上述提到的改革，我們希望鼓勵中國絕對脫離過去幾十年出口帶動增長的模式，轉(zhuǎn)向由國內(nèi)消費推動的增長模式。

The Chinese leadership recognizes that China is now too large relative to the world economy for it to continue to rely on foreign demand to grow.And the government has adopted a comprehensive program of reforms to rebalance the economy and shift growth to domestic demand.中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人認識到，如今中國在世界經(jīng)濟中所占比例如此之大，它不能繼續(xù)依賴國外需求來實現(xiàn)增長。中國政府已經(jīng)采用了一個綜合改革項目來重新平衡經(jīng)濟，轉(zhuǎn)向以國內(nèi)需求帶動增長。

This requires reforms to increase public spending on health and education, raise and enforce minimum wages, remove barriers to investment in services, expand access to financial products for individuals and entrepreneurs, and remove subsidies for investment in the sectors that drove the initial decades of growth.這要求增加衛(wèi)生、教育等公共項目的投資，提高并落實最低工資，消除在服務(wù)業(yè)投資的障礙，擴大個人和企業(yè)獲得和利用金融產(chǎn)品的渠道，并且取消對促成最初幾十年增長的行業(yè)的投資補貼。

This transition will take time, but it is already having a major impact on the shape of Chinese growth, and providing increased opportunities for American companies.Domestic demand is contributing more to growth, and as a consequence, U.S.exports to China are growing more rapidly, and U.S.companies operating in China are seeing more opportunities.這種轉(zhuǎn)型需要時間，但它已經(jīng)對中國經(jīng)濟發(fā)展形態(tài)產(chǎn)生了重大影響，并在為美國公司企業(yè)創(chuàng)造更多的機會。國內(nèi)需求正在為帶動增長發(fā)揮更大的作用，其結(jié)果是，美國對中國的出口更迅速增長，在中國運作的美國公司看到了更多的機會。

Finally, and importantly, China still closely manages the level of its exchange rate and restricts the ability of capital to move in and out of the country.最后一點，也是重要的一點，中國仍然緊緊把握其匯率水平，并且限制資本進出中國的能力。

These policies have the effect of keeping the Chinese currency substantially undervalued, which gives Chinese companies a competitive advantage.上述政策造成中國貨幣價值一直嚴重過低，從而給中國公司帶來競爭優(yōu)勢。

They also impose substantial costs on other emerging economies that run more flexible exchanges rates, and as a result have experienced a substantial loss of competitiveness against China.這些政策也大大增加了其他實施更具彈性的匯率的新興經(jīng)濟體的代價，使它們大大失去了與中國競爭的能力。

This is not a tenable policy for China or for the world economy.對于中國乃至世界經(jīng)濟而言，這都不是一種站得住腳的政策。

If China does not allow the currency to appreciate more rapidly, it will run the risk of seeing domestic inflation accelerate and face greater risk of a damaging rise in asset prices, both of which will threaten future growth.And sustaining an undervalued currency will undermine China’s own efforts to rebalance growth toward domestic consumption and higher-value-added production.中國如果不允許貨幣更迅速地增值，將可能出現(xiàn)國內(nèi)通貨膨脹加劇的危險，并且面臨資產(chǎn)價格破壞性上漲的更大風險，兩者都將威脅未來的經(jīng)濟增長。一直壓低幣值將損害中國自身轉(zhuǎn)向國內(nèi)消費和更高附加值產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)進而重新取得發(fā)展平衡的努力。

Since June of 2010, when Chinese authorities announced they would resume moving toward a more flexible exchange rate, they have allowed the currency to appreciate only about 3 percent against the dollar.This is a pace of about 6 percent a year in nominal terms, but significantly faster in real terms because inflation in China is much higher than in the United States.自2010年6月中國當局宣布將重新朝著更靈活的匯率移動以來，他們只讓人民幣對美元的升值幅度達到大約3%。這在表面上相當于大約每年6%的速度，但實際上要快得多，因為中國的通貨膨脹遠高于美國。

We believe it is in China’s interest to allow the currency to appreciate more rapidly in response to market forces.And we believe China will do so because the alternative will be too costly – for China and for China’s relations with the rest of the world.我們認為，允許人民幣根據(jù)市場因素更快升值符合中國的利益。我們相信中國會這么做，因為否則將會給中國以及中國與世界其他國家的關(guān)系帶來過高代價。

These are our main priorities.China’s objectives are focused on the following areas:

以上是我國的主要重點。中國的目標集中在以下方面：

? China wants more access to U.S.high technology products.? China to take greater advantage of investment opportunities in the United States.? China would like to be accorded the same terms of access that market economies enjoy.--中國希望擴大獲得美國高科技產(chǎn)品的渠道。--中國希望更大利用美國的投資機會。

--中國希望獲得與市場經(jīng)濟體同等的準入條件。

We are willing to make progress on these issues, but our ability to move on these issues will depend of course on how much progress we see from China.我們愿意在這些方面取得進展，但是我們向前推進的能力自然將取決于我們看到中國有多大進展。

As China reduces the role of the state in the economy, reforms policies that discriminate against U.S.companies, removes subsidies and preferences for domestic firms and technology, and allows its exchange rate to reflect market forces, then we will be able to make progress on China’s objectives.隨著中國減少國家在經(jīng)濟中的作用，修改歧視美國公司的政策，取消給予本國公司和本地技術(shù)的補貼和優(yōu)惠，并允許其匯率根據(jù)市場浮動，我們將能夠就中國的目標取得進展。

In any discussion of China, I think it is important for Americans to understand the solutions to our challenges in the United States rest first and foremost in the policies of Washington, not of Beijing.我認為，在任何關(guān)于中國的討論中，美國人都必須了解，解決我們所面臨的挑戰(zhàn)要首先取決于華盛頓，而不是北京。

Fundamentally, how many jobs and how much wealth we create will be the result of the choices we make in the United States – not the choices of others.歸根結(jié)底，我們能創(chuàng)造多少就業(yè)機會及多少財富，將取決于我們在美國所作的選擇，而不是他人所作的選擇。

In our efforts to rebuild and put Americans back to work, we have to make sure we are making the investments and reform that will be essential to our capacity to grow in the future.我們在努力重建并使美國人重返工作崗位的過程中，必須確保我們進行對我們未來增長能力至關(guān)重要的投資和改革。

As countries like China, India, Brazil and other emerging economies grow and expand, we want the American economy, American workers, and American companies to play a major role in – and gain substantial benefits from – that growth.在中國、印度、巴西和其他新興經(jīng)濟體增長擴展之際，我們希望美國經(jīng)濟、美國工人和美國公司能在其中起到重要作用，并從那些增長中獲得可觀的益處。

We want to see a substantial part of that growing demand outside of the United States met by goods and services that are created and produced in the United States, and fueled by investment in the United States.我們希望，對于美國以外不斷增長的需求，有很大一部分將通過美國創(chuàng)造和制造的產(chǎn)品和服務(wù)來滿足，并由在美國的投資所帶動。

If we are successful in doing that, we will be stronger as a nation.But to be successful in meeting that challenge, there are things we must do.We must invest more in research and development.We must invest more in educational reforms.We must invest more in public infrastructure.We must create stronger incentives for investment in the United States, by both American and foreign companies.We must be more forceful and effective in promoting American exports.如果我們能夠成功做到這點，我們國家就會更強盛。但是，要成功迎接那種挑戰(zhàn)，我們必須作出多項努力。我們必須對研究開發(fā)給予更多投資。我們必須對教育改革給予更多投資。我們必須對公共基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施給予更多投資。我們必須創(chuàng)造更大吸引力讓美國和外國公司在美國投資。我們必須更加高效有力地推動美國出口。

And we must restore fiscal responsibility.This will require the government to spend less and spend more wisely, so that we can afford to make the investments that are critical to future growth.And in the long term, it will require tax reform that produces a system that is more simple and more fair, that encourages growth and investment, and that will help restore fiscal sustainability.我們也必須恢復(fù)財政責任。這將要求政府減少開支和增加開支的理性，從而讓我們能夠進行對未來成長至關(guān)重要的投資。長期而言，這需要進行稅務(wù)改革，建立一種更簡明、更公平的體制，鼓勵增長和投資，并且有助于恢復(fù)財政的可持續(xù)性。

These are our challenges.And they are not just an economic imperative, they are national security imperative.Our strength as a nation depends on the ability of our political system to move quickly enough to put in place solutions to our long-term problems.這些都是我們的挑戰(zhàn)。它們不只是經(jīng)濟要務(wù)，也是國家安全的要務(wù)。美國的實力有賴于我們的政治體制能夠迅速確定解決我們長期問題的方案。

Our great strengths as a country have been in our openness to ideas and talent, our capacity to innovate, our excellence in higher education, a willingness to invest public resources strategically in scientific research and discovery, and the political will to confront challenges with wisdom and force.我國的堅強實力一向在于對思想和人才開放，能夠創(chuàng)新，擁有優(yōu)質(zhì)的高等教育，愿意將公共資源戰(zhàn)略性地投入科學研究與發(fā)現(xiàn)，并且具有靠智慧和力量戰(zhàn)勝挑戰(zhàn)的政治意愿。

If we preserve and build on these strengths, and if China successfully continues on its path to a more open, market economy, then both our countries and the world economy will be in a much stronger position.如果我們保持并進一步發(fā)展這些實力，并且中國若能繼續(xù)成功邁向一個更開放的市場經(jīng)濟，那么，我們兩國以及世界經(jīng)濟都將更趨興盛。

The President recently said, “We should feel confident about our ability to compete, but we are going to have to step up our game.”

總統(tǒng)最近曾說：“我們對于自己的競爭能力應(yīng)有自信，但是我們必須更加努力?！?/p>

China’s rise offers us the opportunity of dramatic growth in demand for things Americans create and produce.But it also will force us to raise our game.中國的崛起給我們帶來一個對美國創(chuàng)造和制作的產(chǎn)品的需求大幅度增長的機會。但是它也要求我們更加一把勁。

We should welcome both the opportunity and the challenge.我們對于這個契機和挑戰(zhàn)應(yīng)該同表歡迎。

Thank you.謝謝各位。

第二篇：美國財政部長蓋特納北京大學演講中英文

The United States and China, Cooperating for Recovery and Growth

The United States and China, Cooperating for Recovery and GrowthTreasury Secretary Timothy F.Geithner

Speech at Peking Universityto help arrest the sharp fall in private demand.Alongside these fiscal measures, we acted to ease the housing crisis.And we have put in place a series of initiatives to bring more capital into the banking system and to restart the credit markets.These actions have been reinforced by similar actions in countries around the world.In contrast to the global crisis of the 1930s and to the major economic crises of the postwar period, the leaders of the world acted together.They acted quickly.They took steps to provide assistance to the most vulnerable economies, even as they faced exceptional financial needs at home.They worked to keep their markets open, rather than r etreating into self-defeating measures of discrimination and protect ion.And they have committed to make sure this program of initiatives is sustained until the foundation for recovery is firmly established, a commitment the IMF will monitor closely, and that we will be able to uate together when the G-20 Leaders meet again in the United States this fall.We are starting to see some initial signs of improvement.The global recession seems to be losing force.In the United States, the pace of decline in economic activity has slowed.Households are saving more, but consumer confidence has improved, and spending is starting to recover.House prices are falling at a slower pace and the inventory of unsold homes has come down significantly.Orders for goods and services are somewhat stronger.The pace of deterioration in the labor market has slowed, and new claims for unemployment insurance have started to come down a bit.&nb sp;

The financial system is starting to heal.The clarity and disclosure provided by our capital assessment of major U.S.banks has helped improve market confidence in them, making it possible for banks that needed capital to raise it from private investors and to borrow without guarantees.The securities markets, including the asset backed securities markets that essentially stopped functioning late last year, have started to come back.The cost of credit has fallen substantially for businesses and for families as spreads and risk premia have narrowed.These are important signs of stability, and assurance that we will succeed in averting financial collapse and global deflation, but they represent only the first steps in laying the foundation for recovery.The process of repair and adjustment is going to take time.;

China, despite your own manifest challenges a s a developing country, you are in an enviably strong position.But in most economies, the recession is still powerful and dangerous.Business and households in the United States, as in many countries, are still experiencing the most challenging economic and financial pressures in decades.The plant closures, and company restructurings that the recession is causing are painful, and this process is not yet over.The fallout from these events has been brutally indiscriminant, affecting those with little or no responsibility for the events that now buffet them, as well as on some who played key roles in bringing about our troubles.The extent of the damage to financial systems entails significant risk that the supply of credit will be constrained for some time.The constraints on banks in many major economies will make it hard for them to compensate fully for the damage done to the basic machi nery of the securitization markets, including the loss of confidence in credit ratings.After a long period where financial institutions took on too much risk, we still face the possibility that banks and investors may take too little risk, even as the underlying economic conditions start to improve.And, after a long period of falling saving and substantial growth in household borrowing relative to GDP, consumer spending in the United States will be restrained for some time relative to what is typically the case in recoveries.These are necessary adjustments.They will entail a longer, slower process of recovery, with a very different pattern of future growth across countries than we have seen in the past several recoveries.Laying the Foundation for Future Growth

As we address this immediate financial and economic crisis, it is important that we also lay the foundations for more balanced, sustained growth of the global economy once this recovery is firmly established.A successful transition to a more balanced and stable global economy will require very substantial changes to economic policy and financial regulation around the world.But some of the most important of those changes will have to come in the United States and China.How successful we are in Washington and Beijing will be critically important to the economic fortunes of the rest of the world.The effectiveness of U.S.policies will depend in part on Chinas, and the effectiveness of yours on ours.Although the United States and China start from very different positions, many of our domestic challenges are similar.In the United States, we are working to reform our health care system, to improve the quality of education, to rebuild our infrastructure, and to improve energy efficiency.These reforms are essential to boosting the productive capacity of our economy.These challenges are at the center of your reform priorities, too.We are both working to reform our financial systems.In the United States, our challenge is to create a more stable and more resilient financial system, with stronger protections for consumer and investors.As we work to strengthen and redesign regulation to achieve these objectives, our challenge is to preserve the core strengths of our financial system, which are its exceptional capacity to adapt and innovate and to channel capital for investment in new technologies and innovative companies.You have the benefit of being able to learn from our shortcomings, which have proved so damaging in the present crisis, as well as f rom our strengths.Our common chall enge is to recognize that a more balanced and sustainable global recovery will require changes in the composition of growth in our two economies.Because of this, our policies have to be directed at very different outcomes.In the United States, saving rates will have to increase, and the purchases of U.S.consumers cannot be as dominant a driver of growth as they have been in the past.In China, as your leadership has recognized, growth that is sustainable growth will require a very substantial shift from external to domestic demand, from an investment and export intensive driven growth, to growth led by consumption.Strengthening domestic demand will also strengthen Chinas ability to weather fluctuations in global supply and demand.If we are successful on these respective paths, public and private saving in the United States will increase as recovery strengthens, and as this happens, our current account deficit will come down.And in China, domestic demand will rise at a faster rate than overall GDP, led by a gradual shift to higher rates of consumption.Globally, recovery will have come more from a shift by high saving economies to stronger domestic demand and less from the American consumer.The policy framework for a successful transition to this outcome is starting to take shape.In the United States, we are putting in place the foundations for restoring fiscal sustainability.The President in his initial budget to Congress made it clear that, as soon as recovery is firmly established, we are going to have to bring our fiscal deficit down to a level that is sustainable over the medium term.This will mean bringing the imbalance between our fiscal resources and expenditures down to the pointthe United States is committed to a strong and stable international financial system.The Obama Administration fully recognizes that the United States has a special responsibility to play in this regard, and we fully appreciate that exercising this special responsibility begins at home.As we recover from this unprecedented crisis, we will cut our fiscal deficit, we will eliminate the extraordinary governmental support that we have put in place to overcome the crisis, we will continue to preserve the openness of our economy, and we will resolutely maintain the policy framework necessary for durable and lasting sustained non-inflationary growth.In China, the challenge is fundamentally different, and at least as complex.Critical to the success of your efforts to shift future growth to domestic demand are measures to raise household incomes and to reduce the need that households feel to save large amounts for precautionary reasons or to pay for major expenditures like education.This involves strengthening the social safety net with health care reform and more complete public retirement systems, enacting financial reforms to help expand access to credit for households, and providing products that allow households to insure against risk.These efforts can be funded through the increased collection of dividends from state-owned enterprises.The structure of the Chinese economy will shift as domestic demand grows in importance, with a larger service sector, more emphasis on light industry, and less emphasis on heavy, capital intensive export and import-competing industries.The resulting growth will generate greater employment, and be less energy-intensive than the current structure of Chinese industry.Allowing the market, interest rates, and other prices to function to encourage the shift in production will be particularly important.An important part of this strategy is the governments commitment to continue progress toward a more flexible exchange rate regime.Greater exchange rate flexibility will help reinforce the shift in the composition of growth, encourage resource shifts to support domestic demand, and provide greater ability for monetary policy to achieve sustained growth with low inflation in the future.International Financial Reform

These are some of the most important domestic economic challenge we face, and these issues will be at the core of our agenda for economic cooperation.But I think it is important to underscore that we also have a very strong interest in working together to strengthen the framework for international economic and financial cooperation.Let me highlight three important areas.At the G-20 Leaders meeting, we committed to a series of actions to help reform and strengthen the international financial architecture.As part of this, we agreed to put in place a stronger framework of standards for supervision a nd regulation of the financial system.We expanded and strengthened the Financial Stability Forum, now renamed the Financial Stability Board.China and other major emerging economies are now full participants alongside the major financial centers, in this critical institution for cooperation.We will have the chance together to help redesign global standards for capital requirements, stronger oversight of global markets like derivatives, better tools for resolving future financial crises, and measures to reduce the opportunities for regulatory arbitrage.We also committed to an ambitious program of reform of the IMF and other international financial institutions.Our common objective is to reform the governance of these institutions to make them more representative of the shifting balance of economic and financial activity in the world, to strengthen their capacity to prevent future crisis, with stronger surveillance of macroeconomic, exchange rate, and financial policies, and to equip them with a stronger financial capacity to respond to future crises.We also committed to mobilize $500 billion in additional finance through the enlargement and membership expansion of the IMFs New Arrangements to Borrow in order to provide an insurance policy for the global financial system.As part of this process of reform, the United States will fully support having China play a role in the principal cooperative arrangements that help shape the international system, a role that is commensurate with Chinas importance in the global economy.I believe that a greater role for China is necessary for China, for the effectiveness of the international financial institutions themselves, and for the world economy.China is already too important to the global economy not to hav e a full seat at the international table, helping to define the policies that are critical to the effective functioning of the international financial system.Second, we must cooperate to assure that the global trade and investment environment remains open, and that opportunities continue to expand.As economies have become more open and more closely integrated, global economic growth has been stronger and more broad-based, bringing increasing numbers out of poverty, and turning developing nations into major emerging markets.The global commitment to trade liberalization and increasingly open investment played a critical role in this process ¨C in the industrialized world, in East Asia, and, since 1978, in China.As we go through the severe stresses of this crisis, we must not turn our backs on open trade and investment-for ourselves and for those who have yet to experience the fruits of growth and development.The United States, China, and the other members of the G20 have committed to not resort to protectionist measures by raising trade and investment barriers and to work toward a successful conclusion to the Doha Development Round.And third, one of the most critical long-term challenges that we both face is climate change.Individually and collectively, there is an urgent need to ensure that each and every country takes meaningful action to deal with this threat.Reducing land and forest degradation, conserving energy, and using clean technology are important objectives that complement both our efforts to achieve a new, sustainable pattern of growth and our goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.China and the United States already are working closely through the Strategic and Economic Dialogue in areas such as clean transportation, clean and efficient production of electricity, and the reduction of air and water pollution.We must continue these efforts for the sake of our natio ns and the planet.Conclusion In the last few years the frequency, intensity, and importance of U.S.-China economic engagements have multiplied.The U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue that President Obama and President Hu initiated in April is the next stage in that process.I look forward to welcoming Vice Premier Wang, State Councilor Dai and their colleagues to Washington to participate in the first meeting of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue.Our engagement should be conducted with mutual respect for the traditions, values, and interests of China and the United States.We will make a joint effort in a concerted way 同心協(xié)力.We should understand that we each have a very strong stake in the health and the succes s of each others economy.China and the United States individually, and together, are so important in the global economy and financial system that what we do has a direct impact on the stability and strength of the international economic system.Other nations have a legitimate interest in our policies and the ways in which we work together, and we each have an obligation to ensure that our policies and actions promote the health and stability of the global economy and financial system.We come together because we have shared interests and responsibilities.We also have our own national interests.I will be a strong advocate for U.S.interests, just as I expect my counterparts to represent China?ˉs.China has benefited hugely from open trade and investment, and the ability to greatly increase its exports to the rest of the world.In turn, we expect incre ased opportunities to export to and invest in the Chinese economy.We want China to succeed and prosper.Chinese growth and expanding Chinese demand is a tremendous opportunity for U.S.firms and workers, just as it is in China and the rest of the world.Global problems will not be solved without U.S.-China cooperation.That goes for the entire range of issues that face our world from economic recovery and financial repair to climate change and energy policy.I look forward to working with you cooperatively, and in a spirit of mutual respect.美國財政部長蓋特納于6月1日在北京大學發(fā)表了演講，談到了美中合作對全球經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇和增長的重要性。以下是其演講稿的中文翻譯。以英文原文為準，中文翻譯僅供參考。

《美中兩國為復(fù)蘇和增長的合作》

我很高興今天能再次來到中國，并在這個偉大的學校與你們見面。

我第一次來到中國和北京大學是在1981年的夏天，那時，我還是一名學習普通話的大學生。我與一些來自美國的研究生和本科生在這里。次年夏天，我又回到了北京師范大學。

我們學習相當努力，并有幸與許多優(yōu)秀教授一起工作，他們中的一些人今天也在這里。我們走遍這座城市并在中國的華東地區(qū)旅行，我們不僅有機會了解你們的歷史和你們的抱負，還開始通過你們的眼睛看美國。

幾十年來，我們看到歷史上最不尋常的經(jīng)濟轉(zhuǎn)型的開始。中國正在蓬勃發(fā)展。經(jīng)濟改革帶來了收入的極快和持續(xù)提高。中國作為一個重要經(jīng)濟力量的崛起和更充分地融入世界經(jīng)濟，給美國和世界其他經(jīng)濟體帶來了實實在在的好處。

由于認識到積極、合作和全面的關(guān)系符合我們的共同利益，胡錦濤主席(圖庫 論壇)和奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在4月同意建立戰(zhàn)略和經(jīng)濟對話機制。克林頓國務(wù)卿和我將于下個月在華盛頓主持我們與王岐山副總理和戴秉國國務(wù)委員的第一次會議。今天和明天，我將榮幸地出席在北京的一系列會見，為這次經(jīng)濟討論作準備。

這些會見將使我們有機會討論經(jīng)濟領(lǐng)域的風險和挑戰(zhàn)，審視我們在為更加平衡和可持續(xù)的經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇奠定基礎(chǔ)的過程中，所共同面臨的長期挑戰(zhàn)，并探討我們共同關(guān)心的國際金融改革。

目前的挑戰(zhàn)和風險

世界經(jīng)濟正在經(jīng)歷多年來最具挑戰(zhàn)性的經(jīng)濟和財政壓力。

國際貨幣基金組織預(yù)測，今年世界經(jīng)濟將出現(xiàn)60多年來的首次萎縮。世界貿(mào)易的衰退很可能是自第二次世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束以來最嚴重的。與正常年份世界經(jīng)濟的潛在增長率相比，產(chǎn)出損失可達到3至4萬億美元。

面對這一挑戰(zhàn)，中國和美國共同努力，幫助形成一個強有力的全球戰(zhàn)略，遏制危機，為經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇奠定基礎(chǔ)。這些努力，以及中國、美國和其他主要經(jīng)濟體所采取的強有力政策行動的綜合效應(yīng)，已幫助減緩增長的惡化速度，修復(fù)金融系統(tǒng)和提升信心。

事實上，當前危機與以往的區(qū)別，不僅在于其全球規(guī)模及嚴重程度，還在于全球反應(yīng)的范圍和速度。

在4月份的20國集團領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人倫敦會議上，我們商定了一個前所未有的協(xié)調(diào)的政策行動計劃，以支持經(jīng)濟增長，穩(wěn)定和修復(fù)金融體系，恢復(fù)對貿(mào)易和投資至關(guān)重要的信貸流動，通過國際金融機構(gòu)來為新興市場經(jīng)濟體調(diào)動財政資源，并保持貿(mào)易和投資市場的開放。

這項針對經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇戰(zhàn)略的歷史性協(xié)定之所以達成，部分取決于中國和美國已經(jīng)出臺的政策行動。

在危機加劇時，中國迅速出臺了強有力的增強國內(nèi)需求的投資和金融措施計劃。

在美國，新政府上任的第一周，我們就建立了一個全面的稅收優(yōu)惠和投資計劃──第二次世界大戰(zhàn)以來和平時期最大的恢復(fù)努力，以幫助遏制私人需求的急劇下降。除了這些財政措施，我們還采取行動減輕住房危機。我們出臺了一系列舉措，使更多的資金進入銀行系統(tǒng)，并重新啟動信貸市場。

這些舉措在世界各國采取類似舉措之后得到了加強。

與30年代的全球危機以及戰(zhàn)后各個主要經(jīng)濟危機相比，世界各國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人這次采取了聯(lián)合行動。他們行動相對迅速。他們采取措施向最脆弱的經(jīng)濟體提供援助，盡管他們自身的國家也面臨著特殊的金融需求。他們致力于繼續(xù)開放市場，而不是退回到自我擊敗的歧視和保護措施中去。

他們承諾確保這一動議計劃維持到復(fù)蘇基礎(chǔ)的牢固確立，而國際貨幣基金組織將密切監(jiān)測此承諾，這樣我們將能夠在20國集團領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人今年秋天在美國再次會晤時一起來評估。

我們開始看到一些改善的初步跡象。全球經(jīng)濟衰退似乎失去力量。在美國，經(jīng)濟活動下跌步伐已經(jīng)放緩。家庭節(jié)省更多，但消費者信心有所改善，消費已開始恢復(fù)。房屋價格的下降正在放緩，未售出房屋的庫存已經(jīng)大幅下降。商品和服務(wù)的訂單有所提升。勞動力市場的惡化速度已經(jīng)放緩，新申請失業(yè)保險的人數(shù)已開始有所下降。

金融體系已開始恢復(fù)。我們對美國主要銀行的資本評估報告中所提供的澄清和披露信息，幫助提振信心，使需要資本的銀行可以向私人投資者融資，借款時無需擔保。證券市場，包括去年年底已基本停止運轉(zhuǎn)的資產(chǎn)抵押證券市場已經(jīng)開始恢復(fù)。企業(yè)和家庭的信貸成本已大幅度下降，因為利差和風險溢價已經(jīng)縮小。

這些都是重要的穩(wěn)定跡象，對我們將成功避免金融崩潰和全球性通貨緊縮的保證，但它們只是為經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇奠定基礎(chǔ)的第一步。修復(fù)和調(diào)整的過程還需時日。

中國作為一個發(fā)展中國家盡管有你們自己的明顯挑戰(zhàn)，但你們處在一個令人羨慕的強勢地位。而在世界大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟體中，經(jīng)濟衰退仍然嚴峻而危險。美國與許多國家一樣，企業(yè)和家庭正在經(jīng)歷幾十年來最具挑戰(zhàn)性的經(jīng)濟和財政壓力。

金融系統(tǒng)的損害程度導(dǎo)致了重大的風險，以至信貸供應(yīng)將會在一段時間內(nèi)受到限制。許多主要經(jīng)濟體對銀行的限制將使他們很難完全補償基本的證券化市場機制所遭受的損害，包括對信貸評級喪失信心。在經(jīng)歷了漫長的時期金融機構(gòu)承擔太多風險后，我們?nèi)匀幻媾R的可能是，即使根本經(jīng)濟條件開始改善，銀行和投資者可能只愿承擔太少風險。

經(jīng)過長期的相對國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的儲蓄下降和家庭借貸大幅度增長，美國的消費者支出，相對于經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇時期來說，將在一段時間內(nèi)受到限制。

這些都是必要的調(diào)整。他們將需要更長的、較慢的復(fù)蘇過程，在各國以一種不同以往的未來增長模式。為未來的發(fā)展奠定基礎(chǔ)

在我們繼續(xù)處理當前金融和經(jīng)濟危機的同時，我們還要在恢復(fù)一旦確定時，重視為未來全球經(jīng)濟的持續(xù)增長和更加均衡奠定基礎(chǔ)。

成功地過渡到一個更加平衡和穩(wěn)定的全球經(jīng)濟，將需要對世界各地的經(jīng)濟政策和金融監(jiān)管進行非常重大的變革。但是，這些變革中的一些最重要的部分將不得不在美國和中國進行。我們在華盛頓和北京的成功程度，將對世界其他地區(qū)的經(jīng)濟命運至關(guān)重要。美國政策的成效將部分取決于中國的，反之亦然。

雖然美國和中國從不同的位置開始，我們的許多國內(nèi)改革的挑戰(zhàn)是相似的。我們正在努力改革我們的衛(wèi)生保健系統(tǒng)，提高教育質(zhì)量，重建我們的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，并提高能源效率。我們認為這些改革對提高我們經(jīng)濟的生產(chǎn)能力是必不可少的。這些挑戰(zhàn)也是你們改革的重中之重。

我們雙方都在對我們的金融體系進行改革。在美國，我們的挑戰(zhàn)是創(chuàng)建一個更穩(wěn)定、更具彈性的金融系統(tǒng)，為消費者和投資者提供更強有力的保護。當我們努力加強和重新設(shè)計規(guī)范以實現(xiàn)這些目標時，我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)是維護我們金融體系的核心優(yōu)勢，也就是在適應(yīng)、創(chuàng)新以及使資本流向新技術(shù)和創(chuàng)新公司方面的特殊能力。你們可以從學習我們的被當前的危機證明具有如此破壞性的缺陷和我們的優(yōu)勢中獲益。

我們共同的挑戰(zhàn)是要認識到一個更加均衡的、可持續(xù)的全球復(fù)蘇將要求我們兩個經(jīng)濟體經(jīng)濟增長構(gòu)成的變化。因此，我們的政策必須針對非常不同的結(jié)果。

在美國，儲蓄率將不得不上升，同時美國消費者的購買不可能再像過去那樣作為增長的主要動力。

在中國，正如你們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)已經(jīng)意識到的，可持續(xù)的增長將要求一個非常重大的從外部需求到國內(nèi)需求、從投資和出口密集型增長到消費導(dǎo)向型增長的轉(zhuǎn)變。

如果我們在各自的路徑上成功，隨著復(fù)蘇增強，美國的公共和私人儲蓄將上升，并且隨之，我們的經(jīng)常賬戶赤字將減少。在中國，由于消費比例的逐步轉(zhuǎn)高，中國的國內(nèi)需求將以快于整體GDP的速度增長。

在全球，復(fù)蘇將更多依靠高儲蓄經(jīng)濟體轉(zhuǎn)向更強的國內(nèi)需求，而更少依靠美國消費者。

為順利過渡到這一結(jié)果的政策框架已經(jīng)開始形成。

在美國，我們正在建設(shè)恢復(fù)財政可持續(xù)性的基礎(chǔ)。

總統(tǒng)在給國會的初步預(yù)算中明確，一旦復(fù)蘇牢固確立，我們將必須削減財政赤字到一個中期可持續(xù)的水平。這意味著將我們的財政資源與支出之間的不平衡減少到這樣一點——大約GDP的百分之三——使公共債務(wù)占GDP的整體水平處于明確的下降路徑。我們的復(fù)興法案中提到的用以增強私人需求的暫時投資和稅收優(yōu)惠政策將到期，自由決定的支出將不得不回落到一個相對GDP更加適度的水平，并且我們將不得不非常有紀律的通過恢復(fù)預(yù)算紀律，例如現(xiàn)收現(xiàn)付制度，來限制未來的承諾。

同時，作為我們長期財政健康的關(guān)鍵，我們必須進行全面的衛(wèi)生保健改革，以降低衛(wèi)生保健成本的增長，這些成本是我們長期財政赤字的主要動力。

總統(tǒng)還建議了鼓勵私人儲蓄的步驟，包括通過自動注冊退休儲蓄賬戶。

除了這些財政行動，我們設(shè)計我們的政策以解決金融危機，從而謹慎的最小化納稅人的風險，并且一旦條件許可就允許有序的退出或解除。在所有財政部、美聯(lián)儲和聯(lián)邦存款保險公司設(shè)立的各種金融機構(gòu)中，我們一直在謹慎地確定經(jīng)濟條款水平，以便當條件正?；?、風險溢價消退時對這些機構(gòu)的需求將會淡出。一旦條件允許，銀行有強烈的動機用私人資本替換公共資本。

在中國，挑戰(zhàn)有根本的不同，但至少一樣復(fù)雜。

成功實現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)向國內(nèi)需求推動未來增長的關(guān)鍵是增加居民收入和減少因為防御原因和用于例如教育的主要支出等使居民覺得需要大量儲蓄的需求。這包括增強社會保障體系包括衛(wèi)生保健改革和更完善的公共退休系統(tǒng)，實施金融改革以幫助擴大居民的信用獲得并提供產(chǎn)品幫助居民防范風險。

當國內(nèi)需求的重要性增加的時候，中國經(jīng)濟的結(jié)構(gòu)將轉(zhuǎn)變，更大的服務(wù)業(yè)，更強調(diào)輕工業(yè)，并減少強調(diào)重工業(yè)、資本密集出口和進口競爭產(chǎn)業(yè)。由此帶來的增長將產(chǎn)生更多的就業(yè)，和較目前中國經(jīng)濟結(jié)構(gòu)更少的能源密集。允許市場、利率和其他價格發(fā)揮作用以鼓勵生產(chǎn)的轉(zhuǎn)變是至關(guān)重要的。

這一策略的一個重要部分是政府承諾將繼續(xù)向更靈活的匯率政策推進。更大的匯率靈活性將幫助加強增長構(gòu)成的轉(zhuǎn)變，鼓勵資源向支持國內(nèi)需求轉(zhuǎn)移，并提供貨幣政策更大的能力，以實現(xiàn)將來的持續(xù)增長和低通貨膨脹率。

國際金融改革

我們正面對一些最重要的國內(nèi)經(jīng)濟挑戰(zhàn)，而這些問題將是我們經(jīng)濟合作議程的核心。

但是我想重要的是要強調(diào)我們也有非常強烈的意愿一道努力，以加強國際經(jīng)濟和金融合作的框架。

讓我強調(diào)三個重要方面。

在20國集團領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人會議上，我們承諾采取一系列行動以幫助改革和加強國際金融架構(gòu)。

作為其中的一部分，我們同意出臺一個更強的對金融體系進行監(jiān)督和管理的標準框架。我們擴大和加強了金融穩(wěn)定論壇，現(xiàn)在更名為金融穩(wěn)定委員會。中國和其他主要新興經(jīng)濟體現(xiàn)在正與主要金融中心一起全面參與這個關(guān)鍵機構(gòu)中的合作。我們將有機會一起幫助重新設(shè)計資本要求的國際標準，更好的監(jiān)督全球市場，例如衍生品，更好的工具來解決未來金融危機，以及更好的措施以減少監(jiān)管套利的機會。

我們也承諾了一個雄心勃勃的計劃以改革國際貨幣基金組織和其他國際金融機構(gòu)。我們共同的目標是要改革這些機構(gòu)的治理，以使他們更多的代表世界經(jīng)濟和金融活動的平衡轉(zhuǎn)變，以增強他們預(yù)防未來危機的能力，并使他們具備更強的金融能力以應(yīng)對未來的危機。通過國際貨幣基金組織的新貸款協(xié)議的擴大和成員增加，我們承諾動員5000億美元額外資金，用于為全球金融體系提供一個保險政策。

作為這個改革進程的一部分，美國將全面支持中國在旨在幫助塑造國際體系的主要合作協(xié)議中發(fā)揮作用，中國的作用應(yīng)與其在全球經(jīng)濟中重要性相稱。

我相信中國發(fā)揮更大的作用對中國，對國際金融機構(gòu)本身的效率，以及對世界經(jīng)濟都是必要的。

中國對全球經(jīng)濟已經(jīng)太重要了，不能在國際談判桌沒有一個用以幫助確定作為國際金融體系有效功能關(guān)鍵的政策的完整席位。

第二，我們必須合作以確保全球貿(mào)易和投資環(huán)境保持開放，并且那種機會繼續(xù)擴大。當經(jīng)濟已經(jīng)變得越來越開放、越來越緊密地一體化，全球經(jīng)濟增長變得更強也具有更廣泛基礎(chǔ)，使更多的人脫離貧困，并使發(fā)展中國家轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)樾屡d市場。全球貿(mào)易自由化的承諾和增加的自由投資在這個進程中起關(guān)鍵作用 口 在工業(yè)化世界，在東亞，在1978年后的中國。當我們面對這次危機的嚴重壓力，我們不應(yīng)該背棄自由貿(mào)易和投資 口為我們自己，也為那些還沒有享受到增長和發(fā)展的果實的人們。美國、中國和20國集團的其他成員承諾不采取增加貿(mào)易和投資壁壘的保護主義措施并將努力實現(xiàn)多哈發(fā)展議程的成功結(jié)論。

第三，我們共同面對的最緊要的長期挑戰(zhàn)之一是氣候變化。減少土地和森林退化、節(jié)約能源和使用清潔能源技術(shù)是重要的目標，補充了我們建立新的、可持續(xù)增長模式的努力和我們減少溫室氣體排放的目標。中國和美國已經(jīng)通過戰(zhàn)略和經(jīng)濟對話在諸多領(lǐng)域緊密合作，例如清潔運輸，電力的清潔、有效生產(chǎn)，以及空氣和水污染的減少。為了我們的國家和這個星球，我們必須繼續(xù)這些努力。

結(jié)論：

在過去幾年中美中經(jīng)濟活動的頻率、強度和重要性都成倍增加。奧巴馬總統(tǒng)和胡主席在四月份動議的美中戰(zhàn)略和經(jīng)濟對話是該進程的下一個階段。我期盼著歡迎王(岐山)副總理、戴(秉國)國務(wù)委員和他們的同事到華盛頓參加對話的第一次會議。

我們的交往應(yīng)互相尊重中美的傳統(tǒng)、價值和利益。我們將同心協(xié)力。我們應(yīng)該理解我們都擁有很強的對彼此經(jīng)濟健康和成功的利益。

中國和美國，各自以及共同，對全球經(jīng)濟和金融系統(tǒng)如此重要，我們對國際經(jīng)濟體系的穩(wěn)定和強健有直接的影響。其他國家對我們的政策和我們合作的方式都有合法權(quán)益，并且我們每個都有義務(wù)確保我們的政策和行動促進了全球經(jīng)濟和金融系統(tǒng)的健康和穩(wěn)定。

我們走到一起，因為我們有共同的利益和責任。我們也有我們各自國家的利益。我將極力主張美國的利益，正如我希望我的對方代表中國的利益一樣。中國已經(jīng)從開放的貿(mào)易和投資中獲得了巨大的利益，并有能力極大的增加她從世界其他地區(qū)的出口。反過來，我們希望更多機會出口到中國和投資中國經(jīng)濟。

我希望中國成功和繁榮。中國的增長和中國需求的擴大為美國的公司和工人帶來了大量的機會，正如在中國和世界其他地區(qū)發(fā)生的那樣。

離開美中合作，全球問題將得不到解決。這包括我們世界面臨的所有問題，從經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇和金融修復(fù)到氣候變化和能源政策。

我期望和你們一起努力合作，并本著相互尊重的精神。

第三篇：美國財政部長蓋特納北京大學演講中英文全文

The United States and China, Cooperating for Recovery and Growth

The United States and China, Cooperating for Recovery and GrowthTreasury Secretary Timothy F.Geithner

Speech at peking Universityto help arrest the sharp fall in private demand.Alongside these fiscal measures, we acted to ease the housing crisis.And we have put in place a series of initiatives to bring more capital into the banking system and to restart the credit markets.These actions have been reinforced by similar actions in countries around the world.In contrast to the global crisis of the 1930s and to the major economic crises of the postwar period, the leaders of the world acted together.They acted quickly.They took steps to provide assistance to the most vulnerable economies, even as they faced exceptional financial needs at home.They worked to keep their markets open, rather than r etreating into self-defeating measures of discrimination and protect ion.And they have committed to make sure this program of initiatives is sustained until the foundation for recovery is firmly established, a commitment the IMF will monitor closely, and that we will be able to uate together when the G-20 Leaders meet again in the United States this fall.We are starting to see some initial signs of improvement.The global recession seems to be losing force.In the United States, the pace of decline in economic activity has slowed.Households are saving more, but consumer confidence has improved, and spending is starting to recover.House prices are falling at a slower pace and the inventory of unsold homes has come down significantly.Orders for goods and services are somewhat stronger.The pace of deterioration in the labor market has slowed, and new claims for unemployment insurance have started to come down a bit.&nb sp;

The financial system is starting to heal.The clarity and disclosure provided by our capital assessment of major U.S.banks has helped improve market confidence in them, making it possible for banks that needed capital to raise it from private investors and to borrow without guarantees.The securities markets, including the asset backed securities markets that essentially stopped functioning late last year, have started to come back.The cost of credit has fallen substantially for businesses and for families as spreads and risk premia have narrowed.These are important signs of stability, and assurance that we will succeed in averting financial collapse and global deflation, but they represent only the first steps in laying the foundation for recovery.The process of repair and adjustment is going to take time.;

China, despite your own manifest challenges a s a developing country, you are in an enviably strong position.But in most economies, the recession is still powerful and dangerous.Business and households in the United States, as in many countries, are still experiencing the most challenging economic and financial pressures in decades.The plant closures, and company restructurings that the recession is causing are painful, and this process is not yet over.The fallout from these events has been brutally indiscriminant, affecting those with little or no responsibility for the events that now buffet them, as well as on some who played key roles in bringing about our troubles.The extent of the damage to financial systems entails significant risk that the supply of credit will be constrained for some time.The constraints on banks in many major economies will make it hard for them to compensate fully for the damage done to the basic machi nery of the securitization markets, including the loss of confidence in credit ratings.After a long period where financial institutions took on too much risk, we still face the possibility that banks and investors may take too little risk, even as the underlying economic conditions start to improve.And, after a long period of falling saving and substantial growth in household borrowing relative to GDp, consumer spending in the United States will be restrained for some time relative to what is typically the case in recoveries.These are necessary adjustments.They will entail a longer, slower process of recovery, with a very different pattern of future growth across countries than we have seen in the past several recoveries.Laying the Foundation for Future Growth

As we address this immediate financial and economic crisis, it is important that we also lay the foundations for more balanced, sustained growth of the global economy once this recovery is firmly established.A successful transition to a more balanced and stable global economy will require very substantial changes to economic policy and financial regulation around the world.But some of the most important of those changes will have to come in the United States and China.How successful we are in Washington and Beijing will be critically important to the economic fortunes of the rest of the world.The effectiveness of U.S.policies will depend in part on Chinas, and the effectiveness of yours on ours.Although the United States and China start from very different positions, many of our domestic challenges are similar.In the United States, we are working to reform our health care system, to improve the quality of education, to rebuild our infrastructure, and to improve energy efficiency.These reforms are essential to boosting the productive capacity of our economy.These challenges are at the center of your reform priorities, too.We are both working to reform our financial systems.In the United States, our challenge is to create a more stable and more resilient financial system, with stronger protections for consumer and investors.As we work to strengthen and redesign regulation to achieve these objectives, our challenge is to preserve the core strengths of our financial system, which are its exceptional capacity to adapt and innovate and to channel capital for investment in new technologies and innovative companies.You have the benefit of being able to learn from our shortcomings, which have proved so damaging in the present crisis, as well as f rom our strengths.Our common chall enge is to recognize that a more balanced and sustainable global recovery will require changes in the composition of growth in our two economies.Because of this, our policies have to be directed at very different outcomes.In the United States, saving rates will have to increase, and the purchases of U.S.consumers cannot be as dominant a driver of growth as they have been in the past.In China, as your leadership has recognized, growth that is sustainable growth will require a very substantial shift from external to domestic demand, from an investment and export intensive driven growth, to growth led by consumption.Strengthening domestic demand will also strengthen Chinas ability to weather fluctuations in global supply and demand.If we are successful on these respective paths, public and private saving in the United States will increase as recovery strengthens, and as this happens, our current account deficit will come down.And in China, domestic demand will rise at a faster rate than overall GDp, led by a gradual shift to higher rates of consumption.Globally, recovery will have come more from a shift by high saving economies to stronger domestic demand and less from the American consumer.The policy framework for a successful transition to this outcome is starting to take shape.In the United States, we are putting in place the foundations for restoring fiscal sustainability.The president in his initial budget to Congress made it clear that, as soon as recovery is firmly established, we are going to have to bring our fiscal deficit down to a level that is sustainable over the medium term.This will mean bringing the imbalance between our fiscal resources and expenditures down to the point-roughly three percent of GDp--wh ere the overall level of public debt to GDp is definitively on a dow nward path.The temporary investments and tax incentives we put in place in the Recovery Act to strengthen private demand will have to expire, discretionary spending will have to fall back to a more modest level relative to GDp, and we will have to be very disciplined in limiting future commitments through the reintroduction of budget disciplines, such as pay-as-you go rules.The president also looks forward to working with Congress to further reduce our long-run fiscal deficit.And, critical to our long-term fiscal health, we have to put in place comprehensive health care reform that will bring down the growth in health care costs, costs that are the principal driver of our long run fiscal deficit.The president has also proposed steps to encourage private saving, including through automatic enrollment in retirement savings accounts.xiexiebang.com范文網(wǎng)(FANWEN.CHAZIDIAN.COM)

第四篇：《西姆拉條約》出籠前后

《西姆拉條約》出籠前后

來源:《文史天地》2010年第9期 作者:李占才時間:2010-12-21

弱國無外交，末期的清王朝和北洋政府能拒簽喪權(quán)辱國條約，已屬難能可貴。西藏自古是中國領(lǐng)土。然而，自從19世紀英國把印度變成其殖民地之后，英國即開始覬覦西藏，妄圖把西藏也變成“大英帝國”的殖民地。為此，1914年3月，由英國人提議在印度西姆拉舉行中、英、藏三方會議。會議期間，英藏雙方秘密勾結(jié)，背著中國政府代表，推出了一個陰謀，擅自簽訂了妄圖使西藏“獨立”的《西姆拉條約》。該條約雖然最終流產(chǎn)，但因在這個條約的附件中，英藏雙方塞進了一條他們背著中國中央政府而炮制的中印邊界線——麥克馬洪線，非法將西藏東南部約7萬平方公里的一塊中國土地“劃”給了英屬印度。這條所謂的“邊界線”給歷屆中國政府制造了巨大麻煩，被“劃出”的國土至今未能收回，成為中國人民心中永遠的結(jié)。那么，該條約出籠前前后后的過程是怎樣的呢？ 一

1903年12月，英國按其原定戰(zhàn)略部署，悍然向西藏發(fā)動第二次侵藏戰(zhàn)爭。1904年5月，英軍與藏軍在西藏江孜地區(qū)發(fā)生激戰(zhàn)。藏軍雖堅持戰(zhàn)斗兩個月，最終江孜失守。英軍繼續(xù)推進，于同年8月3日占領(lǐng)拉薩。西藏地方政教領(lǐng)袖十三世**喇嘛出走到北京求援。

英軍侵入拉薩后，藏族人民群情激憤，拒絕給侵略軍提供物資和食品，撤退的藏軍也開始向拉薩集結(jié)，侵略軍立足未穩(wěn)，異?？謶?。在此當口，清政府派駐西藏的大臣有泰卻向絕望的侵略軍伸出了援助之手。他不顧國家利益和藏族群眾的感情，對侵略者極力討好，帶著大批食品，親自到英軍軍營進行慰問，并就西藏軍民在江孜對侵略軍的抵抗，向英國人表示“道歉”。由于得到了有泰的幫助，英國侵略軍在拉薩站住了腳。

由于慈禧和光緒已經(jīng)自身難保，到北京求援的**一無所獲，這使年輕氣盛的**十分失望。英國人趁機對他拉攏收買。1908年10月，**倒戈公開表示“不再反英”。1908年11月，光緒和慈禧太后相繼去世，兩歲的溥儀登基。1909年4月，**自北京啟程回藏，并下令藏軍攻擊清廷派遣入藏的川軍。1910年2月，清政府逮捕法辦有泰，派川軍強行攻入拉薩。**叛逃至駐印度英國商人處，清政府免去**封號。

1911年10月10日，辛亥革命爆發(fā)，清朝滅亡，民國建立。**在英國指使下，趁機發(fā)動軍事叛亂。1912年7月，北京政府派川軍和滇軍分兩路進藏平叛。英國乘機干涉，以拒絕承認北京新共和政府相威脅，向袁世凱提出了讓中國軍隊撤軍的要求。并揚言，如不答應(yīng)，英國即以武力助藏。

袁世凱權(quán)衡再三，于1912年8月30日，下令川滇軍停止前進。10月28日又恢復(fù)**封號。并任命陸興祺為護理駐藏辦事長官，派其與**直接談判，意在宣諭共和大義，爭取**站在中國政府一邊，維護國家統(tǒng)一。英國人不愿讓中國中央政府與西藏地方政府關(guān)系和解，便千方百計阻撓北京代表與**見面，將陸興祺困在了印度。二

英國人極力破壞中國中央政府與西藏地方政府和解的目的，是想進一步利用西藏當局實現(xiàn)他們的兩個如意算盤：一是創(chuàng)造條件讓西藏擺脫中國管轄，完全實現(xiàn)西藏“獨立”；二是為了便于控制西藏，將西藏土地割出一塊劃給英屬印度，當做緩沖地帶。

圍繞這兩個打算，英國人開始構(gòu)思解決的途徑。作為促使西藏“獨立”的直接步驟，1913年6月，趁袁世凱下令川滇軍停止進軍西藏的當口，英國則派軍隊護送**強行返回拉薩。并慫恿其宣布西藏“獨立”，還許諾：“西藏完全獨立后，一切軍械由英國接濟；民國軍隊行抵西藏，英國擔負抵御之責。”但話雖如此，這樣做英藏雙方都心中無底，畢竟名不正言不順，而且還會引起一系列國際國內(nèi)爭端。

狡猾的英國人想到了通過談判的形式來達到目的，因為歷史上的中英談判英國人都占了便宜。這次他們也想走個談判的形式，再在談判中通過高壓和陰謀手段，逼迫中國政府簽訂條約，名正言順地達到其使西藏“獨立”的企圖。

為此，英國人隨即以“調(diào)解人”的身份，提出召開一個由中、英、藏三方參加的會議，通過會議討論解決有關(guān)西藏的問題。英國人立即通知北洋政府，要求中國中央政府必須參加，口氣強硬，不容猶豫。并威脅，中國中央政府如不參加這個會議，英國即直接與西藏地方政府進行談判，自行解決西藏問題，并直接與西藏簽約。

當時袁世凱的北京北洋政府剛成立不久，正處于政治、經(jīng)濟脆弱階段。國內(nèi)“討袁”運動也在醞釀發(fā)起，袁世凱十分需要得到國際上的承認和支持。無奈之下，袁世凱被迫于1913年5月作出決定，同意參加由英國人召集的會議，以探聽情況，相機而動。

但北京政府對會議形式提出不同意見：“應(yīng)先由中英會商訂議后，再通知西藏地方當局，西藏不能作為平等的會議的一方?！边@是對英國讓西藏以平等地位參與國家談判的不滿。另外，關(guān)于會議地點，北京政府提議在北京或倫敦。兩個意見都遭到了英國人拒絕。英國為了方便操縱會議，提出只能在印度舉行，最后選定印度西姆拉。

脆弱的北京北洋政府，被迫同意了英國的無理要求。作為交換條件，英國政府宣布承認中華民國政府。

三

英國人得到北京政府參會的承諾后，趁北京代表尚未到達之際，立即緊鑼密鼓地開始了秘密準備。

為了操縱會議，讓西藏代表在談判中發(fā)揮作用，英國人提前與西藏代表進行了接觸。英國全權(quán)代表麥克馬洪，指派對西藏情況非常熟悉的英國駐錫金政治專員柏爾，以迎接西藏代表司倫夏扎為名，提前趕到了西藏江孜。對司倫夏扎進行了談判前的培訓，并面授機宜，比如有關(guān)談判中說什么話、怎樣說和注意事項等等。柏爾還特別向司倫夏扎反復(fù)講解鼓吹了一個“宗主權(quán)”的概念。說在不得已的情況下，你可以承認中國政府對西藏只有“宗主權(quán)”。所謂“宗主權(quán)”其實是空的，沒有實質(zhì)意義，“內(nèi)政自理”或“自治”才是實的。因此中國政府如果同意了“宗主權(quán)”的說法，也就同意了西藏實質(zhì)上的“獨立”。對中國政府代表來說，這顯然是一個文字陷阱。所以柏爾囑咐司倫夏扎：這話不能明說，你們和我們心里明白就可以了。

他還提醒西藏代表，談判中一定要表現(xiàn)得有知識、有思想，要會咬文嚼字。為了使司倫夏扎屆時不至于慌亂，英國人還一再要求他，談判前一定要多搜集閱讀點所謂“西藏不屬于中國”的證據(jù)材料，以及“大西藏國”的范圍根據(jù)。這在柏爾后來所著《西藏之過去與現(xiàn)在》一書中對此曾有記述：“吾于江孜遇夏扎，吾勸其搜集所有關(guān)于昔日中藏交涉以及陸續(xù)為中國占領(lǐng)而西藏現(xiàn)今要求歸還之各州縣等項之文牘，攜之赴會。以便要求將先后為中國管轄之各縣藏民，仍然退還歸拉薩政府統(tǒng)治?！?/p>

隨后，作為技術(shù)準備，英國代表私下與西藏地方代表，秘密起草了要在會上推出的西藏“獨立”六條，即所謂的《西姆拉條約》最初版本。大意是：

一、西藏獨立，西藏不能承認1906年的中英條約中規(guī)定的中國在藏享有主權(quán)；

二、西藏的范圍擴大，面積包括昆侖山與安定塔以南的新疆部分、青海全部、甘肅與四川的西部、打箭爐及云南西北部的阿墩子；

三、1893年和1908年的印藏通商章程應(yīng)由英國與西藏當局修改，中國中央政府不得過問；

四、華官華兵不準入藏，也不準在藏居留，華商入藏須領(lǐng)有西藏政府發(fā)給之護照；

五、中國須承認**喇嘛為蒙古及中國佛教的教主；

六、賠償西藏各項損失。

為防西藏代表動搖，英國人還要求所有西藏與會成員會議期間不能與北京派來的代表有任何接觸。英國人對西藏代表布置了控制與監(jiān)視，西藏談判代表實際上被英國人完全操控。四

英藏雙方密謀準備完畢之后，中國中央政府代表到達印度。1913年10月6日，中、英、藏三方會議在印度北部的西姆拉正式開幕。出席會議的中國中央政府代表為駐藏宣撫使陳貽范，副代表為駐藏副宣撫使王海平；英國代表為英印政府外務(wù)大臣麥克馬洪，副代表為前駐華公使羅斯，顧問為英駐錫金行政官柏爾；西藏地方政府代表為司倫夏扎、助理人員諾布旺杰等五人及三大寺代表。

會議由麥克馬洪主持。會議開始后，受英方的唆使，會上西藏代表司倫夏扎首先宣讀了他們事先準備好的“西藏獨立”六條。這六條完全剝奪了中國政府對西藏的主權(quán)，處處符合英國的利益。尤其是竟然由西藏地方政府代表公然提出西藏“獨立”和擴大西藏范圍的無理要求。這立即引起中國中央政府代表陳貽范的警覺，他意識到這是英藏雙方早有勾結(jié)，完全是英國人所唆使，否則西藏地方政府代表沒有這樣的水平。他當即對司倫夏扎進行了批駁。但如此猝不及防，陳貽范申明，需要請示中央政府再做正式答復(fù)。會議不歡而散。

11月1日，陳貽范根據(jù)北洋政府的指示，對西藏地方政府代表司倫夏扎所提議案提出了正式答復(fù)意見書。大致內(nèi)容是：

一、締約各方一致同意承認西藏為中國領(lǐng)土之一部分，對此，西藏政府與英國政府均不得制造糾葛，過去中國對西藏之統(tǒng)治西藏仍需照舊予以尊重；

二、中華民國政府得委派長官一人常駐拉薩，并得設(shè)衛(wèi)隊2600名；

三、西藏在外交、軍事方面均應(yīng)按中國之指示辦理，非經(jīng)過中國政府同意，不得與任何外國進行交往；

四、西藏官員、百姓因心向漢方而身遭監(jiān)禁、產(chǎn)業(yè)被封者，西藏允許一律釋放、給還；

五、西藏方面所提之第五項要求，可以進行商談；

六、前訂之通商條約，如需進行修改，應(yīng)由締約各方商議修改；

七、關(guān)于西藏邊界，現(xiàn)附上標明大體界線的略圖一份。中國政府的這7條提案，基本上否定了西藏“獨立”，對西藏與鄰省分界問題，也堅持了原界。這樣，兩個議案懸殊很大，雙方爭論十分激烈，最終會議又不得不暫停。五

休會后，英藏利用會議間隙，又進行了另一項密謀。

歷史上，中印兩國之間的東段邊界存在著一條傳統(tǒng)習慣線，這條線位于布拉馬普特拉河北岸平原與喜馬拉雅山南麓交接處，長約800余公里（含今緬甸一部）。傳統(tǒng)習慣線以北地區(qū)一直歸中國行政管轄。英國把印度變?yōu)橹趁竦睾?，清政府采取了加強西南邊疆的管理措施，包括對西藏東南部的管理。英國認為，清政府加強對西藏東南地區(qū)的控制，使印度平原處于中國的直接威脅之下。于是，英國人揚言：英國在印度東北部的管轄范圍應(yīng)向北推進，重新劃定一條穩(wěn)固的中印邊界線。

為了確定他們設(shè)想的割地邊界，從1911年起，英國就以“探險”的名義，派大批測量探險隊，化裝成僧人、商人、探險旅行者，竄入西藏東南部地區(qū)，偷偷地進行大量的偵察、測繪等活動。1913年5月，英國侵略軍頭目麥克馬洪再次派英國情報軍官貝利上尉，偽裝成探險旅行者，秘密潛入西藏東南部進行偷測調(diào)查，并繪制出詳細地形圖，搜集有關(guān)“劃界”材料，從而為其重劃所謂中印邊界做準備。

1914年2月，西姆拉會議正在休會期間，麥克馬洪立即通知已回到印度的軍人特務(wù)貝利帶著勘測的資料“盡快到西姆拉來”。在過去屢次“調(diào)查”的基礎(chǔ)上，又參考這次貝利的考察所得到的詳細勘測結(jié)果，麥克馬洪以喜馬拉雅山山脊為界，自行在地圖上畫了一條線，作為新的中印邊界線，即所謂的“麥克馬洪線”。

這條線西起不丹邊境，沿喜馬拉雅山山脊，向東伸延至西藏察隅。從中印傳統(tǒng)習慣邊界線向中國境內(nèi)延伸了100余公里。這樣，印度東北邊界就從喜馬拉雅山山腳與阿薩姆平原邊緣，向北推到了喜馬拉雅山的山脊。中國國土損失總面積達9萬多平方公里，相當于一個浙江省的面積。

這條非法邊界線炮制好后，麥克馬洪和柏爾，即背著中國中央代表陳貽范，找到西藏地方代表司倫夏扎，讓其過目并誘迫其同意。畢竟是割地的大事，司倫夏扎初看到這條“邊界線”時有些緊張，說如此大事需要請示。麥克馬洪看出了司倫夏扎有些猶豫，馬上給柏爾使眼色。柏爾會意立即變臉，向司倫夏扎大發(fā)脾氣。麥克馬洪故作溫和，對司倫夏扎進行勸說，大談他劃的這條線對西藏地方政府的好處。

麥克馬洪意識到，要讓西藏代表接受這條新邊界線，必須給西藏拋出誘餌。他當即許諾西藏代表司倫夏扎：“你不要怕，只要你同意，我們可以贈給你們5000支槍、50萬發(fā)子彈，支持西藏?獨立?，幫助你們趕走漢軍?！惫?，司倫夏扎經(jīng)不住誘惑，“請示”也只是走了個形式，即同意了這條由英國人非法劃定的邊界線。六

麥克馬洪大喜過望。但他心里非常明白，這樣口頭答應(yīng)是不能算數(shù)的。但公開簽約也不可能，畢竟西藏不是主權(quán)國家，況且還背著中國中央政府代表。麥克馬洪想出了一個辦法，即采取雙方私下?lián)Q文方式。所謂換文，實際上就是雙方各寫一封信交給對方。司倫夏扎表示同意。

1914 年3 月24日，麥克馬洪先寫信致司倫夏札。內(nèi)容是：“您在2月份接受的從伊蘇拉茲山口至不丹邊境的印度與西藏之間的分界線，在地圖上已經(jīng)標出，茲將該圖的兩份副件附上，交由貴政府批準認可。印度與西藏之間的邊界的最終解決，將有助于防止將來發(fā)生紛爭，因而必然會給雙方政府帶來極大的益處?！?/p>

所謂“地圖上已經(jīng)標出”，即這封信的地圖附件中，麥克馬洪在地圖上以紅線粗略劃了一條印藏邊界東段邊界線，既沒有文字上的描述，也沒有說明是依據(jù)什么。其實他們的依據(jù)是特務(wù)貝利偷測的結(jié)果，即以喜馬拉雅山脊為界，利用此高聳的天然屏障將中國隔在山脊的北側(cè)，使山脊南側(cè)交由英屬印度管轄。

司倫夏札接到信后，第二天即25日即發(fā)了回信。內(nèi)容是：“除非將印度與西藏間的邊界明確劃定，否則就可能會存在將來發(fā)生邊界紛爭的隱患。您于2月份送交給我的地圖我已呈送拉薩請求指示?，F(xiàn)在，我已接到了拉薩方面下達的指示，故同意接受上述地圖的兩份副件上用紅線劃定的邊界。我已在這幅地圖的兩份副件上簽名。我保存一份，另一份附上送回。”

英藏雙方交易成功，也有了換文憑據(jù)，接下來的事情即是如何把這條非法邊界線混入《西姆拉條約》的附圖中去。對此，英國人煞費苦心地搞了一個偷梁換柱的陰謀：該條約的原附圖中，西藏與中國其他省區(qū)的行政分界是用紅線標出的，麥克馬洪重新對附圖繪制一次，也用紅線標上了他們密謀的這條非法邊界線，與其他行政分界混在一起，使人不易看出。然后再將條約原來的附件地圖偷偷撤下，換成他們標有新邊界的地圖，蒙騙中國中央政府代表在條約上簽字。七

麥克馬洪找到中國中央政府代表陳貽范，佯裝調(diào)停說：“為了中、英、藏三方談判成功，他有一個折中方案?！彼男路桨甘牵喊阎袊刈寰幼〉乃械貐^(qū)劃分為“內(nèi)藏”和“外藏”兩部分，“內(nèi)藏”包括青海、甘肅、四川、云南等省的藏族居住地區(qū)，由中國中央政府和西藏地方政府共管；“外藏”包括金沙江以西地區(qū)的西藏和西康地區(qū)，“外藏”完全“自治”，中國政府只對“外藏”有“宗主權(quán)”。他推出了原先設(shè)計好的“宗主權(quán)”概念，妄圖以此把中國在西藏地方的主權(quán)否定，使西藏在“自治”的名義下，脫離中國政府的管轄，實現(xiàn)“獨立”。

1914年4月27日，三方會議重新舉行。會上麥克馬洪推出他的這個“折中”方案。英藏雙方率先在非法的所謂《西姆拉條約》上簽了字，然后要求中國中央政府代表陳貽范簽字。而且英方代表態(tài)度極其惡劣，揚言中方如不簽字，將把方案中承認的中國對西藏的“宗主權(quán)”，以及中國代表駐藏條款全部刪去，英方直接與西藏地方政府簽字，不再與中國中央政府商議。

這種玩文字概念的把戲和無理的要求，被陳貽范識破，他明確表示中國中央政府堅決不接受“折中”方案。但為了緩和緊張氣氛，答應(yīng)以個人名義草簽，即“畫行”，并聲明：“畫行與簽押，當截斷分為兩事，簽押一層，必須奉有訓令而后可?！币馑际遣莺灴梢?，但正式簽字必須經(jīng)中央政府允許。

陳貽范趕緊將情況報告中央政府，還報告了英藏秘密勾結(jié)情況：“此次會議藏事，英、藏早有成說。而藏人在此者，英人又暗防甚密，使不與我通聲氣，閱此次交涉諸款，英文甚佳，其為英人主謀顯無疑……實為西藏與我多事者也。”

消息傳到北京，朝野一片反對之聲。北京政府立即電令陳貽范：“執(zhí)事受迫畫行，政府不能承認，立即聲明取消?！敝醒胝畱B(tài)度強硬，連“畫行”也不承認。陳貽范奉國內(nèi)指示，拒絕在所謂《西姆拉條約》上簽字，中國政府同時發(fā)出聲明并照會英國政府：“凡英國和西藏本日或他日所簽訂的條約或類似的文件，中國政府一概不予承認?！泵鞔_告知英國與西藏地方政府無權(quán)簽訂條約，否則均為非法和無效。

后來，英國人見陰謀落空，便又退了一步，提出了一個“11條方案”（《西姆拉條約》最后稿），其中包括“承認西藏為中國領(lǐng)土之一部分”。企圖以此引誘中國中央政府代表在條約上簽字，以實現(xiàn)他們掩藏的其他陰謀。由于條約對中國權(quán)益多有損害，北洋政府仍然沒有同意。歷時九個月的三方會議，于1914年7月3日無果而終，只有英藏簽字的《西姆拉條約》流產(chǎn)。

由于《西姆拉條約》沒有中國政府的簽字，當時的英國政府一直不敢向世界公開，英國的政府文件也不敢正式公布，英國政府所畫的地圖也仍標在傳統(tǒng)習慣分界線上。同時，由于英國對西藏許諾的許多條件后來也未落實，引起西藏**喇嘛和噶夏政權(quán)的不滿，他們也對《西姆拉條約》以及其中隱藏的麥克馬洪線公開宣稱不予承認。

之后的民國政府也多次發(fā)表聲明反對這條“邊界線”。到20世紀30年代，南京國民政府再次公開聲明所謂《西姆拉條約》、麥克馬洪線是非法的。新中國成立后，更是多次嚴正聲明，不承認這個所謂的條約和非法的麥克馬洪線。我國的地圖至今仍然劃在傳統(tǒng)習慣分界線上。

處于東經(jīng)92度至97度之間的這約7萬多平方公里（注：原為9萬平方公里，1960年中緬政府談判將2萬平方公里劃歸緬甸，故剩7萬平方公里）的喜馬拉雅山脈南坡，是一塊難得的寶地。這里背靠喜馬拉雅山，面向南方，陽光充沛，地形和緩，是大部分處于高寒地帶的西藏唯一的一個亞熱帶地區(qū)。歷來是西藏最富庶肥沃的地方，素有“西藏江南”之稱。

然而，由于20世紀中葉以前，中國一直處于動蕩戰(zhàn)亂時期，被麥克馬洪線切割的這塊相當浙江省面積的中華國土，卻不明不白地由印度實際控制著。現(xiàn)在，這塊面積巨大而又富饒的地域，土地位于中國境內(nèi)，印度卻宣布這里是他們的一個“邦”（1987年非法設(shè)立）；地圖劃在中國，印度卻正向這里大批移民；印度不斷在這里增兵駐軍，這里卻沒有中國的一兵一卒。

近年來，印度領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人頻繁放話強調(diào)對這塊地方的主權(quán)，并到這塊爭議地區(qū)活動“視察”，邊界異動不斷。對此，中國政府多次提出交涉和抗議，重申中國對該地區(qū)擁有主權(quán)的一貫立場。至今這塊寶地和這里的人民，因為所謂的《西姆拉條約》和非法的麥克馬洪線等原因，未能回到祖國的懷抱，給中華國土留下了巨大缺憾，也成為中華民族無盡的思念。

（河北省保定市作者）

第五篇：奧巴馬演講美國中小學生新學期致辭

奧巴馬演講美國中小學生新學期致辭

2009年9月8日，奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在弗吉尼亞州阿靈頓郡(Arlington, Virginia)韋克菲爾德高中(Wakefield High School)對全美中小學生發(fā)表講話，強調(diào)上學讀書的重要性，激勵學生努力學習。以下是講話全文：

Visit msnbc.com for Breaking News, World News, and News about the Economy

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT IN A NATIONAL ADDRESS TO AMERICA’S SCHOOLCHILDREN

Wakefield High School, Arlington, Virginia

September 8, 2009

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬對全美中小學生的講話

弗吉尼亞州阿靈頓郡韋克菲爾德高中

2009年9月8日

Hello, everybody!Thank you.Thank you.Thank you, everybody.All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat.How is everybody doing today?(Applause.)How about Tim Spicer?(Applause.)I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia.And we’ve got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade.And I am just so glad that all could join us today.And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host.Give yourselves a big round of applause.(Applause.)

大家好！謝謝你們。謝謝你們。謝謝你們大家。好，大家請就坐。你們今天都好嗎？(掌聲)蒂姆·斯派塞(Tim Spicer)好嗎？(掌聲)我現(xiàn)在與弗吉尼亞州阿靈頓郡韋克菲爾德高中的學生們在一起。美國各地從小學預(yù)備班到中學12年級的學生正在收聽收看。我很高興大家今天都能參與。我還要感謝韋克菲爾德高中出色的組織安排。請為你們自己熱烈鼓掌。(掌聲)

I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school.And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous.I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now--(applause)--with just one more year to go.And no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.我知道，今天是你們很多人開學的日子。對于進入小學預(yù)備班、初中或高中的學生，今天是你們來到新學校的第一天，心里可能有點緊張，這是可以理解的。我能想象有些畢業(yè)班學生現(xiàn)在感覺很不錯——(掌聲)——還有一年就畢業(yè)了。不論在哪個年級，你們有些人可能希望暑假更長一點，今天早上還能多睡一小會兒。

I know that feeling.When I was young, my family lived overseas.I lived in Indonesia for a few years.And my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education.So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday.But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.我了解這種感覺。我小時候，我們家生活在海外。我在印度尼西亞住了幾年。我媽媽沒有錢送我上其他美國孩子上的學校，但她認為必須讓我接受美式教育。因此，她決定從周一到周五自己給我補課。不過她還要上班，所以只能在清晨四點半給我上課。

Now, as you might imagine, I wasn’t too happy about getting up that early.And a lot of times, I’d fall asleep right there at the kitchen table.But whenever I’d complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she’d say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.”(Laughter.)

你們可以想見，我不太情愿那么早起床。有很多次，我趴在餐桌上就睡著了。但每當我抱怨的時候，我媽媽都會那樣地看我一眼，然后說：“小子，這對我也并不輕松?！?笑聲)So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school.But I’m here today because I have something important to discuss with you.I’m here because I want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year.我知道你們有些人還在適應(yīng)開學后的生活。但我今天來到這里是因為有重要的事情要和你們說。我來這里是要和你們談?wù)勀銈兊慕逃龁栴}，以及在這個新學年對你們所有人的期望。

Now, I’ve given a lot of speeches about education.And I’ve talked about responsibility a lot.我做過很多次有關(guān)教育問題的演講。我多次談到過責任問題。

I’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.我談到過教師激勵學生并督促他們學習的責任。

I’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.我談到過家長的責任，要確保你們走正路，完成家庭作業(yè)，不要整天坐在電視前或玩Xbox游戲。

I’ve talked a lot about your government’s responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren’t working, where students aren’t getting the opportunities that they deserve.我多次談到過政府的責任，要制定高標準，支持教師和校長的工作，徹底改善不能為學生提供應(yīng)有機會的、教育質(zhì)量差的學校。

But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world--and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed.That’s what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.然而，即使我們擁有最敬業(yè)的教師，最盡力的家長和全世界最好的學?！绻銈兇蠹也宦男心銈兊呢熑?，不到校上課，不專心聽講，不聽家長、祖父祖母和其他大人的話，不付出取得成功所必須的勤奮努力，那么這一切都毫無用處，都無關(guān)緊要。這就是我今天講話的重點：你們每個人對自己的教育應(yīng)盡的責任。

I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself.Every single one of you has something that you’re good at.Every single one of you has something to offer.And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is.That’s the opportunity an education can provide.我首先要講講你們對自己應(yīng)盡的責任。你們每個人都有自己的長處。你們每個人都能做出自己的貢獻。你們對自己應(yīng)盡的責任是發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的能力所在。而教育能夠提供這樣的機會。

Maybe you could be a great writer--maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspaper--but you might not know it until you write that English paper--that English class paper that’s assigned to you.Maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor--maybe even good enough to come up with the next iPhone or the new medicine or vaccine--but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class.Maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a Supreme Court justice--but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team.你或許能成為一名出色的作家——甚至可能寫書或在報紙上發(fā)表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文課的作文后才會發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的才華。你或許能成為一名創(chuàng)新者或發(fā)明家——甚至可能設(shè)計出新一代iPhone或研制出新型藥物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科學課的實驗后才會發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的才華。你或許能成為一名市長或參議員或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在參加學生會的工作或辯論隊后才會發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的才華。And no matter what you want to do with your life, I guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it.You want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? You want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? You’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers.You cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job.You’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it.不論你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必須上學讀書才能實現(xiàn)它。你想當醫(yī)生、教師或警官嗎？你想當護士、建筑師、律師或軍人嗎？你必須接受良好的教育，才能從事上述任何一種職業(yè)。你不能指望輟學后能碰上個好工作。你必須接受培訓，為之努力，為之學習。

And this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future.What you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country.The future of America depends on you.What you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future.這并非只對你個人的人生和未來意義重大?？梢院敛豢浯蟮卣f，教育給你帶來的益處將決定這個國家的未來。美國的未來取決于你們。你們今日在校學習的知識將決定我們作為一個國家是否能夠迎接我們未來所面臨的最嚴峻挑戰(zhàn)。

You’ll need the knowledge and problem-solving skills you learn in science and math to cure diseases like cancer and AIDS, and to develop new energy tech nologies and protect our environment.You’ll need the insights and critical-thinking skills you gain in history and social studies to fight poverty and homelessness, crime and discrimination, and make our nation more fair and more free.You’ll need the creativity and ingenuity you develop in all your classes to build new companies that will create new jobs and boost our economy.你們將需要利用你們通過自然科學和數(shù)學課程所學到的知識和解決問題的能力來治愈癌癥、艾滋病及其他疾病，開發(fā)新的能源技術(shù)和保護我們的環(huán)境。你們將需要利用你們在歷史學和社會學課堂上所獲得的知識和獨立思考能力來抗擊貧困和解決無家可歸問題，打擊犯罪和消除歧視，使我們的國家更公平、更自由。你們將需要利用你們在所有課堂上培養(yǎng)的創(chuàng)造力和智慧來創(chuàng)辦新公司，增加就業(yè)機會，振興我們的經(jīng)濟。We need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems.If you don’t do that--if you quit on school--you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country.004km.cn

我們需要你們每個人發(fā)揮你們的聰明才智和技能，以便幫助老一輩人解決我們面臨的最棘手問題。如果你們不這樣做，如果你們輟學，你們不僅僅是自暴自棄，也是拋棄自己的國家。

Now, I know it’s not always easy to do well in school.I know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork.我自然知道要做到學業(yè)優(yōu)秀并非總是易事。我知道你們許多人在生活中面臨挑戰(zhàn)，難以集中精力從事學業(yè)。

I get it.I know what it’s like.My father left my family when I was two years old, and I was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had.There were times when I missed having a father in my life.There were times when I was lonely and I felt like I didn’t fit in.我明白這一點。我有親身感受。兩歲時，我父親離家而去，我是由一位單親母親撫養(yǎng)成人的，母親不得不工作，并時常為支付生活費用而苦苦掙扎，但有時仍無法為我們提供其他孩子享有的東西。有時，我渴望生活中能有一位父親。有時我感到孤獨，感到自己不適應(yīng)社會。

So I wasn’t always as focused as I should have been on school, and I did some things I’m not proud of, and I got in more trouble than I should have.And my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse.我并非總是像我應(yīng)該做到的那樣專心學習，我也曾做過我如今不能引以為豪的一些事情，我曾惹過不應(yīng)該惹的麻煩。我的人生原本會輕易陷入更糟糕的境地。

But I was--I was lucky.I got a lot of second chances, and I had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams.My wife, our First Lady Michelle Obama, she has a similar story.Neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn’t have a lot of money.But they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country.但是，我當年際遇不錯。我有過許多第二次機會，我有幸能上大學，上法學院，追求自己的理想。我的妻子，我們的第一夫人米歇爾?奧巴馬，也有著類似的經(jīng)歷。她的父母都未曾上過大學，家里很窮。但他們非常勤奮，她也是如此，因此她得以進入一些美國最好的學校。

Some of you might not have those advantages.Maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need.Maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around.Maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe, or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren’t right.你們中有一些人可能沒有那些有利條件?；蛟S你們生活中沒有成年人為你們提供你們所需要的支持?；蛟S你們家中有人失業(yè)，經(jīng)濟非常拮據(jù)?；蛟S你們生活在使你們感覺不安全的社區(qū)，或有朋友逼迫你們?nèi)プ瞿銈冎啦粚Φ氖虑椤?/p>

But at the end of the day, the circumstances of your life--what you look like, where you come from, how much money you have, what you’ve got going on at home--none of that is an excuse for neglecting your homework or having a bad attitude in school.That’s no excuse for talking back to your teacher, or cutting class, or dropping out of school.There is no excuse for not trying.然而說到底，你們生活的環(huán)境、你們的膚色、你們的原籍、你們的經(jīng)濟收入、你們家中的境況等等，這一切都不能成為你們不用功或不努力的理由。你們沒有理由不服從你們的老師、逃學、或輟學。沒有理由不付出努力。

Where you are right now doesn’t have to determine where you’ll end up.No one’s written your destiny for you, because here in America, you write your own destiny You make your own future.你們目前的狀況并不決定著你們的未來。沒有人決定你們的命運，在美國，你們決定自己的命運。你們掌握自己的未來。

That’s what young people like you are doing every day, all across America.這就是像你們這樣的年輕人每天都在做的事情，全美各地都是如此。

Young people like Jazmin Perez, from Roma, Texas.Jazmin didn’t speak English when she first started school.Neither of her parents had gone to college.But she worked hard, earned good grades, and got a scholarship to Brown University--is now in graduate school, studying public health, on her way to becoming Dr.Jazmin Perez.來自得州羅馬城的賈茲敏?佩雷斯(Jazmin Perez)就是一個例證，她剛開始上學時并不會說英文。她的父母都沒有上過大學。然而，她非常勤奮，成績優(yōu)秀，獲得了布朗大學的獎學金，她如今正在讀研究生，攻讀公共衛(wèi)生專業(yè)，不久將成為賈茲敏?佩雷斯博士。

I’m thinking about Andoni Schultz, from Los Altos, California, who’s fought brain cancer since he was three.He’s had to endure all sorts of treatments and surgeries, one of which affected his memory, so it took him much longer--hundreds of extra hours--to do his schoolwork.But he never fell behind.He’s headed to college this fall.我想起了加州洛斯阿爾托斯城的安多尼?舒爾茨(Andoni Schultz)，他從三歲開始就一直與腦癌進行抗爭，他不得不忍受各類治療和手術(shù)帶來的痛苦，其中一項手術(shù)曾影響了他的記憶，因此他花在功課上的時間比一般人長得多，要多出數(shù)百個小時。然而，他從未落后。他今年秋季將邁進大學。

And then there’s Shantell Steve, from my hometown of Chicago, Illinois.Even when bouncing from foster home to foster home in the toughest neighborhoods in the city, she managed to get a job at a local health care center, start a program to keep young people out of gangs, and she’s on track to graduate high school with honors and go on to college.我還想起家鄉(xiāng)伊利諾伊州芝加哥市的尚特爾?史蒂夫(Shantell Steve)。她曾在芝加哥最困難的社區(qū)生活，寄養(yǎng)于多個不同的家庭，但她最終在一家地方醫(yī)療中心找到工作，并開始了一項幫助年輕人遠離流氓團伙的計劃，她即將以優(yōu)異成績從中學畢業(yè)，緊接著將上大學。

And Jazmin, Andoni, and Shantell aren’t any different from any of you.They face challenges in their lives just like you do.In some cases they’ve got it a lot worse off than many of you.But they refused to give up.They chose to take responsibility for their lives, for their education, and set goals for themselves.And I expect all of you to do the same.004km.cn

賈茲敏、安多尼和尚特爾與你們中間的每個人沒什么兩樣。跟你們一樣，他們在生活中面臨種種挑戰(zhàn)。在某些情況下，他們的處境比起你們許多人更差。但他們拒絕放棄。他們決定要為自己的一生、自己的教育負起責任，為自己設(shè)定各項奮斗目標。我期待你們大家都會這樣做。

That’s why today I’m calling on each of you to set your own goals for your education--and do everything you can to meet them.Your goal can be something as simple as doing all your homework, paying attention in class, or spending some time each day reading a book.Maybe you’ll decide to get involved in an extracurricular activity, or volunteer in your community.Maybe you’ll decide to stand up for kids who are being teased or bullied because of who they are or how they look, because you believe, like I do, that all young people deserve a safe environment to study and learn.Maybe you’ll decide to take better care of yourself so you can be more ready to learn.And along those lines, by the way, I hope all of you are washing your hands a lot, and that you stay home from school when you don’t feel well, so we can keep people from getting the flu this fall and winter.因此，我今天呼吁你們每一個人為自己的教育設(shè)定目標，并盡自己的最大努力來實現(xiàn)這些目標。你的目標可以是一件十分簡單的事情，例如完成家庭作業(yè)、上課專心聽講、或每天花一點時間讀一本書。也許你會決定要參加課外活動或在你的社區(qū)提供志愿服務(wù)。也許你會決定挺身而出保護那些因為身份或長相而受人戲弄或欺負的孩子，原因是你和我一樣認為所有的年輕人都應(yīng)該享有一個適合讀書和學習的安全環(huán)境。也許你會決定更好地照料自己，以便有更充沛的精力來學習。順便提一下，除了這些事情外，我希望大家要勤洗手，身體感到不舒服的時候要呆在家里不去上學，這樣我們能防止人們在今年秋冬季節(jié)染上流感。The truth is, being successful is hard.You won’t love every subject that you study.You won’t click with every teacher that you have.Not every homework assignment will seem completely relevant to your life right at this minute.And you won’t necessarily succeed at everything the first time you try.事實上，取得成功不是輕而易舉的事情。你不會喜歡你學習的每一門課目。你不會與你的每一位老師都很投契。不是所有的家庭作業(yè)似乎都與你眼前的生活完全有關(guān)。你第一次嘗試做每件事的時候，不一定成功。

That’s okay.Some of the most successful people in the world are the ones who’ve had the most failures.J.K.Rowling’s--who wrote Harry Potter--her first Harry Potter book was rejected 12 times before it was finally published.Michael Jordan was cut from his high school basketball team.He lost hundreds of games and missed thousands of shots during his career.But he once said, “I have failed over and over and over again in my life.And that’s why I succeed.”

這些都沒關(guān)系。世界上最成功的人士中有一些是遭遇失敗最多的人。作者J?K?羅琳(J.K.Rowling)所寫的系列小說《哈利?波特》(Harry Potter)第一部在獲得出版之前被退稿12次。邁克爾?喬丹(Michael Jordan)曾被他的高中籃球隊除名。在喬丹的籃球生涯中，他輸過數(shù)百場比賽，有成千上萬個球沒有投中。但他曾說過：“在我的一生中，我失敗了一次又一次、一次又一次。這就是我成功的原因?！?/p>

These people succeeded because they understood that you can’t let your failures define you--you have to let your failures teach you.You have to let them show you what to do differently the next time.So if you get into trouble, that doesn’t mean you’re a troublemaker, it means you need to try harder to act right.If you get a bad grade, that doesn’t mean you’re stupid, it just means you need to spend more time studying.這些人士獲得成功，因為他們懂得：你不能讓失敗來限制你，而必須讓失敗來開導(dǎo)你。你必須讓失敗向你展示下次如何以不同的方式去做這件事情。因此，如果你遇到麻煩，那并不表示你是麻煩的制造者，而意味著你需要更加努力去把它做對。如果你有一門課分數(shù)低，那不表示你比別人笨，而只表示你需要花更多的時間學習。

No one’s born being good at all things.You become good at things through hard work.You’re not a varsity athlete the first time you play a new sport.You don’t hit every note the first time you sing a song.You’ve got to practice.The same principle applies to your schoolwork.You might have to do a math problem a few times before you get it right.You might have to read something a few times before you understand it.You definitely have to do a few drafts of a paper before it’s good enough to hand in.沒有一個人天生擅長做各種事情。你通過勤奮而變得擅長于各種事情。第一次從事新的體育項目時，你不可能是一位主力隊員。第一次唱一首歌曲時，你不可能唱準每個音。你必須練習。同樣的道理適用于你的學業(yè)。你可能要把一道數(shù)學題做幾次才把它做對。你可能要把一些材料閱讀幾遍才能理解。在交出一篇優(yōu)美的作文之前，你肯定需要打幾遍草稿。

Don’t be afraid to ask questions.Don’t be afraid to ask for help when you need it.I do that every day.Asking for help isn’t a sign of weakness, it’s a sign of strength because it shows you have the courage to admit when you don’t know something, and that then allows you to learn something new.So find an adult that you trust--a parent, a grandparent or teacher, a coach or a counselor--and ask them to help you stay on track to meet your goals.不要害怕提問。不要在需要幫助時害怕請求別人幫助。我天天請求別人的幫助。請求幫助不是軟弱的表現(xiàn)，它是力量的標志，因為它表明你有勇氣承認自己對某些事情不懂，這樣做會使你學到新的東西。因此，請確定一位你信任的成年人，例如家長、祖父母或老師、教練或輔導(dǎo)員，請他們幫助你遵循既定計劃實現(xiàn)你的目標。

And even when you’re struggling, even when you’re discouraged, and you feel like other people have given up on you, don’t ever give up on yourself, because when you give up on yourself, you give up on your country.即使當你苦苦掙扎、灰心喪氣、感到其他人對你不抱希望時，也不要對你自己喪失信心，因為當你自暴自棄時，你也拋棄了自己的國家。

The story of America isn’t about people who quit when things got tough.It’s about people who kept going, who tried harder, who loved their country too much to do anything less than their best.書寫美國歷史的不是在困難時刻退縮的人，而是堅持不懈、加倍努力的人，他們對國家的愛促使他們?nèi)σ愿啊?/p>

It’s the story of students who sat where you sit 250 years ago, and went on to wage a revolution and they founded this nation.Young people.Students who sat where you sit 75 years ago who overcame a Depression and won a world war;who fought for civil rights and put a man on the moon.Students who sat where you sit 20 years ago who founded Google and Twitter and Facebook and changed the way we communicate with each other.書寫美國歷史的是250年前坐在你們的位置上的學生，他們后來進行了獨立戰(zhàn)爭并創(chuàng)建了這個國家。還有75年前坐在你們的位置上的年輕人和學生，他們走出了大蕭條并打贏了一場世界大戰(zhàn)；他們?yōu)槊駲?quán)而奮斗并把宇航員送上了月球。至于20年前坐在你們的位置上的學生，他們創(chuàng)辦了谷歌(Google)、嘰喳網(wǎng)(Twitter)和臉譜網(wǎng)(Facebook)，改變了我們交流溝通的方式。

So today, I want to ask all of you, what’s your contribution going to be? What problems are you going to solve? What discoveries will you make? What will a President who comes here in 20 or 50 or 100 years say about what all of you did for this country?

而今天，我要問問你們大家，你們將做出什么貢獻？你們將解決什么問題？你們將有什么發(fā)現(xiàn)？20年、50年或100年后來到這里講話的總統(tǒng)將會怎樣評價你們大家為這個國家所做的一切？

Now, your families, your teachers, and I are doing everything we can to make sure you have the education you need to answer these questions.I’m working hard to fix up your classrooms and get you the books and the equipment and the computers you need to learn.But you’ve got to do your part, too.So I expect all of you to get serious this year.I expect you to put your best effort into everything you do.I expect great things from each of you.So don’t let us down.Don’t let your family down or your country down.Most of all, don’t let yourself down.Make us all proud.你們的家人、你們的老師和我正在竭盡全力保證你們接受必要的教育，以便回答上述問題。我正在努力工作，以便你們的教室得到修繕，你們能夠得到學習所需的課本、設(shè)備和電腦。但你們也必須盡自己的努力。因此，我希望你們大家從今年起認真對待這個問題。我希望你們盡最大努力做好每一件事。我希望你們每個人都有出色的表現(xiàn)。不要讓我們失望。不要讓你們的家人或你們的國家失望。而最重要的是，不要辜負你們自己，而要讓我們都能[為你們]感到驕傲。

Thank you very much, everybody.God bless you.God bless America.Thank you.(Applause.)

非常感謝你們大家。愿主保佑你們。愿主保佑美國。謝謝你們。(掌聲)