第一篇：奧巴馬在西點軍校畢業(yè)典禮上的致詞l

很高興在給美國軍隊的最新成員授銜的時刻回到美國軍校。美國軍校是美國歷史最悠久、從無缺席的軍事陣地。

感謝哈根貝克（Hagenbeck）將軍的介紹，今天對您和教務(wù)長芬尼根（Finnegan）將軍來說有著特殊的意義。您二位在1971屆的時候來到西點，而后就一直在這里鼓舞著部下的士氣。你們使這所軍校獲得了當(dāng)之無愧的贊譽：美國最好的大學(xué)。[掌聲]今天，你們都期待著能夠當(dāng)之無愧地退役。哈根貝克將軍和朱迪（Judy），芬尼根將軍和瓊（Joan），我們對你們39年來為軍隊和美國所作的卓越貢獻表示感謝。[掌聲] 校長拉普（Rapp）將軍和軍校的全體教職員工，你們大都是老將了，感謝你們?yōu)楣膭钸@些學(xué)員成為今天這樣“有個性的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者”所做出的貢獻。[掌聲]我還要感謝辛塞奇（Shinseki）將軍、陸軍總長麥克休（McHugh）和今天到場的國會議員，其中有兩位是本軍校知名的退役軍人——參議員杰克·里德（Jack Reed）和眾議員帕特里克·墨菲（Patrick Murphy）。[掌聲] 感謝所有在座的家人——尤其是父母們——這一天也是獻給你們的。到西點軍校來的決定是由你們的兒女做出的，但正是你們給他們灌輸?shù)姆瞰I精神讓他們來到了這個戰(zhàn)時的神圣之地。因此，請允許我代表美國人民感謝你們的榜樣作用和你們的愛國精神。[掌聲] 感謝美國青年團（United States Corps of Cadets）——尤其是2010屆畢業(yè)生——擔(dān)任你們的總司令是一種殊榮。正如你們的校長所指出的，在我們的憲法體制下，我作為總統(tǒng)的權(quán)力受到審慎的限制。但在某些領(lǐng)域我仍擁有絕對權(quán)力。因此，作為你們的總司令，我在此赦免所有因輕微違紀而遭受管制的學(xué)員。[掌聲]我把“輕微”的定義留給[笑聲]那些更明白的人。[笑聲] 2010屆的學(xué)員們，今天是屬于你們的——以軍人學(xué)者的優(yōu)良傳統(tǒng)慶祝你們?nèi)〉玫乃谐晒?，你們將繼續(xù)前行，去承擔(dān)重要職責(zé)。

你們親身經(jīng)歷了“野獸軍營”訓(xùn)練的巨大考驗，數(shù)周跋涉在雨水和泥濘之中，而且，我聽說你們經(jīng)受了比以往更多的考查和演習(xí)。一路上，我敢肯定你們曾問過自己：“我在這干什么？”我就多次這樣捫心自問。[笑聲] 你們接受了應(yīng)對當(dāng)今作戰(zhàn)復(fù)雜性的培訓(xùn)，懂得勝利不僅要通過戰(zhàn)地表現(xiàn)來衡量，還要看你對服役之地的文化、傳統(tǒng)和語言的理解水平。

你們曾經(jīng)跨越國界伸出援助之手，你們的國際經(jīng)驗超過了軍校史上任何一屆畢業(yè)生。你們不僅到國外院校交流，結(jié)成新的友誼；還有十多個國家的同級學(xué)員來到你們的校園。

在智力上，你們在科學(xué)與人文、歷史與技術(shù)各方面挑戰(zhàn)自我。你們已經(jīng)取得了毋庸置疑的優(yōu)異成績，獲得學(xué)位的人數(shù)居歷屆之首，創(chuàng)下西點軍校史上的紀錄。[掌聲] 這里面有你們總分第一的學(xué)員和畢業(yè)生代表——麗茲·貝特貝德（Liz Betterbed）和亞麗克絲·羅森堡（Alex Rosenberg）。順便說一下，這是軍校史上第一次由女性候選人包攬了兩項最高獎。[掌聲] 這印證了我從巴格達到巴格拉姆看到的軍隊現(xiàn)狀——21世紀，戎裝婦女在我們的國防中起著不可或缺的作用。她們一次又一次地證明了自己是美國兒女的榜樣——不論是作為學(xué)員，作為士兵，還是作為美國軍隊的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者。

這里的每一張面孔都表明了一個簡單的事實：美國軍隊代表著廣袤的美國經(jīng)驗。你們來自國家的各個角落——特權(quán)階層和貧窮階層，城市與小鎮(zhèn)，你們信奉豐富人民生活的各種偉大宗教，你們反映出千差萬別的種族和民族性，這是我們國家的實力之本。

不過，有一點讓你們顯得與眾不同。在這里，在這寧靜的山丘里，你們?yōu)榱藴蕚浣邮芪覀冞@個時代最艱難的考驗走到了一起。你們知道服役可能會讓你們身處危險，但你們報名了，在戰(zhàn)爭的第一聲號角吹響了很久之后，你們?nèi)詿o怨無悔。在你們身上，我們看到了國家的承諾，我們看到了已經(jīng)讓國家受益匪淺的永恒美德。

我們看到了你們的責(zé)任感——包括那些贏得了右臂章的人，比如在伊拉克被手榴彈炸傷后仍然幫助戰(zhàn)友們撤離的士兵——學(xué)員部隊的第一任隊長泰勒·戈迪（Tyler Gordy）。[掌聲] 我們看到了你們的榮譽感——你們尊重傳統(tǒng)，加入了幾百年延續(xù)下來的“堅不可摧的灰色長隊”；你們彼此尊敬，每當(dāng)有前學(xué)員為我們的國家獻身，部隊都會靜立默哀。實際上，我們今天要給本軍校的78位畢業(yè)生授勛，為了我們的自由和安全，他們在伊拉克和阿富汗獻出了自己的生命。

我們看到了你們的愛國心——你們共同選擇的座右銘反映出你們對美國的奉獻精神，它將指引你們的服役生涯，這個座右銘是：“忠誠到底”。

責(zé)任。榮譽。愛國心。你們在這里學(xué)到的一切，你們在這里取得的所有成果，都為今天做好了準備——舉起你們的右手，跟著宣誓，讓你們所愛的人或?qū)煱涯切┙馉N燦的軍階杠別在你們的肩上，最終成為美國軍隊的軍官。

這是我們這個處于交戰(zhàn)狀態(tài)的國家在西點軍校連續(xù)舉辦的第九屆畢業(yè)典禮。這次交戰(zhàn)始于阿富汗——它離哈得孫河的平靜灣流如此遙遠，對我們來說它和地球上任意一個地方都別無二致。只因我們的城市和市民受到遠方暴力極端主義分子陰謀策劃的襲擊，交戰(zhàn)開始了；只因所策劃的陰謀一直持續(xù)到了今天，交戰(zhàn)仍在繼續(xù)。

多年來，我們的重點是伊拉克。年復(fù)一年，我們的軍隊在那里面臨著一系列可怕而復(fù)雜的挑戰(zhàn)。弱小的軍隊可能會因此而喪失斗志。但是，美國的軍隊有很強的適應(yīng)力。我們的軍隊適應(yīng)了，他們堅持住了，他們與聯(lián)軍和伊拉克同行展開了合作；而且，憑著他們的反應(yīng)能力、創(chuàng)造力和勇氣，我們即將在今年夏天結(jié)束在伊拉克的作戰(zhàn)任務(wù)。[掌聲] 在我們逐漸實現(xiàn)伊拉克的自主并撤回我們的軍隊的同時，我們對伊拉克人民的承諾會持續(xù)下去。我們將一如既往地指導(dǎo)和協(xié)助伊拉克安全部隊，他們已在本國的大部分地區(qū)擔(dān)負起安保的職責(zé)。而強大的美國人民將幫助伊拉克人實現(xiàn)政治和經(jīng)濟上的發(fā)展。這不是一個簡單的任務(wù)，但勝利的前景是：一個不為恐怖分子提供庇護的伊拉克，一個擁有主權(quán)的、穩(wěn)定和自立的民主伊拉克。

不過，在我們結(jié)束伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭的同時，我們在向阿富汗挺進。6個月以前，我來到西點軍校宣布了一項針對阿富汗和巴基斯坦的新戰(zhàn)略。而我現(xiàn)在站在這里，心懷謙卑，我知道，你們當(dāng)中的許多人即將踏上危險的服役之路。我向你們保證，美國因你們而自豪，美國感激你們，美國是你們的堅強后盾。

我們在阿富汗面臨著一場攻堅戰(zhàn)。當(dāng)暴力行動面臨直接挑戰(zhàn)時，都會改變戰(zhàn)術(shù)。從瑪麗亞萊赫到坎大哈，塔利班的招數(shù)包括暗殺、濫殺和恐嚇。而且，任何經(jīng)歷了幾十年戰(zhàn)爭的國家都將面臨這樣的考驗：尋求問題的政治解決方案，提供可以維持發(fā)展并服務(wù)于人民需要的管理。因此，這場戰(zhàn)爭在過去的9年中已經(jīng)產(chǎn)生了變化，但它的重要性并不亞于911之后的那些日子。我們推翻了塔利班政權(quán)——現(xiàn)在我們必須削弱塔利班叛亂的勢頭，訓(xùn)練阿富汗的安全部隊。我們已經(jīng)援助了一次主權(quán)政府的選舉——現(xiàn)在我們必須加強其自身的運作能力。我們已經(jīng)為阿富汗人民帶去了希望——現(xiàn)在我們必須保證他們的國家不會成為我們共同敵人的獵物。學(xué)員們，前途是曲折的。我們要適應(yīng)，我們要堅持，我堅信，有阿富汗和國際盟友的并肩作戰(zhàn)，我們將在阿富汗取得勝利。[掌聲] 現(xiàn)在，在爭取打贏擺在我們面前的戰(zhàn)爭的同時，我們還必須在戰(zhàn)爭之外拓展視野——因為和以破壞為目的的恐怖分子不同，我們的未來在于建立。我們必須有這種見識，我們必須立足于復(fù)興國家、領(lǐng)導(dǎo)全球的戰(zhàn)略。我們必須建立起美國的實力和影響力的源泉，實現(xiàn)一個更加和平、更加繁榮的世界。

一次又一次，美國人直面變革，主導(dǎo)變革。這些變革時刻包括：一個經(jīng)濟轉(zhuǎn)型和強調(diào)個人權(quán)力的時代；一個充滿舊仇恨和新危險的時代；一個充滿新興力量和嶄新全球挑戰(zhàn)的時代。我們需要大家的幫助來應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)。你們已經(jīng)回應(yīng)了這樣的召喚。你們，和所有穿著美軍制服的人，依然是我們國防的基石、全球安全的后盾。我們的各種機構(gòu)中都充斥著不負責(zé)任的行為，此刻，美國軍方樹立了服役與奉獻的標(biāo)準，同國家歷史上的任一標(biāo)準都一樣偉大。[掌聲] 現(xiàn)在，我們其他人——都必須盡到自己的職責(zé)。而要做到這一點，我們首先必須認識到，我們的實力和對外影響力源于我們在國內(nèi)采取的各項措施。我們要教育我們的孩子在一個知識就是資本的時代去贏得競爭，市場是全球性的。我們必須發(fā)展清潔能源產(chǎn)業(yè)，它會激勵新型工業(yè)的發(fā)展，會讓我們擺脫對外國石油的依賴，還能夠保護地球環(huán)境。我們要展開科學(xué)研究，去成就我們今天無法預(yù)見的奇跡，正如我們在一個世紀以前從未料到今天芯片會問世、登月會成功。

簡而言之，美國式創(chuàng)新必須成為美國力量的基礎(chǔ)——因為，在人類歷史上，沒有哪個經(jīng)濟活力衰退的國家能夠維持其在軍事和政治上的主導(dǎo)地位。因此，這意味著，我們當(dāng)中的非軍事人員，不論是一家之長、社區(qū)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，還是民選官員、商界領(lǐng)袖，我們都有用武之地。我們不能光靠戎裝軍人來捍衛(wèi)這個國家——我們必須確保美國擁有強大的國力。[掌聲] 在發(fā)展美國經(jīng)濟的同時，我們必須做的第二件事是，建立和整合能夠促進我們的自身利益和人類的共同利益的機能。美國軍隊正在適應(yīng)不斷變化的時代，但你們的努力必須相得益彰。從大都市到危險的前哨基地，我們的外交官需要不斷注入新鮮血液。我們需要能夠支援阿富汗農(nóng)業(yè)和幫助非洲創(chuàng)建自給能力的發(fā)展專家。我們需要能與同行緊密合作的情報機構(gòu)，去破解巴基斯坦山區(qū)中那些威脅我們的城市街道的陰謀。我們需要既能完善外國司法系統(tǒng)、又能保護國家的執(zhí)法能力。我們還需要能夠迅速應(yīng)對地震、風(fēng)暴和疾病的先遣急救員。世紀重任不能只由我們士兵來擔(dān)負，也不能僅由美國人來擔(dān)負。我們的對手希望看到美國過分擴張自己的力量而傷了元氣。過去，我們一直都具有避免單獨行動的先見之明。通過第二次世界大戰(zhàn)，我們成為人類歷史上最強大的戰(zhàn)時聯(lián)盟的一部分。在冷戰(zhàn)時期，我們聯(lián)合起自由國家和機構(gòu)形成一個共同體，并肩作戰(zhàn)并最終獲勝。

當(dāng)然，我們清楚地了解國際體系的不足。但美國從來沒有通過擺脫國際合作的方式而取得過成功——我們通過將這種合作方式引導(dǎo)到自由與公正的軌道上而取得了成功。所以，一個國家只有直面責(zé)任才能繁榮，否則將面臨嚴重的后果。

因此，我們要樹立起一個能夠應(yīng)對當(dāng)前時代挑戰(zhàn)的國際秩序。我們將堅定不移地鞏固舊的盟友關(guān)系，我們從中獲益良多，包括那些在阿富汗和世界各地與我們并肩作戰(zhàn)的盟友。隨著我們的影響力延伸到更多的國家和首府，我們還必須建立新的伙伴關(guān)系和更強有力的國際標(biāo)準和制度。

這種結(jié)盟本身并不是目的。我們所尋求的是一個能夠應(yīng)對時代挑戰(zhàn)的國際秩序——反對暴力極端主義和叛亂；制止核武器擴散、確保核原料安全；與氣候變化斗爭并維持全球經(jīng)濟增長；幫助各國提高自給和醫(yī)療水平；防止沖突并幫助創(chuàng)傷愈合。如果我們成功地完成這些任務(wù)，世界將會減少沖突。而這種和平的前景，更有助于我們的軍人來保衛(wèi)國家安全。

重要的是，這種勝利屬于我們整個國家。我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)如此艱巨，使得這一點比以往顯得更加重要。我們粉碎、瓦解和擊敗基地組織的行動是國際努力的一部分，十分必要，我們的行為代表著正義。

而這是一場與以往不同的戰(zhàn)爭。

我們不會投降了之，我們不會允許反恐歷程以這種形式告終——不會有休戰(zhàn)條約，也不會有報紙頭條。雖然我們在最近幾個月取得了近幾年都沒能取得的勝利——消滅了更多的基地組織領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，但他們將繼續(xù)招兵買馬，繼續(xù)策劃陰謀并利用我們開放的社會。我們在爆炸頻發(fā)的喀布爾和卡拉奇看到這一點。我們從底特律的炸機企圖和時代廣場的SUV事件里看到這一點，即使我們從這些失敗的襲擊行動中看到，基地組織之流面臨的壓力越來越大，他們所依賴的恐怖分子訓(xùn)練時間越來越短、訓(xùn)練空間越來越狹窄。我們很清楚這場斗爭的持續(xù)性——基地組織嚴重扭曲了伊斯蘭教，不尊重人的生命，企圖通過恐懼、仇恨和偏見達到自己的目的。

因此，威脅不會很快消失，但我們要清楚地認識到：基地組織及其同謀們是逆歷史潮流而行的一小撮。他們沒有國家，他們不屬于任何宗教。我們不必屈服于恐怖分子的恐嚇。我們不應(yīng)因為極端分子試圖利用自由就放棄自由。我們不能因為別人企圖分裂我們而屈從于分裂。我們是美利堅合眾國。[掌聲]我們是美利堅合眾國，我們已經(jīng)和我們的盟友重修于好，我們挫敗了法西斯。我們經(jīng)歷過金融風(fēng)暴，我們經(jīng)歷過內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，我們變得更加強大了——面對現(xiàn)在的挑戰(zhàn)，我們將再次見證美國的強大。[掌聲] 我確信這將成為現(xiàn)實，因為我看到了美國人民的應(yīng)變能力和力量。恐怖分子想要讓我們感到恐懼，紐約人卻不動聲色，絲毫也不畏懼。[掌聲]極端主義分子希望美國和伊斯蘭之間爆發(fā)戰(zhàn)爭，但穆斯林是我們國家生活的一部分，包括在我們美國軍隊里服役的穆斯林。[掌聲]對手想要分裂我們，但我們卻因為支持你們而更加團結(jié)，是你們——美國軍人讓我們更加篤信：美國是自由的家園，是勇士的故鄉(xiāng)。[掌聲] 你們知道，這個信息瞬息傳播的時代，新聞失去了原則與理想，一個人很容易在圖片的洪流與政治辯論的漩渦中迷失自我。權(quán)力與影響似乎可能有起有伏。戰(zhàn)爭和宏偉計劃每天甚至每刻都贏輸不定。當(dāng)我們親眼看到受難的兒童，親耳聽到自傲的獨裁者的吹噓，我們有時很容易相信人類的進步已經(jīng)停滯，而我們卻無法控制，也無力改變。

但是，這個國家建立在一個不同的觀念之上。我們相信，“人人生而平等，造物主賦予他們?nèi)舾刹豢蓜儕Z的權(quán)利，其中包括生命權(quán)，自由權(quán)和追求幸福的權(quán)利”。[掌聲]這個真理把我們聯(lián)系在一起，形成一個人口來自世界各地的移民國家，大家團結(jié)一致，共渡難關(guān)，成就卓越。今天，這種信念和200年前一樣依然千真萬確。無論你來自哪個民族，無論你信仰哪種宗教，這都是我們共同的信念。誰會懷疑這個信念在兩年、二十年甚至兩個世紀以后將黯然失色？

因此，我們安全戰(zhàn)略的基本原則，應(yīng)當(dāng)彰顯美國對那些普遍權(quán)利的支持，這也正是我們建國之初的信條。無論有多艱難，無論是遭到攻擊還是陷入戰(zhàn)爭的沼澤，我們都將忠于憲法和法律，以這種方式將這種價值觀發(fā)揚光大。

我們將永遠致力于追求更完美的聯(lián)盟。美國將和朋友和盟友一道，始終致力于建立個人權(quán)利完善的世界，凡有個體被迫沉默之時，我們就志在成為她的聲音。凡有思想受到禁止之處，我們就提供公開辯論的空間。凡有民主制度扎根之處，我們就會成為其堅定的民主衛(wèi)士。凡有人道主義災(zāi)難襲來之時，我們就伸出援助之手。凡有人的尊嚴受到剝奪之處，美國就會與貧困抗?fàn)?，并向你敞開機會的大門。這就是我們。這是我們要做的。

我們這樣做，但不抱任何幻想。我們明白，變化不會很快到來。我們明白，無論是美國還是其他任何國家，都不能超越國界去掌控結(jié)局。我們知道，凡人的世界永遠擺脫不了壓制或邪惡。我們能夠做到的，我們必須做到的，就是行動起來，為我們所尋求的世界而戰(zhàn)——我們所有人，無論你是否身著軍裝。

在準備今天的演講時，我參照了小奧利弗·溫德爾·霍姆斯（Oliver Wendell Holmes）的話。他反省內(nèi)戰(zhàn)的經(jīng)驗所說的話，我引述至此：“要打贏一場戰(zhàn)爭，你必須有信仰，并且竭盡全力去爭取。因此，為了到達那個盼望已久的終點，你必須去承載一些旁物?！被裟匪菇又f：“更重要的是，你必須愿意獻身于一條道路，也許這是一條漫長而艱難的道路，一條不能確切預(yù)見出口的道路。”

美國并不為戰(zhàn)而戰(zhàn)，我們厭惡戰(zhàn)爭。作為一個毫無戰(zhàn)場經(jīng)歷的人——我要謙卑地說，我知道那正如麥克阿瑟將軍所說的：“士兵最祈求和平?！薄覀兺度霊?zhàn)爭，是因為我們必須戰(zhàn)爭。我們?yōu)楸Ｐl(wèi)家庭和社區(qū)的安全而戰(zhàn)，我們?yōu)槊擞押突锇榈陌踩鴳?zhàn)，因為美國相信，當(dāng)我們的朋友更安全時我們就會更安全；當(dāng)世界變得更公正時我們就會更強大。

所以，學(xué)員們，等待著你們的是一條漫長而艱難的道路。正是因為你們走出國門承擔(dān)職責(zé)，我們的家園才會安全。你們走出國門代表的是國家建國的價值觀。當(dāng)你不可避免地面對挫折——當(dāng)戰(zhàn)斗嚴酷，或者碰見某個村莊里兇神惡煞的老者，當(dāng)前景一片茫然——回想一下在西點軍校的日子吧。

在這里，在這個世界的和平一隅，你們一直在訓(xùn)練和學(xué)習(xí)，現(xiàn)在你們成年了，你們將邁出成年美國人的大步——成為面臨無數(shù)考驗的美國人，成為在勝利時也無法預(yù)見自己協(xié)助建立的美國、無法預(yù)見自己協(xié)助塑造的世界的美國人。

喬治·華盛頓（George Washington）能夠讓一群愛國者擺脫帝國的統(tǒng)治，但卻無法預(yù)見他的國家將擴張為50個州，連接著兩個大洋。

格蘭特（Grant）能夠拯救聯(lián)邦，看到奴隸獲得了自由，但卻無法預(yù)見他的國家會給予各種膚色的公民多么充分的權(quán)利和機會。

艾森豪威爾（Eisenhower）能夠看到德國投降并和敵人變成了盟友，但卻無法預(yù)見柏林墻會不費一槍一彈就倒塌了。

今天，你們這一代已經(jīng)肩負起重任——我們的士兵，就像本校畢業(yè)生約翰·邁耶（John Meyer）和格雷格·安布羅西亞（Greg Ambrosia），冒著敵人的炮火，掩護他們的部隊，完成他們的任務(wù)，最后贏得美國軍隊和國家的表彰。

從我們建國開始，美國就對未來有一種信念——堅信我們要去的地方要比我們現(xiàn)在的地方好，即使前面的道路是不確定的。為了實現(xiàn)這個希望，一代又一代的美國人在我們祖先的基礎(chǔ)上建設(shè)著——尋找機會，與不公正作斗爭，打造更完美的聯(lián)盟。沒有為責(zé)任、為榮譽、為國家而獻身的“堅不可摧的灰色長隊”，就沒有我們的成就。[掌聲] 幾年之后，當(dāng)你們回到這里，當(dāng)你們具有更大的影響力，我堅信，你們的名字將載入史冊。我堅信，我們將在這個時代的斗爭中獲勝。我堅信，你們留下的將是一個更加強大的美國，一個更加公正的世界，因為我們是美國人，我們的命運決不是別人為我們寫的，而是由我們自己寫就的，我們愿意再次擔(dān)起重任。

謝謝。愿上帝保佑你們。愿上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。[掌聲]

第二篇：奧巴馬西點軍校演講詞

Remarks by the President at United States Military Academy at West Point Commencement

Michie Stadium, West Point, New York 10:31 A.M.EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.Thank you.Thank you.Thank you.Please be seated.Thank you very much.Good morning.AUDIENCE: Good morning.THE PRESIDENT: It is wonderful to be back at the United States Military Academy--the oldest continuously occupied military post in America--as we commission the newest officers in the United States Army.Thank you, General Hagenbeck, for your introduction, on a day that holds special meaning for you and the Dean, General Finnegan.Both of you first came to West Point in the Class of 1971 and went on to inspire soldiers under your command.You’ve led this Academy to a well-deserved recognition: best college in America.(Applause.)And today, you’re both looking forward to a well-deserved retirement from the Army.General Hagenbeck and Judy, General Finnegan and Joan, we thank you for 39 years of remarkable service to the Army and to America.(Applause.)

To the Commandant, General Rapp, the Academy staff and faculty, most of whom are veterans, thank you for your service and for inspiring these cadets to become the “l(fā)eaders of character” they are today.(Applause.)Let me also acknowledge the presence of General Shinseki, Secretary McHugh, the members of Congress who are with us here today, including two former soldiers this Academy knows well, Senator Jack Reed and Congressman Patrick Murphy.(Applause.)

To all the families here--especially all the moms and dads--this day is a tribute to you as well.The decision to come to West Point was made by your sons and daughters, but it was you who instilled in them a spirit of service that has led them to this hallowed place in a time of war.So on behalf of the American people, thank you for your example and thank you for your patriotism.(Applause.)

To the United States Corps of Cadets, and most of all, the Class of 2010--it is a singular honor to serve as your Commander-in-Chief.As your Superintendent indicated, under our constitutional system my power as President is wisely limited.But there are some areas where my power is absolute.And so, as your Commander-in-Chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses.(Applause.)I will leave the definition of “minor”--(laughter)--to those who know better.(Laughter.)

Class of 2010, today is your day--a day to celebrate all that you’ve achieved, in the finest tradition of the soldier-scholar, and to look forward to the important service that lies ahead.You have pushed yourself through the agony of Beast Barracks, the weeks of training in rain and mud, and, I’m told, more inspections and drills than perhaps any class before you.Along the way, I’m sure you faced a few moments when you asked yourself: “What am I doing here?” I have those moments sometimes.(Laughter.)

You’ve trained for the complexities of today’s missions, knowing that success will be measured not merely by performance on the battlefield, but also by your understanding of the cultures and traditions and languages in the place where you serve.You’ve reached out across borders, with more international experience than any class in Academy history.You’ve not only attended foreign academies to forge new friendships, you’ve welcomed into your ranks cadets from nearly a dozen countries.You’ve challenged yourself intellectually in the sciences and the humanities, in history and technology.You’ve achieved a standard of academic excellence that is without question, tying the record for the most post-graduate scholarships of any class in West Point history.(Applause.)

This includes your number one overall cadet and your valedictorian--Liz Betterbed and Alex Rosenberg.And by the way, this is the first time in Academy history where your two top awards have been earned by female candidates.(Applause.)

This underscores a fact that I’ve seen in the faces of our troops from Baghdad to Bagram--in the 21st century, our women in uniform play an indispensable role in our national defense.And time and again, they have proven themselves to be role models for our daughters and our sons--as students and as soldiers and as leaders in the United States armed forces.And the faces in this stadium show a simple truth: America’s Army represents the full breadth of America’s experience.You come from every corner of our country--from privilege and from poverty, from cities and small towns.You worship all of the great religions that enrich the life of our people.You include the vast diversity of race and ethnicity that is fundamental to our nation’s strength.There is, however, one thing that sets you apart.Here in these quiet hills, you’ve come together to prepare for the most difficult test of our time.You signed up knowing your service would send you into harm’s way, and you did so long after the first drums of war were sounded.In you we see the commitment of our country, and timeless virtues that have served our nation well.We see your sense of duty--including those who have earned their right shoulder patch--their right shoulder combat patches, like the soldier who suffered a grenade wound in Iraq, yet still helped his fellow soldiers to evacuate--your First Captain of the Corps of Cadets, Tyler Gordy.(Applause.)

We see your sense of honor--in your respect for tradition, knowing that you join a Long Grey Line that stretches through the centuries;and in your reverence for each other, as when the Corps stands in silence every time a former cadet makes the ultimate sacrifice for our nation.Indeed, today we honor the 78 graduates of this Academy who have given their lives for our freedom and our security in Iraq and Afghanistan.And we see your love of country--a devotion to America captured in the motto you chose as a class, a motto which will guide your lives of service: “Loyal ‘Til the End.”

Duty.Honor.Love of country.Everything you have learned here, all that you’ve achieved here, has prepared you for today--when you raise your right hand;when you take that oath;when your loved one or mentor pins those gold bars on your shoulders;when you become, at long last, commissioned officers in the United States Army.This is the ninth consecutive commencement that has taken place at West Point with our nation at war.This time of war began in Afghanistan--a place that may seem as far away from this peaceful bend in the Hudson River as anywhere on Earth.The war began only because our own cities and civilians were attacked by violent extremists who plotted from a distant place, and it continues only because that plotting persists to this day.For many years, our focus was on Iraq.And year after year, our troops faced a set of challenges there that were as daunting as they were complex.A lesser Army might have seen its spirit broken.But the American military is more resilient than that.Our troops adapted, they persisted, they partnered with coalition and Iraqi counterparts, and through their competence and creativity and courage, we are poised to end our combat mission in Iraq this summer.(Applause.)

Even as we transition to an Iraqi lead and bring our troops home, our commitment to the Iraqi people endures.We will continue to advise and assist Iraqi security forces, who are already responsible for security in most of the country.And a strong American civilian presence will help Iraqis forge political and economic progress.This will not be a simple task, but this is what success looks like: an Iraq that provides no haven to terrorists;a democratic Iraq that is sovereign and stable and self-reliant.And as we end the war in Iraq, though, we are pressing forward in Afghanistan.Six months ago, I came to West Point to announce a new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan.And I stand here humbled by the knowledge that many of you will soon be serving in harm’s way.I assure you, you will go with the full support of a proud and grateful nation.We face a tough fight in Afghanistan.Any insurgency that is confronted with a direct challenge will turn to new tactics.And from Marja to Kandahar, that is what the Taliban has done through assassination and indiscriminate killing and intimidation.Moreover, any country that has known decades of war will be tested in finding political solutions to its problems, and providing governance that can sustain progress and serve the needs of its people.So this war has changed over the last nine years, but it’s no less important than it was in those days after 9/11.We toppled the Taliban regime--now we must break the momentum of a Taliban insurgency and train Afghan security forces.We have supported the election of a sovereign government--now we must strengthen its capacities.We’ve brought hope to the Afghan people--now we must see that their country does not fall prey to our common enemies.Cadets, there will be difficult days ahead.We will adapt, we will persist, and I have no doubt that together with our Afghan and international partners, we will succeed in Afghanistan.(Applause.)

Now even as we fight the wars in front of us, we also have to see the horizon beyond these wars--because unlike a terrorist whose goal is to destroy, our future will be defined by what we build.We have to see that horizon, and to get there we must pursue a strategy of national renewal and global leadership.We have to build the sources of America’s strength and influence, and shape a world that’s more peaceful and more prosperous.Time and again, Americans have risen to meet and to shape moments of change.This is one of those moments--an era of economic transformation and individual empowerment;of ancient hatreds and new dangers;of emerging powers and new global challenges.And we’re going to need all of you to help meet these challenges.You’ve answered the call.You, and all who wear America’s uniform, remain the cornerstone of our national defense, the anchor of global security.And through a period when too many of our institutions have acted irresponsibly, the American military has set a standard of service and sacrifice that is as great as any in this nation’s history.(Applause.)

Now the rest of us--the rest of us must do our part.And to do so, we must first recognize that our strength and influence abroad begins with steps we take at home.We must educate our children to compete in an age where knowledge is capital, and the marketplace is global.We must develop clean energy that can power new industry and unbound us from foreign oil and preserve our planet.We have to pursue science and research that unlocks wonders as unforeseen to us today as the microchip and the surface of the moon were a century ago.Simply put, American innovation must be the foundation of American power--because at no time in human history has a nation of diminished economic vitality maintained its military and political primacy.And so that means that the civilians among us, as parents and community leaders, elected officials, business leaders, we have a role to play.We cannot leave it to those in uniform to defend this country--we have to make sure that America is building on its strengths.(Applause.)

As we build these economic sources of our strength, the second thing we must do is build and integrate the capabilities that can advance our interests, and the common interests of human beings around the world.America’s armed forces are adapting to changing times, but your efforts have to be complemented.We will need the renewed engagement of our diplomats, from grand capitals to dangerous outposts.We need development experts who can support Afghan agriculture and help Africans build the capacity to feed themselves.We need intelligence agencies that work seamlessly with their counterparts to unravel plots that run from the mountains of Pakistan to the streets of our cities.We need law enforcement that can strengthen judicial systems abroad, and protect us here at home.And we need first responders who can act swiftly in the event of earthquakes and storms and disease.The burdens of this century cannot fall on our soldiers alone.It also cannot fall on American shoulders alone.Our adversaries would like to see America sap its strength by overextending our power.And in the past, we’ve always had the foresight to avoid acting alone.We were part of the most powerful wartime coalition in human history through World War II.We stitched together a community of free nations and institutions to endure and ultimately prevail during a Cold War.Yes, we are clear-eyed about the shortfalls of our international system.But America has not succeeded by stepping out of the currents of cooperation--we have succeeded by steering those currents in the direction of liberty and justice, so nations thrive by meeting their responsibilities and face consequences when they don’t.So we have to shape an international order that can meet the challenges of our generation.We will be steadfast in strengthening those old alliances that have served us so well, including those who will serve by your side in Afghanistan and around the globe.As influence extends to more countries and capitals, we also have to build new partnerships, and shape stronger international standards and institutions.This engagement is not an end in itself.The international order we seek is one that can resolve the challenges of our times –-countering violent extremism and insurgency;stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and securing nuclear materials;combating a changing climate and sustaining global growth;helping countries feed themselves and care for their sick;preventing conflict and healing wounds.If we are successful in these tasks, that will lessen conflicts around the world.It will be supportive of our efforts by our military to secure our country.More than anything else, though, our success will be claimed by who we are as a country.This is more important than ever, given the nature of the challenges that we face.Our campaign to disrupt, dismantle, and to defeat al Qaeda is part of an international effort that is necessary and just.But this is a different kind of war.There will be no simple moment of surrender to mark the journey’s end--no armistice, no banner headline.Though we have had more success in eliminating al Qaeda leaders in recent months than in recent years, they will continue to recruit, and plot, and exploit our open society.We see that in bombs that go off in Kabul and Karachi.We see it in attempts to blow up an airliner over Detroit or an SUV in Times Square, even as these failed attacks show that pressure on networks like al Qaeda is forcing them to rely on terrorists with less time and space to train.We see the potential duration of this struggle in al Qaeda’s gross distortions of Islam, their disrespect for human life, and their attempt to prey upon fear and hatred and prejudice.So the threat will not go away soon, but let’s be clear: Al Qaeda and its affiliates are small men on the wrong side of history.They lead no nation.They lead no religion.We need not give in to fear every time a terrorist tries to scare us.We should not discard our freedoms because extremists try to exploit them.We cannot succumb to division because others try to drive us apart.We are the United States of America.(Applause.)We are the United States of America, and we have repaired our union, and faced down fascism, and outlasted communism.We’ve gone through turmoil, we’ve gone through Civil War, and we have come out stronger--and we will do so once more.(Applause.)

And I know this to be true because I see the strength and resilience of the American people.Terrorists want to scare us.New Yorkers just go about their lives unafraid.(Applause.)Extremists want a war between America and Islam, but Muslims are part of our national life, including those who serve in our United States Army.(Applause.)Adversaries want to divide us, but we are united by our support for you--soldiers who send a clear message that this country is both the land of the free and the home of the brave.(Applause.)

You know, in an age of instant access to information, a lot of cynicism in the news, it’s easy to lose perspective in a flood of pictures and the swirl of political debate.Power and influence can seem to ebb and flow.Wars and grand plans can be deemed won or lost day to day, even hour to hour.As we experience the immediacy of the image of a suffering child or the boasts of a prideful dictator, it’s easy to give in to the belief sometimes that human progress has stalled--that events are beyond our control, that change is not possible.But this nation was founded upon a different notion.We believe, “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”(Applause.)And that truth has bound us together, a nation populated by people from around the globe, enduring hardship and achieving greatness as one people.And that belief is as true today as it was 200 years ago.It is a belief that has been claimed by people of every race and religion in every region of the world.Can anybody doubt that this belief will be any less true--any less powerful--two years, two decades, or even two centuries from now?

And so a fundamental part of our strategy for our security has to be America’s support for those universal rights that formed the creed of our founding.And we will promote these values above all by living them--through our fidelity to the rule of law and our Constitution, even when it’s hard;even when we’re being attacked;even when we’re in the midst of war.And we will commit ourselves to forever pursuing a more perfect union.Together with our friends and allies, America will always seek a world that extends these rights so that when an individual is being silenced, we aim to be her voice.Where ideas are suppressed, we provide space for open debate.Where democratic institutions take hold, we add a wind at their back.When humanitarian disaster strikes, we extend a hand.Where human dignity is denied, America opposes poverty and is a source of opportunity.That is who we are.That is what we do.We do so with no illusions.We understand change doesn’t come quick.We understand that neither America nor any nation can dictate every outcome beyond its borders.We know that a world of mortal men and women will never be rid of oppression or evil.What we can do, what we must do, is work and reach and fight for the world that we seek--all of us, those in uniform and those who are not.And in preparing for today, I turned to the world--to the words of Oliver Wendell Holmes.And reflecting on his Civil War experience, he said, and I quote, “To fight out a war you must believe in something and want something with all your might.So must you do to carry anything else to an end worth reaching.” Holmes went on, “More than that, you must be willing to commit yourself to a course, perhaps a long and hard one, without being able to foresee exactly where you will come out.”

America does not fight for the sake of fighting.We abhor war.As one who has never experienced the field of battle--and I say that with humility, knowing, as General MacArthur said, “the soldier above all others prays for peace”--we fight because we must.We fight to keep our families and communities safe.We fight for the security of our allies and partners, because America believes that we will be safer when our friends are safer;that we will be stronger when the world is more just.So cadets, a long and hard road awaits you.You go abroad because your service is fundamental to our security back home.You go abroad as representatives of the values that this country was founded upon.And when you inevitably face setbacks--when the fighting is fierce or a village elder is fearful;when the end that you are seeking seems uncertain--think back to West Point.Here, in this peaceful part of the world, you have drilled and you have studied and come of age in the footsteps of great men and women--Americans who faced times of trial, and who even in victory could not have foreseen the America they helped to build, the world they helped to shape.George Washington was able to free a band of patriots from the rule of an empire, but he could not have foreseen his country growing to include 50 states connecting two oceans.Grant was able to save a union and see the slaves freed, but he could not have foreseen just how much his country would extend full rights and opportunities to citizens of every color.Eisenhower was able to see Germany surrender and a former enemy grow into an ally, but he could not have foreseen the Berlin Wall coming down without a shot being fired.Today it is your generation that has borne a heavy burden--soldiers, graduates of this Academy like John Meyer and Greg Ambrosia who have braved enemy fire, protected their units, carried out their missions, earned the commendation of this Army, and of a grateful nation.From the birth of our existence, America has had a faith in the future--a belief that where we’re going is better than where we’ve been, even when the path ahead is uncertain.To fulfill that promise, generations of Americans have built upon the foundation of our forefathers--finding opportunity, fighting injustice, forging a more perfect union.Our achievement would not be possible without the Long Grey Line that has sacrificed for duty, for honor, for country.(Applause.)

And years from now when you return here, when for you the shadows have grown longer, I have no doubt that you will have added your name to the book of history.I have no doubt that we will have prevailed in the struggles of our times.I have no doubt that your legacy will be an America that has emerged stronger, and a world that is more just, because we are Americans, and our destiny is never written for us, it is written by us, and we are ready to lead once more.Thank you.May God bless you.And may God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)

END

11:04 A.M.EDT

第三篇：奧巴馬西點軍校演講

奧巴馬西點軍校演講

奧巴馬

本周一是陣亡將士紀念日，所以在今天這個場合，美國來緬懷那些為捍衛(wèi)自由犧牲的人們，特別合適。你們是“911”以來第一屆不用奔赴伊拉克或阿富汗前線的畢業(yè)生。當(dāng)我2009年第一次在西點演講時，我們在伊拉克還有10萬多名駐軍。我們還準備增兵阿富汗。我們反恐行動的重點還集中在基地組織的核心領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層——那些策劃了“911”襲擊的人。我們的國家才剛剛從大蕭條以來最嚴重的經(jīng)濟危機中爬起身來。

四年半之后，當(dāng)你們畢業(yè)之時，局面已經(jīng)改變了。我們從伊拉克撤出了軍隊。我們正在阿富汗收縮戰(zhàn)線。盤踞在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)的若干基地組織領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人已被誅殺，奧薩馬?本—拉登已不復(fù)存在。經(jīng)此巨變，我們已將資源重新集中于美國實力的本源：不斷成長的經(jīng)濟——能夠為每一個愿在國內(nèi)勤勉工作、盡職盡責(zé)的人創(chuàng)造機會。

實際上，以大多數(shù)指標(biāo)來衡量，相對于世界其他國家，美國很少像今天這樣強大。那些持不同論調(diào)——說美國正在衰落，或說她已喪失全球領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位——的人，要么是誤解了歷史，要么就是被黨派立場蒙住了雙眼。想想看。我們的軍事實力舉世無匹。來自任何一個國家的直接威脅都很低，遠不能同冷戰(zhàn)時期的危險相比。同時，我們的經(jīng)濟仍是全球最具活力的經(jīng)濟，我們的企業(yè)是最富創(chuàng)新能力的企業(yè)。我們在能源供應(yīng)上一年比一年更獨立。從歐洲到亞洲，如此眾多的盟友簇擁在我們周圍，為萬國歷史上所僅見。

美國仍在吸引努力奮斗的移民前來。我們的建國理念在世界各地激勵著議會中的領(lǐng)袖和廣場上參與運動的人群。當(dāng)菲律賓受臺風(fēng)肆虐，尼日利亞女學(xué)童遭到劫持，或是烏克蘭的蒙面槍手占據(jù)大樓，美國仍然是全世界尋求幫助的對象。我國是而且仍然是一個不可或缺的國家。上一個世紀是這樣，下一個世紀仍將如此。

然而，世界正在加速變遷。這種變遷帶來機遇，但也帶來新的危險?！?11”以后我們深刻地認識到，新技術(shù)和全球化如何讓個人掌握了原本只有國家才有的力量，提升了恐怖主義者實施傷害的能力。俄羅斯對前蘇聯(lián)加盟國的侵凌踩痛了歐洲各國的神經(jīng)，而中國的經(jīng)濟和軍事崛起則引發(fā)其鄰國的緊張。從巴西到印度，新興的中產(chǎn)階級社會同我們展開競爭，它們的政府在國際議題上尋求更大的發(fā)言權(quán)。盡管許多發(fā)展中國家擁抱民主和市場經(jīng)濟，但24小時新聞和社交媒體讓人難以忽視派系沖突、國家失靈和民眾暴動的持續(xù)存在，而這一切在10年前只會偶爾受到關(guān)注。

應(yīng)對這樣一個新世界，是你們這一代的任務(wù)。我們所面臨的問題，你們每一個人所要面臨的問題，不是美國還會不會領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界，而是我們將如何領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界——不僅僅確保我們自身的和平和繁榮，還要把和平和繁榮擴展到全世界。

其實，這個問題并不是新問題。最晚從華盛頓在獨立戰(zhàn)爭中擔(dān)任大陸軍總司令以來，總有人說，干嘛要關(guān)心那些并不直接牽涉我國安全和經(jīng)濟福利的外國爛攤子？如今，按照那些自詡為現(xiàn)實主義者的人的說法，不管是敘利亞、烏克蘭還是中非共和國的紛爭，都不關(guān)我們的事。并不奇怪，在經(jīng)歷了靡費的戰(zhàn)爭和國內(nèi)的重重挑戰(zhàn)之后，很多美國人都有類似想法。

左的和右的干涉主義者則持另一種看法，他們說，無視這些沖突，最終會令我們自己遭殃。他們說，美國在全世界運用實力的意志是防止世界陷入混亂的終極保障，如果美國面對敘利亞的暴行或俄羅斯的挑釁而無所行動，不僅違背我們的良心，而且也是在縱容未來更加肆無忌憚的行徑。

兩邊都可以從歷史上找到論據(jù)。但我認為，上面兩種觀點都沒有充分滿足當(dāng)今時代所提出的要求。毫無疑問，在21世紀，美國孤立主義絕對行不通。我們不可能對國境之外的事態(tài)坐視不理。如果國外的核材料得不到妥善保存，美國的城市就會遭受威脅。當(dāng)敘利亞內(nèi)戰(zhàn)向境外蔓延，經(jīng)過戰(zhàn)爭歷練的極端組織攻擊美國的能力只會有增無減。如果地區(qū)擴張行為得不到約束——不論是在烏克蘭南部還是南中國海，或是其他地方——最終會觸及我們的盟友，并將我們自己的軍隊卷入沖突。我們不能對國境外的種種事態(tài)袖手旁觀。

除了上面那些利益計算，我相信我們還有一個真實的關(guān)切、一個長遠利益：保證我們的子孫后代在一個女學(xué)童不被劫持，人們不因部落、信仰或政治立場而遭屠戮的世界里長大。我堅信，建設(shè)一個更自由、更寬容的世界不僅是一種道德要求，也有助于保障我們本國的安全。

然而，說我們有必要在國境之外推進和平與自由，并不是說所有所有問題都要用軍事手段解決。自第一次世界大戰(zhàn)以來，我們所犯過的一些代價最高昂的錯誤不是來自我們的克制，而是因為我們在貿(mào)然投入軍事冒險前對后果考慮不周——沒有為我們的行動獲得國際支持與合法性；沒有對美國人民坦陳需要他們做出的犧牲。強硬言辭容易博取新聞版面，但戰(zhàn)爭的真相很少能夠符合口號。對這個問題理解深刻的艾森豪威爾將軍1947年在這個典禮上說得好：“戰(zhàn)爭是人類最可悲、最愚昧的蠢行。故意挑起戰(zhàn)爭，不論是自己決斷還是出謀劃策，都是對全人類犯下的邪惡罪行?！?/p>

像艾森豪威爾一樣，這一代的男女軍人對戰(zhàn)爭的代價理解甚深，你們西點畢業(yè)生也是如此。當(dāng)我5年前在此宣布增兵阿富汗的時候，聽眾中的四人后來就在那個戰(zhàn)場上捐軀。還有很多西點生負傷。我相信美國的國家安全需要采取那次軍事部署。但那些傷亡者的英靈和苦痛令我寢食難安。如果我把你們送去冒生命危險，只是因為覺得世界上的哪個地方出了問題得有人管管，或者因為怕別人說不派兵干涉就會顯得美國很軟弱，那我就是背叛了我對你們、對我所愛的這個國家所負有的責(zé)任。

這是我的底線：在世界舞臺上，美國必須堅持發(fā)揮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用。如果我們不做，就沒人會去承擔(dān)那份責(zé)任。你們加入的美國軍隊一直是支持美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用的中堅力量。但是美國的軍事行動不能在所有情況下都構(gòu)成美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的唯一內(nèi)容，甚至不能總是其首要內(nèi)容。我們手中握有最好的榔頭，并不意味著所有的問題就都成了釘子。而且，正因為軍事行動成本高昂，你們理當(dāng)期待，每一位平民政府的總統(tǒng)——尤其他又是你們的總司令——在動用這種令人敬畏的力量之時，都應(yīng)該懷著何種戒慎恐懼的心情。

所以，我將用接下來的時間，描述一下我設(shè)想的前景：美利堅合眾國及其軍隊如何在未來若干年內(nèi)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界，因為你們都將組成那種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的一部分。

首先，請允許我重復(fù)我在初任總統(tǒng)時所說的一句話：美國將運用軍事力量，如必要時甚至是單邊運用，如果我們的核心利益要求如此——如果我們的人民受到威脅，如果我們的生計蒙受風(fēng)險，如果我們的盟友陷入危難。在這些情況下，我們?nèi)皂氉穯?，我們的行動是否適度、有效和正義。國際輿論很重要，但保護我們的人民、國土和生活方式，美國不需要請求允許。

另一方面，如果全球關(guān)心的問題并沒有直接威脅到美國，卻也有所關(guān)涉的時候——當(dāng)國外的危機刺痛了我們的良心，或者將世界推向一個更危險的方向卻并未直接威脅到我們時，軍事行動的門檻必須提高。在這些情況下，我們不應(yīng)獨自動武。而是必須動員盟友和伙伴采取集體行動。我們必須拓展手段，包括外交和國際開發(fā)、制裁和孤立、訴諸國際法和采取多邊軍事行動——前提是正義、必要和有效性。我們必須同其他方面合作，因為在此類情況下，集體行動更容易成功，更容易持久，也更不容易導(dǎo)致嚴重的錯誤。

這就引出我的第二個論點：在可預(yù)見的未來，在國內(nèi)外對美國構(gòu)成最直接威脅的還是恐怖主義。但是入侵所有庇護恐怖主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)的國家，這種戰(zhàn)略既是天真的，也是不可持續(xù)的。我認為我們必須改變我們的反恐戰(zhàn)略，吸取我們在伊拉克和阿富汗的經(jīng)驗教訓(xùn)，更有效地同那些恐怖主義試圖滲透的國家合作。

之所以需要新戰(zhàn)略，是因為現(xiàn)在的主要威脅不在來自一個集中化的基地組織核心，而是來自分散化的基地外圍和在各國各自為戰(zhàn)的極端勢力。這種變化降低了“911”式大規(guī)模襲擊美國本土的可能性，但它卻加劇了美國人員在海外遇襲的危險，就像我們在班加西領(lǐng)館遇襲事件中看到的情況一樣。它也加劇了防衛(wèi)薄弱的目標(biāo)遇襲的危險，就像我們在內(nèi)羅畢購物中心襲擊事件中看到的情況一樣。

所以我們必須設(shè)計出一套戰(zhàn)略，以應(yīng)對此類分散化的威脅。那套戰(zhàn)略要能讓我們在擴大干預(yù)范圍的同時，不至于把我們的軍力過度攤薄，或引發(fā)當(dāng)?shù)厝说某鸷蕖Ｎ覀冃枰锇閬砗臀覀儾⒓绱驌艨植乐髁x。培養(yǎng)伙伴的能力正是我們在阿富汗所做的主要工作之一。

與盟友攜手，美國重拳打擊了基地組織核心，并反擊了旨在推翻阿富汗政權(quán)的暴動。但要保住這些果實，前提是阿富汗方面有足夠的能力完成任務(wù)。所以我們在訓(xùn)練數(shù)十萬的阿富汗士兵和警察。今年年初，正是那些阿富汗部隊保障了這個國家完成其歷史上首次民主的政權(quán)交接。今年年末，一位新的阿富汗總統(tǒng)將會走馬上任，而美國的戰(zhàn)斗任務(wù)屆時也就結(jié)束了。

那是美國武裝部隊幫助完成的一個了不起的成就。當(dāng)我們在阿富汗轉(zhuǎn)向訓(xùn)練和顧問任務(wù)，我們在該國的收縮讓我們可以更有效地應(yīng)對在中東與北非出現(xiàn)的新威脅。所以，今年早些時候，我要求我的國家安全團隊制定一套計劃，從南亞到非洲薩赫勒地區(qū)打造一個伙伴網(wǎng)絡(luò)。今天，作為這一努力的一部分，我呼吁國會支持設(shè)立一個50億美元的反恐怖主義伙伴基金，以使我們訓(xùn)練和裝備處于反恐前線的伙伴。這些資源將使我們能夠靈活勝任各種不同任務(wù)，包括幫助受到基地滲透的也門訓(xùn)練安全部隊、在索馬里部署多國維和部隊、同歐洲盟友一起訓(xùn)練利比亞安全部隊和邊界巡邏隊以及協(xié)助法國在馬里采取行動等。

這一切努力的一個關(guān)鍵焦點是曠日持久的敘利亞危機。這場令人沮喪的危機沒有容易的解決辦法，用任何軍事手段都不可能很快消除那里令人發(fā)指的暴行。作為總統(tǒng)，我決定不讓美國的部隊介入那場日益演變成派系戰(zhàn)爭的沖突，我相信這一決定是正確的。但那并不意味著我們不應(yīng)該幫助敘利亞人民反抗那轟炸、餓死自己人民的獨裁者。通過幫助那些為全體敘利亞人決定自身命運的權(quán)利而戰(zhàn)的人，我們也就是在反擊那些試圖從這場混亂中漁利的極端主義者。

依靠我今天倡議設(shè)立的這個新基金，我們將幫助敘利亞的鄰國約旦、黎巴嫩、土耳其和伊拉克，幫助他們在敘利亞邊境疏導(dǎo)難民，拒斥恐怖分子。我將和國會通力合作，支持敘利亞反對派中最有希望替代恐怖分子和殘暴獨裁者的那些力量。我們還會繼續(xù)同我們在歐洲和阿拉伯世界的盟友協(xié)調(diào)，推動這場危機得到政治解決，確保那些國家而不僅僅是美國在幫助敘利亞人民的過程中做出一份合理的貢獻。

關(guān)于反恐怖主義，我還有最后一點要講。我所描述的伙伴關(guān)系并不意味著，不需要采取任何直接行動，實施必要的自衛(wèi)了。當(dāng)我們掌握了可以據(jù)以采取行動的充分情報以后，我們就會采取行動。例如抓捕1998年陰謀炸毀美國使館的恐怖分子、在也門和索馬里實施無人機打擊等等。在必須行動的時候，我們不能猶豫。

但就像我去年所說，在采取直接行動時我們必須堅持標(biāo)準，持守我們的價值觀。那意味著僅當(dāng)面對持續(xù)的、實質(zhì)性的威脅時才進行打擊，而且要盡量確保不會造成平民傷亡。因為我們的行動要符合一條簡單標(biāo)準：我們不能在清除敵人的過程中，制造更多的敵人。

我也相信，關(guān)于反恐行動的基礎(chǔ)和實施方式，我們必須更加透明。我們必須對公眾作出解釋。我會更多地讓軍方主導(dǎo)并向公眾提供行動信息。我們的情報部門做了很多出色的工作，我們還會繼續(xù)保護它們的信息源和工作方法。但如果我們無法清楚、公開地解釋我們的行為，我們就得應(yīng)付恐怖分子的宣傳和國際上的質(zhì)疑，我們在伙伴和人民眼里的合法性會遭到削弱，我們對自己政府的報告義務(wù)會遭到忽視。

透明度問題直接關(guān)系到美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的第三個層面，那就是加強國際秩序。

第二次世界大戰(zhàn)以后，美國智慧地創(chuàng)造出一些制度，以維護和平，促進人類進步——從北約到聯(lián)合國再到世界銀行和國際貨幣基金組織。這些制度并不完美，但它們是力量的放大器。它們減少了美國采取單邊行動的需要，增加了對其他國家的約束。

如今，正如這個世界已經(jīng)變化，這一國際治理架構(gòu)也需要因時而變。在冷戰(zhàn)高潮時期，肯尼迪總統(tǒng)說過，和平需要建立在“人類制度的漸進演化”之上。促使這些國際制度進一步演化，以應(yīng)今時今日之需，是美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的關(guān)鍵內(nèi)容。

現(xiàn)在有不少人、不少懷疑論者老是要貶低多邊行動的有效性。在他們看來，通過聯(lián)合國這種國際組織來做事或遵守國際法是軟弱的標(biāo)志。我說他們錯了。容我舉兩個例子來說明為什么。

俄羅斯最近在烏克蘭的行動讓人回想起蘇聯(lián)坦克碾壓東歐的年代。但這并不是冷戰(zhàn)重演。我們塑造世界輿論的能力幫助我們成功孤立了俄羅斯。由于美國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力，各國都很快對俄羅斯的行徑做出譴責(zé)，歐洲和七國集團聯(lián)合我們實施制裁，北約加強了對東歐盟友的承諾，國際貨幣基金組織協(xié)助穩(wěn)定烏克蘭經(jīng)濟，歐洲安全與合作組織的監(jiān)督將全世界的目光引向了烏克蘭南部的動蕩。這場對世界輿論和國際組織的動員有力地抗衡了俄羅斯的宣傳攻勢、其部署在俄烏邊境的軍隊和滲透在烏克蘭的蒙面武裝分子。

上周周末，數(shù)以百萬計的烏克蘭公民投了票。昨天我同烏克蘭當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)通了話。我們不知道局勢會怎樣演變，不知道前方還會有何種兇險，但同盟友并肩、同國際組織攜手捍衛(wèi)國際秩序的做法，已經(jīng)給了烏克蘭人民一個選擇未來的機會，而我們并沒有費一槍一彈。

與此類似，盡管美國、以色列和其他國家反復(fù)警告，伊朗近年來一直在穩(wěn)步推進核計劃。但就在我擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)的初期，我們組成了一個聯(lián)盟，對伊朗經(jīng)濟實施制裁，并對伊朗政府伸出外交之手。如今我們有機會和平地化解分歧。

雖然談?wù)摮晒闀r尚早，我們也為防止伊朗擁有核武器而保留一切手段。但十年來，我們首次有機會達成突破性的協(xié)議。這份協(xié)議比我們用武力所能達成的更有效，更牢靠。在所有這些談判中，我們自愿通過多邊渠道開展工作，讓全世界站到我們一邊。

這就說明，這才是美國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。這才是美國的強項。在上述兩個例子中，我們打造同盟應(yīng)對挑戰(zhàn)。如今我們需要進一步加強這些制度，使其能夠預(yù)見并組織問題擴散。例如北約是全世界迄今為止最強大的軍事聯(lián)盟。我們正著眼于新的任務(wù)加強同北約盟友的合作，一方面在東歐鞏固新獲得的盟友，另一方面要求北約盟友在歐洲以外參與反恐，應(yīng)對崩潰國家的挑戰(zhàn)并且訓(xùn)練伙伴網(wǎng)絡(luò)。

與之相似，聯(lián)合國提供了一個在沖突不斷的各國之間維持和平的平臺。現(xiàn)在我們需要確保參與維和行動的國家有足夠的訓(xùn)練和設(shè)備來完成使命，以避免剛果（金）和蘇丹戰(zhàn)亂那樣的大屠殺再次出現(xiàn)。我們要深化對那些參與維和國家的投入，因為如果其他國家能夠就近維持有關(guān)地區(qū)的秩序，我們就無需投入自己的軍隊去冒險。這是一筆劃算的投資。這是正確的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)方式。

請記住，并不是所有的國際規(guī)則都直接關(guān)乎武裝沖突。網(wǎng)絡(luò)攻擊是一個棘手問題，因此我們正在努力塑造和加強網(wǎng)絡(luò)治理規(guī)則，以保障網(wǎng)絡(luò)和公民安全。在亞太地區(qū)，我們支持東南亞國家同中國談判，以在南中國海島嶼爭端中制定行為準則。我們也試圖通過國際法解決那些爭端。我們也需要發(fā)揚合作精神，來為全球應(yīng)對氣候變化重振活力。氣候變化這個悄無聲息的國家安全危機會影響你們一代軍人所面對的形勢，諸如難民潮、自然災(zāi)害和爭搶水資源以及食物的各種挑戰(zhàn)。因此明年我將努力確保在美國引領(lǐng)下建立全球框架，保護我們的星球。

諸君請看，美國的影響力最強之際，都是我們用榜樣的力量領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界之時。我們不能把自己排除于規(guī)則之外，而讓他人遵守規(guī)則。我們不能一邊呼吁其他國家應(yīng)對氣候變化，另一邊許多我們自己的政治領(lǐng)袖卻在否認氣候變化的存在。我們不能一邊試圖解決南中國海問題，另一邊卻無法確保《國際海洋法公約》在美國參議院獲得批準，盡管我們的高級將領(lǐng)也認為該公約有利于國家安全。那不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，那是退卻。那不是強大，那是軟弱。在羅斯福、杜魯門、艾森豪威爾和肯尼迪那樣的領(lǐng)袖身上，完全看不到這些東西。

我全身心地信仰美國例外論。但讓我們成為例外的不是我們違反國際規(guī)則和法治的能力，而是我們以實際行動來肯定它們的意愿。正是因此，我將繼續(xù)推動關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄，因為美國的價值觀和司法傳統(tǒng)不允許在海外無限期關(guān)押犯人。正是因此，我將設(shè)立新規(guī)，規(guī)范美國收集使用情報的行為，因為如果人們都認定我們監(jiān)聽普通公民，我們會失去朋友，工作效率也會大打折扣。美國不僅僅代表著不惜一切代價謀求穩(wěn)定或沒有沖突。我們代表著更長遠的和平，而只有當(dāng)其他地方的人們獲得機會和自由，那種和平才會來臨。

這就關(guān)系到美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的第四個也是最后一個要素：我們捍衛(wèi)人類尊嚴的意志。美國對民主和人權(quán)的支持超乎理想主義，它也是國家安全的一個考量。民主國家是我們最親近的朋友，也最不易走向戰(zhàn)爭?；谧杂伞㈤_放市場的經(jīng)濟體表現(xiàn)更佳，也會成為我們產(chǎn)品的市場。尊重人權(quán)則有助于克服不穩(wěn)定因素，有利于消解滋生暴力與恐怖的仇恨土壤。

新世紀的來臨并沒有帶來暴政的黃昏。在世界各國，甚至是美國的一些伙伴，對公民社會的壓制依然存在。腐敗的癌癥讓太多的政府官員和他們的圈內(nèi)人一夜暴富，激怒了從偏遠鄉(xiāng)村到偉大廣場上的普通公民?？吹竭@些趨勢以及阿拉伯世界的一些暴力行徑，很容易讓人變得玩世不恭。

但也請記得，恰恰是因為美國的努力，因為美國的外交和對外援助，因為美國軍隊的犧牲，很多人如今已經(jīng)生活在民選的政府之下，比人類歷史上的任何時期都要多。技術(shù)使公民社會變得更有力量，讓鐵拳更難對它們加以控制。各種新突破讓數(shù)以億計的人脫離貧困。即便是阿拉伯世界的動蕩也表現(xiàn)出拒斥威權(quán)統(tǒng)治的傾向——它們絕不穩(wěn)固——而且也預(yù)示了更負責(zé)、更有效的治理前景。

我們承認，我們同埃及等國家的關(guān)系是出于安全利益考量，包括巴以和平進程和共同反對暴力極端勢力等等。所以我們并未切斷同新政府的聯(lián)系，但我們能夠也將會繼續(xù)施壓，敦促埃及政府實施其民眾所要求的改革。

與此同時，像緬甸，幾年前還是不可理喻、對美國充滿敵意的專制國家，那可是4千萬人口的國家啊。依靠該國人民巨大的勇氣以及我們的外交努力，我們已經(jīng)看到一個曾經(jīng)封閉的社會開啟了政治改革的進程，緬甸領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層開始疏遠朝鮮，轉(zhuǎn)向美國和盟友。我們正在支持該國的改革和亟需的民族和解進程，通過勸說和偶爾公開批評的方式。那里的進步還有陷入倒退的可能，不過，如果緬甸能夠成功，我們就是未開一槍而贏得了新的伙伴。這就是美國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。

在所有這些例子中，我們不能期待改變一夜之間完成。因此我們不僅同政府結(jié)盟，也同普通人民交好。和其他一些國家不同，美國不懼怕個體的人變得強大，有力的個人是美國的力量之源。公民社會、新聞自由令我們的力量有增無減。勤奮的企業(yè)家和小業(yè)主夯實我們的經(jīng)濟實力。教育交流和為一切男人、女人和兒童提供機會，這種開放性讓我們近悅遠來。那才是我們美國。那是我們所代表的一切。

去年在訪問非洲的時候，我看到美國的援助令許多年輕人免受艾滋病的感染，同時也使得非洲居民能夠照顧自己的病人。我們幫助農(nóng)夫把出產(chǎn)送往市場，讓饑民獲得口糧。我們讓撒哈拉以南非洲的電力供應(yīng)翻番，讓當(dāng)?shù)厝说靡苑窒砣蚪?jīng)濟的繁榮。這一切都在為我們贏得新的伙伴，擠壓恐怖主義和暴力沖突的空間。

不幸的是，美國的安全努力都不足以消除博科圣地等極端組織造成的威脅，該組織劫持了200多名女學(xué)生。所以我們不能只顧營救學(xué)生，還要幫助尼日利亞教育他們的青年。這是我們在伊拉克和阿富汗來之不易的經(jīng)驗之一，美國駐軍要成為外交和當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟社會發(fā)展的最有力推動者。我們的部隊明白了，對外援助不是細枝末節(jié)，不是可以跟國防分開考慮的事情。它是壯大我們的重要一環(huán)。

歸根結(jié)底，全球領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力要求我們直面世界的本來面目，看清其全部危險和不確定性。我們得做最壞打算，防備一切意外。但美國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力也要求我們前瞻世界的應(yīng)然狀態(tài)：個人的愿望得到尊重，統(tǒng)治人們的是希望而非恐懼，我們的立國文獻中所寫下的真理可以引導(dǎo)世界歷史潮流走向正義的方向。

資料來源：一財網(wǎng)

第四篇：奧巴馬在巴納德學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮上的講話時間

奧巴馬在巴納德學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮上的講話時間:2012-05-17 17:04來源:口譯網(wǎng) 作者:口譯網(wǎng) 點擊:10801次

Remarks by President Obama at Barnard College Commencement Ceremony Barnard College Columbia University New York, New York May 14, 2012

美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在巴納德學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮上的講話 紐約州 紐約市

哥倫比亞大學(xué)巴納德學(xué)院 2012年5月14日

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Thank you so much.(Applause.)Thank you.Please, please have a seat.Thank you.(Applause.)

非常感謝大家。（掌聲）謝謝大家，請入座。謝謝大家。（掌聲）

Thank you, President Spar, trustees, President Bollinger.Hello, Class of 2012!(Applause.)Congratulations on reaching this day.Thank you for the honor of being able to be a part of it.謝謝你們，斯巴院長[譯者注：中文名石德葆]、各位校董、伯林格校長。2012屆畢業(yè)生，你們好?。ㄕ坡暎┳ＹR你們迎來了這一天。感謝你們讓我有幸來參加這個活動。

There are so many people who are proud of you--your parents, family, faculty, friends--all who share in this achievement.So please give them a big round of applause.(Applause.)To all the moms who are here today, you could not ask for a better Mother’s Day gift than to see all of these folks graduate.(Applause.)

有很多人為你們感到驕傲——你們的父母、家人、師長和朋友——都為取得這一成就出了力。因此，請為他們熱烈鼓掌。（掌聲）今天在座的各位母親們，再也沒有比看到所有這些孩子們畢業(yè)更好的母親節(jié)禮物了。（掌聲）

I have to say, though, whenever I come to these things, I start thinking about Malia and Sasha graduating, and I start tearing up and--(laughter)--it's terrible.I don't know how you guys are holding it together.(Laughter.)

但是我得說，每當(dāng)我來到這種場合，就會想到瑪莉婭和薩夏將來畢業(yè)的情景，我就會熱淚盈眶——（笑聲）——真不好意思。我不知道你們大家是怎么把持得住的。（笑聲）

I will begin by telling a hard truth: I’m a Columbia college graduate.(Laughter and applause.)I know there can be a little bit of a sibling rivalry here.(Laughter.)But I’m honored nevertheless to be your commencement speaker today--although I’ve got to say, you set a pretty high bar given the past three years.(Applause.)Hillary Clinton--(applause)--Meryl Streep--(applause)--Sheryl Sandberg--these are not easy acts to follow.(Applause.)

我一開始就要說明一個確鑿的事實：我是一名哥倫比亞大學(xué)的畢業(yè)生。（笑聲和掌聲）我知道可能會有一點同門弟子相爭的勁兒。（笑聲）但我還是為能夠在你們今天的畢業(yè)典禮上講話而感到榮幸——不過我得說，你們在過去三年樹立了相當(dāng)高的標(biāo)準。（掌聲）希拉里·克林頓——（掌聲）——梅麗爾·斯特里普——（掌聲）——謝里爾·桑德伯格——在她們之后出場可不容易。（掌聲）

But I will point out Hillary is doing an extraordinary job as one of the finest Secretaries of State America has ever had.(Applause.)We gave Meryl the Presidential Medal of Arts and Humanities.(Applause.)Sheryl is not just a good friend;she’s also one of our economic advisers.So it’s like the old saying goes--keep your friends close, and your Barnard commencement speakers even closer.(Applause.)There's wisdom in that.(Laughter.)

但我要指出，希拉里的工作極為出色，她是美國有史以來最杰出的國務(wù)卿之一。（掌聲）我們已授予梅麗爾藝術(shù)與人文總統(tǒng)獎?wù)隆＃ㄕ坡暎┲x里爾不僅是一位好朋友；她還是我們的經(jīng)濟顧問之一。正如那句老話所說——親近你的朋友，但更要親近在你們巴納德學(xué)院畢業(yè)典禮上講話的人。（掌聲）這話寓意深長。（笑聲）

Now, the year I graduated--this area looks familiar--(laughter)--the year I graduated was 1983, the first year women were admitted to Columbia.(Applause.)Sally Ride was the first American woman in space.Music was all about Michael and the Moonwalk.(Laughter.)

話說我畢業(yè)那年——這個地方看著眼熟——（笑聲）——我畢業(yè)于1983年，哥倫比亞大學(xué)開始錄取女生的第一年。（掌聲）當(dāng)時薩莉·萊德成為第一位進入太空的美國女性。那時的音樂全是麥克爾和太空步。（笑聲）

[AUDIENCE MEMBER: Do it!(Laughter.)]

【畫外音：一名聽眾說“走一個！”（笑聲）】

No Moonwalking.(Laughter.)No Moonwalking today.(Laughter.)

不走太空步。（笑聲）今天不走太空步。（笑聲）

We had the Walkman, not iPods.Some of the streets around here were not quite so inviting.(Laughter.)Times Square was not a family destination.(Laughter.)So I know this is all ancient history.Nothing worse than commencement speakers droning on about bygone days.(Laughter.)But for all the differences, the Class of 1983 actually had a lot in common with all of you.For we, too, were heading out into a world at a moment when our country was still recovering from a particularly severe economic recession.It was a time of change.It was a time of uncertainty.It was a time of passionate political debates.我們當(dāng)時有“隨身聽”，沒有IPod。這四周的一些街區(qū)沒有現(xiàn)在這樣誘人。（笑聲）時報廣場不是適合全家人去的地方。（笑聲）我知道這一切都屬于古老的過去了。畢業(yè)典禮演講人絮叨舊事是再糟糕不過的。但是，盡管有種種差別，1983年畢業(yè)班其實與你們各位有許多共同之處。這是因為，當(dāng)時我們踏入社會的時候，也正值國家從一場特別嚴重的經(jīng)濟衰退中恢復(fù)。那是一個變革的時期，一個充滿未知的時期，一個政治辨?zhèn)惣で楦邼q的時期。

You can relate to this because just as you were starting out finding your way around this campus, an economic crisis struck that would claim more than 5 million jobs before the end of your freshman year.Since then, some of you have probably seen parents put off retirement, friends struggle to find work.And you may be looking toward the future with that same sense of concern that my generation did when we were sitting where you are now.你們能夠體會到這一點，因為在你們剛開始熟悉這所校園的時候，經(jīng)濟危機降臨，不等你們第一學(xué)年結(jié)束，它已經(jīng)導(dǎo)致500多萬人失業(yè)。從那個時候以來，你們大概看到一些父母推遲了退休計劃，一些朋友在苦苦求職。面對未來，你們也許像當(dāng)年我這一代坐在你們的座位上的時候一樣，感到憂心忡忡。

Of course, as young women, you’re also going to grapple with some unique challenges, like whether you’ll be able to earn equal pay for equal work;whether you’ll be able to balance the demands of your job and your family;whether you’ll be able to fully control decisions about your own health.當(dāng)然，作為年輕女性，你們還要應(yīng)對某些特殊的挑戰(zhàn)，比如是否能夠享有同工同酬；是否能夠平衡工作和家庭的需要；是否能夠?qū)ψ陨斫】涤腥繘Q定權(quán)。

And while opportunities for women have grown exponentially over the last 30 years, as young people, in many ways you have it even tougher than we did.This recession has been more brutal, the job losses steeper.Politics seems nastier.Congress more gridlocked than ever.Some folks in the financial world have not exactly been model corporate citizens.(Laughter.)

雖然過去30年來女性的機會有了突飛猛進的增加，但作為年輕人，你們在很多方面面臨著比我們當(dāng)時更嚴峻的挑戰(zhàn)。這場衰退更加嚴重，失業(yè)人數(shù)更多。政治爭議似乎更加難以調(diào)和。國會比以往任何時候更加僵持。金融界的一些人很難被稱為模范企業(yè)公民。（笑聲）

No wonder that faith in our institutions has never been lower, particularly when good news doesn’t get the same kind of ratings as bad news anymore.Every day you receive a steady stream of sensationalism and scandal and stories with a message that suggest change isn’t possible;that you can’t make a difference;that you won’t be able to close that gap between life as it is and life as you want it to be.所以，毫不奇怪，對我們體制的信心達到空前之低，特別是好消息不如壞消息引人注意的時候。人們每天接到一連串聳人聽聞的消息或者丑聞，其中傳遞的信息是：變革是不可能的；你們的努力無濟于事；你們無法消除現(xiàn)實生活與你們的理想生活之間的差距。

My job today is to tell you don’t believe it.Because as tough as things have been, I am convinced you are tougher.I’ve seen your passion and I’ve seen your service.I’ve seen you engage and I’ve seen you turn out in record numbers.I’ve heard your voices amplified by creativity and a digital fluency that those of us in older generations can barely comprehend.I’ve seen a generation eager, impatient even, to step into the rushing waters of history and change its course.我今天的任務(wù)就是要告訴你們，不要相信這些說法。因為盡管困難很大，但我堅信你們的能力更大。我看到過你們的激情，我看到過你們的奉獻。我看到過你們的投入，我看到過你們挺身而出，人數(shù)空前。我聽到了你們的聲音，創(chuàng)意和對數(shù)碼技術(shù)的精通使得這種聲音格外響亮，而我們這些年長的人幾乎不得其解。我看到心情迫切、躍躍欲試的一代人準備躋身歷史激流中，扭轉(zhuǎn)其方向。

And that defiant, can-do spirit is what runs through the veins of American history.It’s the lifeblood of all our progress.And it is that spirit which we need your generation to embrace and rekindle right now.這種蔑視困難、積極進取的精神貫穿于整個美國歷史的進程。這種精神是我們一切進步的源泉。此時此刻，我們需要你們這一代繼承和發(fā)揚光大的正是這種精神。

See, the question is not whether things will get better--they always do.The question is not whether we’ve got the solutions to our challenges--we’ve had them within our grasp for quite some time.We know, for example, that this country would be better off if more Americans were able to get the kind of education that you’ve received here at Barnard--(applause)--if more people could get the specific skills and training that employers are looking for today.可以看出，問題并不在于事情是否會好轉(zhuǎn)——情況總是會變好的。問題也不在于我們是否已經(jīng)有了應(yīng)對我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)的解決辦法——我們一直掌握著這些解決辦法，已有相當(dāng)一段時間了。比如說，我們知道，如果有更多的美國人能得到你們在巴納德得到的這樣的教育（掌聲）——如果有更多的人能夠獲得今天的雇主所需要的那些特定的技能和訓(xùn)練，美國的情況會更好。

We know that we’d all be better off if we invest in science and technology that sparks new businesses and medical breakthroughs;if we developed more clean energy so we could use less foreign oil and reduce the carbon pollution that’s threatening our planet.(Applause.)

我們知道，如果我們投資于能夠造就新的企業(yè)并帶動醫(yī)學(xué)突破的科學(xué)與技術(shù)，如果我們開發(fā)出更多的清潔能源以減少使用外國石油并減少對我們的地球構(gòu)成威脅的碳污染，我們大家的日子會過得更好。（掌聲）

We know that we’re better off when there are rules that stop big banks from making bad bets with other people’s money and--(applause)--when insurance companies aren’t allowed to drop your coverage when you need it most or charge women differently from men.(Applause.)Indeed, we know we are better off when women are treated fairly and equally in every aspect of American life--whether it’s the salary you earn or the health decisions you make.(Applause.)

我們知道，如果有一定的規(guī)則制止大銀行拿別人的錢去惡賭（掌聲）——如果不允許保險公司在你最需要的時候取消你的保險資格或者對男女收費標(biāo)準不一，我們的日子會過得更好。（掌聲）確實，我們都知道，如果婦女在國家生活的方方面面都能得到公平與平等的對待——無論是你的薪金所得還是你所作的健康決定，我們的日子會過得更好。（掌聲）

We know these things to be true.We know that our challenges are eminently solvable.The question is whether together, we can muster the will--in our own lives, in our common institutions, in our politics--to bring about the changes we need.And I’m convinced your generation possesses that will.And I believe that the women of this generation--that all of you will help lead the way.(Applause.)

我們知道這些都是實實在在的道理。我們知道，我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)顯然都是可以解決的。問題是，我們是否能夠擰成一股繩，拿出意志力——在我們自己的生活中，在我們共同的體制中，在我們的政治事務(wù)中——實現(xiàn)我們所需的變革。我堅信，你們這一代具有這種意志力。我相信，這一代女性——你們所有的人將會在這條道路上走在前面。

Now, I recognize that’s a cheap applause line when you're giving a commencement at Barnard.(Laughter.)It’s the easy thing to say.But it’s true.It is--in part, it is simple math.Today, women are not just half this country;you’re half its workforce.(Applause.)More and more women are out-earning their husbands.You’re more than half of our college graduates, and master’s graduates, and PhDs.(Applause.)So you’ve got us outnumbered.(Laughter.)

我承認，這是不用費力就能在巴納德學(xué)院的畢業(yè)典禮上贏得鼓掌喝彩的一句話。（笑聲）說這樣的話很容易。但事實確實如此。這是——在某種程度上，這是簡單的數(shù)學(xué)題。今天，婦女不僅占這個國家總?cè)丝诘囊话耄銈冞€是這個國家勞動力的一半。（掌聲）越來越多的女性收入超過了她們的丈夫。你們在我們的大學(xué)畢業(yè)生中，在擁有碩士學(xué)位和博士學(xué)位的畢業(yè)生中占了一半以上。（掌聲）所以，你們在人數(shù)上超過了我們。（笑聲）

After decades of slow, steady, extraordinary progress, you are now poised to make this the century where women shape not only their own destiny but the destiny of this nation and of this world.在幾十年來的緩慢、持續(xù)、不凡的進展之后，你們即將在本世紀實現(xiàn)這樣的目標(biāo)：婦女不僅能改變自己的命運，還能改變這個國家乃至這個世界的命運。

But how far your leadership takes this country, how far it takes this world--well, that will be up to you.You’ve got to want it.It will not be handed to you.And as someone who wants that future--that better future--for you, and for Malia and Sasha, as somebody who’s had the good fortune of being the husband and the father and the son of some strong, remarkable women, allow me to offer just a few pieces of advice.That's obligatory.(Laughter.)Bear with me.然而，你們的主動性能使這個國家走多遠、能使這個世界走多遠，還要取決于你們自己。你們必須有這種愿望。進步不可能由別人拱手奉上。作為一個希望你們、瑪莉婭和薩夏擁有這一前途及更美好前途的人，作為一個有幸成為幾位堅強杰出的女性的丈夫、父親和兒子的人，請允許我貢獻幾條建議。這是義不容辭的。（笑聲）容我慢慢道來。

My first piece of advice is this: Don’t just get involved.Fight for your seat at the table.Better yet, fight for a seat at the head of the table.(Applause.)

我的第一條建議是，僅僅參與還不夠，要為在決策中贏得一席之地而奮斗。能為坐上首席而奮斗就更好了。（掌聲）

It’s been said that the most important role in our democracy is the role of citizen.And indeed, it was 225 years ago today that the Constitutional Convention opened in Philadelphia, and our founders, citizens all, began crafting an extraordinary document.Yes, it had its flaws--flaws that this nation has strived to perfect over time.Questions of race and gender were unresolved.No woman’s signature graced the original document--although we can assume that there were founding mothers whispering smarter things in the ears of the founding fathers.(Applause.)I mean, that's almost certain.有人說，我們民主中最重要的角色是公民角色。的確如此，225年前的今天，費城召開了制憲大會，我們的開國元勛，我們所有的公民，開始起草一項偉大的綱領(lǐng)。是的，該文件有缺陷，這個國家后來為了完善它而作出了努力。種族和性別問題當(dāng)時沒有得到解決。最初的文件上沒有婦女的簽名來為之增添光彩，但是我們可以想象，一些開國之母在開國之父的耳旁輕聲細語地指點一些高招。（掌聲）我是說，幾乎肯定如此。

What made this document special was that it provided the space--the possibility--for those who had been left out of our charter to fight their way in.It provided people the language to appeal to principles and ideals that broadened democracy’s reach.It allowed for protest, and movements, and the dissemination of new ideas that would repeatedly, decade after decade, change the world--a constant forward movement that continues to this day.這份文件之所以特別，是因為它為那些沒有被納入我們的憲法的人們提供了爭取權(quán)利的空間和可能性。它為人民提供了借助于一些原則和理想拓展民主范圍的語言。它允許發(fā)起抗議和運動，允許傳播新思想，一代又一代地改變著世界，形成了一股永不休止的潮流，一直延續(xù)到今天。

Our founders understood that America does not stand still;we are dynamic, not static.We look forward, not back.And now that new doors have been opened for you, you’ve got an obligation to seize those opportunities.我們的開國元勛認識到，美國并非一成不變；我們充滿活力，不會停滯不前。我們向前看，不回頭。既然新的大門已為你們敞開，你們就有義務(wù)把握這些機會。

You need to do this not just for yourself but for those who don’t yet enjoy the choices that you’ve had, the choices you will have.And one reason many workplaces still have outdated policies is because women only account for 3 percent of the CEOs at Fortune 500 companies.One reason we’re actually refighting long-settled battles over women’s rights is because women occupy fewer than one in five seats in Congress.你們需要這么做，不僅是為了你們自己，也是為了那些沒有得到你們已經(jīng)有過以及還將擁有的種種選擇的人。許多工作場所仍在實行過時的政策，原因之一就是婦女只占財富500強公司首席行政官的3%。我們?nèi)栽跒闋幦D女權(quán)利而再次進行早已完成的抗?fàn)?，原因之一就是婦女在國會所占的席位還不到五分之一。

Now, I’m not saying that the only way to achieve success is by climbing to the top of the corporate ladder or running for office--although, let’s face it, Congress would get a lot more done if you did.(Laughter and applause.)That I think we’re sure about.But if you decide not to sit yourself at the table, at the very least you’ve got to make sure you have a say in who does.It matters.我不是說取得成功的唯一途徑是晉升到公司的最高層，或是競選公職，不過，請讓我們面對這個事實：如果你們競選公職，國會將能大有作為。（笑聲和掌聲）我想大家對此是深信無疑的。但如果你們決定不親身參政，至少也應(yīng)該確保自己有權(quán)選擇議員。這很重要。

Before women like Barbara Mikulski and Olympia Snowe and others got to Congress, just to take one example, much of federally-funded research on diseases focused solely on their effects on men.It wasn’t until women like Patsy Mink and Edith Green got to Congress and passed Title IX, 40 years ago this year, that we declared women, too, should be allowed to compete and win on America’s playing fields.(Applause.)Until a woman named Lilly Ledbetter showed up at her office and had the courage to step up and say, you know what, this isn’t right, women weren’t being treated fairly--we lacked some of the tools we needed to uphold the basic principle of equal pay for equal work.例如，在像芭芭拉·米庫爾斯基和奧林匹婭·斯諾及其他女性進入國會前，聯(lián)邦資助的大部分疾病研究主要側(cè)重于疾病對男性的影響。40年前的今天，帕齊·明克和伊迪絲·格林等女性進入國會并通過[教育法修正案]《第九條》，從而宣布女性也有資格在美國的運動場上參與競賽并取勝。（掌聲）一個名叫莉莉·萊德貝特的女性來到她的辦公室，勇敢地而明確地說：你們知道嗎，這不對，女性沒有得到公正待遇——我們?nèi)狈σ恍┍匾氖侄魏葱l(wèi)同工同酬的基本原則。

So don’t accept somebody else’s construction of the way things ought to be.It’s up to you to right wrongs.It’s up to you to point out injustice.It’s up to you to hold the system accountable and sometimes upend it entirely.It’s up to you to stand up and to be heard, to write and to lobby, to march, to organize, to vote.Don’t be content to just sit back and watch.所以不要接受別人對于事情理當(dāng)如何的看法。你應(yīng)當(dāng)來糾正錯誤做法。你應(yīng)當(dāng)來指出不公不義。你應(yīng)當(dāng)來督促社會體制負起責(zé)任，有時需要全盤改變。你應(yīng)當(dāng)挺身而出，發(fā)表意見，撰文游說，游行示威，組織民眾，投票表決。不要滿足于袖手旁觀。

Those who oppose change, those who benefit from an unjust status quo, have always bet on the public’s cynicism or the public's complacency.Throughout American history, though, they have lost that bet, and I believe they will this time as well.(Applause.)But ultimately, Class of 2012, that will depend on you.Don’t wait for the person next to you to be the first to speak up for what’s right.Because maybe, just maybe, they’re waiting on you.那些反對變革、受益于不公平現(xiàn)狀的人，總是賭定公眾要不是憤世嫉俗就是洋洋自得?？墒强v觀美國歷史，他們一再下錯賭注，我相信這一次也不例外。（掌聲）可是說到底，2012屆的同學(xué)們，這將取決于你們。不要等待你身旁的人第一個為正義發(fā)言。因為有可能，只是有此可能，他們正在等你帶頭。

Which brings me to my second piece of advice: Never underestimate the power of your example.The very fact that you are graduating, let alone that more women now graduate from college than men, is only possible because earlier generations of women--your mothers, your grandmothers, your aunts--shattered the myth that you couldn’t or shouldn’t be where you are.(Applause.)

這就涉及我的第二條建議：切勿低估以身作則的力量。你們即將畢業(yè)的事實，且不說目前大學(xué)畢業(yè)的女生人數(shù)超過男生，都是因為前輩女性－－你們的母親、祖母、姨嬸－－打破了你不能或者不應(yīng)當(dāng)身在此處的神話。（掌聲）

I think of a friend of mine who’s the daughter of immigrants.When she was in high school, her guidance counselor told her, you know what, you’re just not college material.You should think about becoming a secretary.Well, she was stubborn, so she went to college anyway.She got her master’s.She ran for local office, won.She ran for state office, she won.She ran for Congress, she won.And lo and behold, Hilda Solis did end up becoming a secretary--(laughter)--she is America’s Secretary of Labor.(Applause.)

我想起一位朋友，她是移民的女兒。念中學(xué)時，她的指導(dǎo)老師告訴她，你不是念大學(xué)的材料，你應(yīng)當(dāng)考慮去當(dāng)秘書。她很固執(zhí)，所以還是念了大學(xué)，進而拿到碩士學(xué)位。她競選地方公職，結(jié)果勝選。她競選州政府公職，再度勝選。她競選國會議員，又是勝選。請聽好了，希爾達·索利斯最終的確成為一名秘書－－（笑聲）－－她成為美國勞工部的秘書[譯者注：“秘書”和“部長”在英文中是同一個單詞]。（掌聲）

So think about what that means to a young Latina girl when she sees a Cabinet secretary that looks like her.(Applause.)Think about what it means to a young girl in Iowa when she sees a presidential candidate who looks like her.Think about what it means to a young girl walking in Harlem right down the street when she sees a U.N.ambassador who looks like her.Do not underestimate the power of your example.所以想想看，當(dāng)一名拉丁裔的小女孩看到一名長得像她的內(nèi)閣部長，會作何感想。（掌聲）當(dāng)一名艾奧瓦州的小女孩看到一名長得像她的總統(tǒng)候選人，會作何感想。當(dāng)一名小女孩走在哈萊姆區(qū)的街上，看到一名長得像她的駐聯(lián)合國大使，她會作何感想。不要低估了你們以身作則的力量。

This diploma opens up new possibilities, so reach back, convince a young girl to earn one, too.If you earned your degree in areas where we need more women--like computer science or engineering--(applause)--reach back and persuade another student to study it, too.If you're going into fields where we need more women, like construction or computer engineering--reach back, hire someone new.Be a mentor.Be a role model.這張文憑將會開辟新的可能性，因此，回過頭去，說服另一個小女孩也去追求文憑。如果你們學(xué)習(xí)的專業(yè)是需要更多女性投入的領(lǐng)域－－比如計算機科學(xué)或者工程學(xué)－－（掌聲）－－也要說服另一名學(xué)生加入你們的學(xué)習(xí)行列。如果你們進入的是需要更多女性加入的領(lǐng)域，如建筑施工或者計算機工程－－那就回頭聘一位新人。做一個指導(dǎo)者。做一個好榜樣。

Until a girl can imagine herself, can picture herself as a computer programmer, or a combatant commander, she won’t become one.Until there are women who tell her, ignore our pop culture obsession over beauty and fashion--(applause)--and focus instead on studying and inventing and competing and leading, she’ll think those are the only things that girls are supposed to care about.Now, Michelle will say, nothing wrong with caring about it a little bit.(Laughter.)You can be stylish and powerful, too.(Applause.)That's Michelle’s advice.(Applause.)

一名女孩要成為計算機程序員或者軍事指揮官，她必須首先具備這樣的理想。如果沒有別的女性告訴她，不要在意我們的流行文化對于美麗和時尚的迷戀－－（掌聲）－－而是專注學(xué)習(xí)，發(fā)明創(chuàng)新，與人競爭，發(fā)揮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用，她就會一直在意那些事情。好，米歇爾會說，在意一點又何妨。（笑聲）你可以既時髦又有力量。（掌聲）那是米歇爾的建議。（掌聲）

And never forget that the most important example a young girl will ever follow is that of a parent.Malia and Sasha are going to be outstanding women because Michelle and Marian Robinson are outstanding women.So understand your power, and use it wisely.千萬不要忘記一個女孩仿效的最重要榜樣就是她的父母。瑪莉婭和莎夏將會成為杰出的女性，因為米歇爾和瑪麗安·魯賓遜都是杰出的女性。所以，要認識到你們的力量，并且明智地加以運用。

My last piece of advice--this is simple, but perhaps most important: Persevere.Persevere.Nothing worthwhile is easy.No one of achievement has avoided failure--sometimes catastrophic failures.But they keep at it.They learn from mistakes.They don’t quit.我的最后一點建議－－這很簡單，但可能是最重要的一點：堅持不懈。堅持不懈。有價值的事物得之不易。沒有一個有成就的人能夠避免失敗－－有時甚至是一敗涂地?？墒撬麄儓猿植恍?，從錯誤中學(xué)習(xí)。他們絕不放棄。

You know, when I first arrived on this campus, it was with little money, fewer options.But it was here that I tried to find my place in this world.I knew I wanted to make a difference, but it was vague how in fact I’d go about it.(Laughter.)But I wanted to do my part to do my part to shape a better world.你們知道，我剛到這個校園時，沒多少錢，更沒多少選擇。但正是在這里，我試圖尋找我在這個世界上的立足之地。我知道我想有所作為，但卻不清楚如何去做。(笑聲）可我想盡自己的力量去建設(shè)一個更美好的世界。

So even as I worked after graduation in a few unfulfilling jobs here in New York--I will not list them all--(laughter)--even as I went from motley apartment to motley apartment, I reached out.I started to write letters to community organizations all across the country.And one day, a small group of churches on the South Side of Chicago answered, offering me work with people in neighborhoods hit hard by steel mills that were shutting down and communities where jobs were dying away.因此，即使當(dāng)我畢業(yè)后在紐約從事幾份沒有成就感的工作的時候——我不會一 一列舉——（笑聲）——即使在我搬出一間雜亂的公寓又搬到另一間同樣雜亂的公寓的時候，我也在努力求索。我開始給全國各地的社區(qū)組織寫信。有一天，芝加哥南區(qū)的一個小型教會組織回了信，給了我一份為當(dāng)?shù)鼐用穹?wù)的工作，他們那里的鋼廠停業(yè)使他們受到沉重打擊，那里的就業(yè)機會也一天天消失。

The community had been plagued by gang violence, so once I arrived, one of the first things we tried to do was to mobilize a meeting with community leaders to deal with gangs.And I’d worked for weeks on this project.We invited the police;we made phone calls;we went to churches;we passed out flyers.The night of the meeting we arranged rows and rows of chairs in anticipation of this crowd.And we waited, and we waited.And finally, a group of older folks walked in to the hall and they sat down.And this little old lady raised her hand and asked, “Is this where the bingo game is?”(Laughter.)It was a disaster.Nobody showed up.My first big community meeting--nobody showed up.當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)一直被幫派暴力所擾，所以我一到那里，我們爭取做的第一件事情就是與社區(qū)領(lǐng)袖開會商量應(yīng)對幫派的對策。我為這項工作忙了好幾個星期。我們邀請了警察；我們打了電話，我們?nèi)チ私烫?；我們散發(fā)了傳單。要開會的那天晚上，我們排好了一排排椅子，以為會有一大群人到會。我們等啊等。最后，一群老人走進大廳，然后坐下來。有一位瘦小的老太太舉起了手，問道：“賓果游戲是在這里嗎？”(笑聲)真是糟糕透了。沒有人來。我的第一個社區(qū)大會——沒有人到場。

And later, the volunteers I worked with told me, that's it;we’re quitting.They'd been doing this for two years even before I had arrived.They had nothing to show for it.And I’ll be honest, I felt pretty discouraged as well.I didn't know what I was doing.I thought about quitting.And as we were talking, I looked outside and saw some young boys playing in a vacant lot across the street.And they were just throwing rocks up at a boarded building.They had nothing better to do--late at night, just throwing rocks.And I said to the volunteers, “Before you quit, answer one question.What will happen to those boys if you quit? Who will fight for them if we don’t? Who will give them a fair shot if we leave?

后來，和我一起工作的志愿人員對我說，夠了，我們不干了。他們在我來之前已經(jīng)干了兩年之久。他們覺得沒有任何成就可言。說實話，我也感到相當(dāng)氣餒。我不知道我在做什么。我想過不干了。當(dāng)我們交談的時候，我往外邊看了看，看到一群年輕的男孩在馬路對面的空地上玩耍。他們正對著一座用板子釘起來的建筑物投擲石塊。他們百無聊賴——在深夜，扔石頭玩。我對那些志愿人員說：“在你們退出之前，先回答一個問題。如果你們不干了那些男孩會怎么樣？如果我們不為他們著想，還有誰會為他們奮斗呢？如果我們走了，還有誰會給他們一個公平的機會呢？

And one by one, the volunteers decided not to quit.We went back to those neighborhoods and we kept at it.We registered new voters, and we set up after-school programs, and we fought for new jobs, and helped people live lives with some measure of dignity.And we sustained ourselves with those small victories.We didn’t set the world on fire.Some of those communities are still very poor.There are still a lot of gangs out there.But I believe that it was those small victories that helped me win the bigger victories of my last three and a half years as President.志愿者們一個接一個地決定不放棄。我們回到那些街區(qū)，繼續(xù)堅持工作。我們給新選民登記，我們安排課后活動，我們爭取新的就業(yè)機會，并幫助人們活得更有尊嚴。我們用那些小小的勝利鼓勵自己。我們并沒有做什么驚天動地的事。這些社區(qū)中有一些仍然很貧窮。那里仍然有很多的幫派出沒。但我相信，就是這些小小的勝利幫助我在這三年半里作為總統(tǒng)贏得了更大的勝利。

And I wish I could say that this perseverance came from some innate toughness in me.But the truth is, it was learned.I got it from watching the people who raised me.More specifically, I got it from watching the women who shaped my life.我希望我能說這種執(zhí)著源于我與生俱來的某種毅力。但事實是，這是后天學(xué)到的。我是從養(yǎng)育我的人身上學(xué)到的。更具體地說，我是從影響了我的生活的那些女性身上學(xué)到的。

I grew up as the son of a single mom who struggled to put herself through school and make ends meet.She had marriages that fell apart;even went on food stamps at one point to help us get by.But she didn’t quit.And she earned her degree, and made sure that through scholarships and hard work, my sister and I earned ours.She used to wake me up when we were living overseas--wake me up before dawn to study my English lessons.And when I’d complain, she’d just look at me and say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.”(Laughter.)

我是一個單身母親的兒子，她含辛茹苦，在努力維持家庭生計的同時完成學(xué)業(yè)。她有過破碎的婚姻，甚至一度靠領(lǐng)取食品劵勉強養(yǎng)家度日。但她沒有放棄。她獲得了學(xué)位，并確保我和我妹妹能依靠獎學(xué)金和辛勤努力來獲得我們的學(xué)位。當(dāng)我們在海外生活時，她常常叫我起床——天不亮就起床，學(xué)習(xí)英語課程。當(dāng)我抱怨時，她就會看著我說：“小子，這對我也并不輕松?！?笑聲)

And my mom ended up dedicating herself to helping women around the world access the money they needed to start their own businesses--she was an early pioneer in microfinance.And that meant, though, that she was gone a lot, and she had her own struggles trying to figure out balancing motherhood and a career.And when she was gone, my grandmother stepped up to take care of me.我的母親最終完全投入到幫助世界各地婦女獲得創(chuàng)業(yè)所需資金的工作中——她是微型信貸的一個先驅(qū)。但這意味著她經(jīng)常不在家，而且她有著自身的掙扎，要努力在做母親和發(fā)展事業(yè)之間找到平衡。她不在家時，我的外祖母承擔(dān)起照顧我的責(zé)任。

She only had a high school education.She got a job at a local bank.She hit the glass ceiling, and watched men she once trained promoted up the ladder ahead of her.But she didn’t quit.Rather than grow hard or angry each time she got passed over, she kept doing her job as best as she knew how, and ultimately ended up being vice president at the bank.She didn’t quit.她僅受過高中教育。她在當(dāng)?shù)劂y行找到一份工作，她遇到了事業(yè)上的玻璃天花板，眼看著她曾經(jīng)培訓(xùn)過的男人晉升到比她更高的級別。但她沒有退卻。她沒有因一次次機會旁落而變得冷漠或憤怒，而是繼續(xù)盡自己最大努力做好工作，最終她成為銀行的副總裁。她沒有退卻。

And later on, I met a woman who was assigned to advise me on my first summer job at a law firm.And she gave me such good advice that I married her.(Laughter.)And Michelle and I gave everything we had to balance our careers and a young family.But let’s face it, no matter how enlightened I must have thought myself to be, it often fell more on her shoulders when I was traveling, when I was away.I know that when she was with our girls, she’d feel guilty that she wasn’t giving enough time to her work, and when she was at her work, she’d feel guilty she wasn’t giving enough time to our girls.And both of us wished we had some superpower that would let us be in two places at once.But we persisted.We made that marriage work.后來，我遇到一位女性，她被派來擔(dān)任我在一家律師事務(wù)所從事的第一份暑期工作的指導(dǎo)。她對我的指導(dǎo)如此之好，以致于我娶了她。（笑聲）米歇爾和我竭盡全力在發(fā)展事業(yè)與照顧幼小的孩子之間找到平衡。但是說實話，不管我當(dāng)時可能認為自己是多么開通，在我外出旅行時，在我不在家時，家事往往更多地落在她的肩上。我知道，在照顧我們的兩個女兒時，她為沒有在工作上付出足夠時間感到內(nèi)疚；而當(dāng)她上班時，又為沒有給孩子足夠的時間感到內(nèi)疚。我們倆都唯愿我們有某種超人的能力，使我們能夠兩者兼顧。但我們堅持住了，我們的努力保證了婚姻的成功。

And the reason Michelle had the strength to juggle everything, and put up with me and eventually the public spotlight, was because she, too, came from a family of folks who didn’t quit--because she saw her dad get up and go to work every day even though he never finished college, even though he had crippling MS.She saw her mother, even though she never finished college, in that school, that urban school, every day making sure Michelle and her brother were getting the education they deserved.Michelle saw how her parents never quit.They never indulged in self-pity, no matter how stacked the odds were against them.They didn't quit.米歇爾之所以能夠堅強地招架一切并忍受我，而且最終忍受公眾聚光，是因為她同樣來自一個不輕易退卻的家庭——因為她看到她的父親每天一大早起來去上班，盡管他從未念完大學(xué)，盡管他患有影響行動的多發(fā)性硬化癥。她看到，盡管她的母親從未念完大學(xué)，但在那個學(xué)校，那個貧民區(qū)的學(xué)校，她每天都確保米歇爾和她的哥哥受到他們應(yīng)該得到的教育。米歇爾看到她的父母從不放棄。他們從不沉溺于自憐，不管他們面臨多么不利的境況。他們從不放棄。

Those are the folks who inspire me.People ask me sometimes, who inspires you, Mr.President? Those quiet heroes all across this country--some of your parents and grandparents who are sitting here--no fanfare, no articles written about them, they just persevere.They just do their jobs.They meet their responsibilities.They don't quit.I'm only here because of them.They may not have set out to change the world, but in small, important ways, they did.They certainly changed mine.正是這些人激勵著我。人們有時問我，總統(tǒng)先生，是誰激勵著你？是這個國家各地那些默默耕耘的英雄——今天在座的你們一些人的父母和祖父母——他們不張揚，沒有文章報道他們，他們只是堅持不懈。他們只是做好本職工作。他們履行自己的責(zé)任。他們不放棄。正是因為有他們我才站到這里。他們或許并沒有從一開始就要改變世界，但他們以一點一滴的重要方式，改變了世界。他們無疑改變了我的世界。

So whether it’s starting a business, or running for office, or raising an amazing family, remember that making your mark on the world is hard.It takes patience.It takes commitment.It comes with plenty of setbacks and it comes with plenty of failures.因此，無論是創(chuàng)辦一家企業(yè)、競選公職、還是撫養(yǎng)一個美好的家庭，請記?。阂谶@個世界上留下你的影響不是一件輕而易舉的事情。它需要耐心。它需要投入。隨之而來的是大量挫折，以及無數(shù)次的失敗。

But whenever you feel that creeping cynicism, whenever you hear those voices say you can’t make a difference, whenever somebody tells you to set your sights lower--the trajectory of this country should give you hope.Previous generations should give you hope.What young generations have done before should give you hope.Young folks who marched and mobilized and stood up and sat in, from Seneca Falls to Selma to Stonewall, didn’t just do it for themselves;they did it for other people.(Applause.)

但每當(dāng)你感覺到那種迎面撲來的冷嘲熱諷，每當(dāng)你聽到人們說你無法改變現(xiàn)狀，每當(dāng)有人告訴你要茍且偷生——這個國家走過的道路應(yīng)該給你帶來希望。前幾代人的經(jīng)歷應(yīng)該給你帶來希望。在你之前的一代又一代年輕人做過的一切應(yīng)該給你帶來希望。無論是在塞尼卡福爾斯還是在塞爾瑪或是在石墻，當(dāng)時那些參加游行、動員起來、挺身而出、進行靜坐的年輕人，他們不僅僅是為自己這樣做 ；他們這樣做是為了別人。（掌聲）

That’s how we achieved women’s rights.That's how we achieved voting rights.That's how we achieved workers’ rights.That's how we achieved gay rights.(Applause.)That’s how we’ve made this Union more perfect.(Applause.)

就是這樣，我們獲得了婦女權(quán)利；就是這樣，我們獲得了選舉權(quán)；就是這樣，我們獲得了工人權(quán)利；就是這樣，我們獲得了同性戀權(quán)利。（掌聲）就是這樣，我們使我們的合眾國更趨完美。（掌聲）

And if you’re willing to do your part now, if you're willing to reach up and close that gap between what America is and what America should be, I want you to know that I will be right there with you.(Applause.)If you are ready to fight for that brilliant, radically simple idea of America that no matter who you are or what you look like, no matter who you love or what God you worship, you can still pursue your own happiness, I will join you every step of the way.(Applause.)

如果你們愿意現(xiàn)在就來盡你們的職責(zé)，如果你們愿意竭盡所能縮小美國現(xiàn)狀與理想之間的差距，我想讓你們知道：我會與你們站在一起。（掌聲）。不管你是誰、不管你的外貌如何、不管你愛的是誰或敬拜什么樣的神，你仍然可以追求自己的幸?！绻銣蕚錇槊绹鴮崿F(xiàn)這個十分簡單卻又非常美好的想法而奮斗，我會在前進的道路上與你并肩邁出每一步。（掌聲）

Now more than ever--now more than ever, America needs what you, the Class of 2012, has to offer.America needs you to reach high and hope deeply.And if you fight for your seat at the table, and you set a better example, and you persevere in what you decide to do with your life, I have every faith not only that you will succeed, but that, through you, our nation will continue to be a beacon of light for men and women, boys and girls, in every corner of the globe.與以往任何時候相比——與以往任何時候相比，現(xiàn)在美國都更需要你們——2012屆的同學(xué)們——所能貢獻的一切。美國需要你們高瞻遠矚、胸懷大志。如果你們?yōu)闋幦∽约旱陌l(fā)言權(quán)而奮斗，樹立一個更好的榜樣，堅持做你們一生中立志要做的事情，我堅信，不僅你們會取得成功，而且由于你們的努力，我們的國家將繼續(xù)是為全球每一個角落的男人和女人、男孩和女孩照耀航程的燈塔。

So thank you.Congratulations.(Applause.)God bless you.God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)

因此，謝謝大家。向你們祝賀。（掌聲）上帝保佑你們。上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。（掌聲）

巴納德學(xué)院簡介：

巴納德學(xué)院（Barnard College）是美國的一所私立女子高等學(xué)校，1889年于紐約市創(chuàng)辦，以原哥倫比亞學(xué)院院長費雷德里克·巴納德的名字命名。1900年并入哥倫比亞大學(xué)，仍保留獨立的學(xué)校董事會和財政機構(gòu)，有自己的教師、圖書館和與哥倫比亞大學(xué)共同享有的設(shè)備，但學(xué)士學(xué)位由哥倫比亞大學(xué)授予。課程涉及人文學(xué)、社會科學(xué)和自然科學(xué)，亦提供音樂、戲劇等方面的專門課程。學(xué)生可參加哥倫比亞大學(xué)的許多活動，亦可到哥倫比亞大學(xué)聽課。

原文鏈接：http://

第五篇：奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講

奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

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[2] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

[3] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

[4] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）[5] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

[6] 奧巴馬俄羅斯畢業(yè)典禮演講（中英對照）

First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.首先，逆轉(zhuǎn)核武器擴散的趨勢，防止核武器的使用，是美國的利益所在。In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction.In 2009, our inheritance is different.You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror--we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries.But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint.We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.上一個世紀，美國和俄羅斯的幾代人繼承了可以毀滅其他國家的力量，同時也認識到使用這種力量也會造成自身的毀滅。2009年，我們傳承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出這樣的問題：美國和俄羅斯領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是否將奉行恐怖的均勢──我們了解，我們兩國之間發(fā)生任何戰(zhàn)爭，都將產(chǎn)生悲慘的結(jié)局。但我們確實有必要問這樣一個問題：我們有必要問一問，在紐約和莫斯科殺害無辜平民的極端主義分子會不會表現(xiàn)同樣的克制。我們有必要問一問，10個、20個，或者50個有核武裝的國家是否會保障本國核武庫的安全并避免使用核武器。

This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century.The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion.In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests.Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons? 這就是21世紀核挑戰(zhàn)的核心問題。認為擁有這些核武器就能提高自己的地位，或認為一旦確認和鑒別哪些國家可以擁有這些核武器，我們就能保護自己，都?不切實際的幻想。在冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的短時期內(nèi)，我們已經(jīng)看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韓進行了核試驗。如果不發(fā)生根本性的變化，我們中間有誰真正相信今后20年不會出現(xiàn)核武器的進一步擴散？

60個單詞拿下辦公室英語 奧巴馬就職演講稿（中英文對照）奧巴馬在林肯紀念堂的演講（雙語）奧巴馬在上海發(fā)表演講（中英對照）奧巴馬參加圣母院大學(xué)畢業(yè)典禮并發(fā)表演講 世界十大著名畢業(yè)典禮演講

奧巴馬復(fù)活節(jié)演講（視頻下載+文本）英語小測：一見鐘情怎么說？

That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons.That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers.And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.正是出于這個原因，美國堅決要求制止核擴散，最終爭取實現(xiàn)全世界不存在核武器的目標(biāo)。這與我們在《不擴散核武器條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)中作出的承諾相一致。這是我們作為全世界兩個核大國需要承擔(dān)的責(zé)任。盡管我知道這個目標(biāo)不可能很快實現(xiàn)，但爭取實現(xiàn)這個目標(biāo)可以為防止核武器擴散并避免其實際使用提供法律和道義的基礎(chǔ)。

We're already taking important steps to build this foundation.Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems.We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT.And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.我們已經(jīng)為奠定這個基礎(chǔ)邁出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我為兩國談判達成一項新的條約取得了進展。這個條約將大大減少我們的彈頭和運載系統(tǒng)的數(shù)量。我們重申我們致力于核能源的潔凈、安全與和平使用，所有根據(jù)《不擴散核武器條約》履行其職責(zé)的國家都有權(quán)獲得這樣的核能。我們同意加強在核安全問題上的合作，這對于達到在四年內(nèi)保障所有危險核材料的安全的目標(biāo)至關(guān)重要。

As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs.Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East.That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon.And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges--ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.在我們履行自己的承諾之時，我們還必須使其他國家為他們做出的承諾負責(zé)。不論美國還是俄羅斯，我們兩國都不可能從東亞和中東的核武器競賽中獲益。正是由于這個原因，我們應(yīng)該共同反對北韓成為核國家，共同反對伊朗獲得核武器。我感到高興的是，梅德韋杰夫總統(tǒng)和我同意對彈道導(dǎo)彈問題──21世紀彈道導(dǎo)彈構(gòu)成的挑戰(zhàn)，包括來自伊朗和北韓的威脅──聯(lián)合進行威脅評估。

This is not about singling out individual nations--it's about the responsibilities of all nations.If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle.And that benefits no one.As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.此事并非針對個別國家，而是涉及到所有國家的責(zé)任。如果我們不能采取共同立場，那么《不擴散核武器條約》和聯(lián)合國安理會的信譽就會喪失殆盡，國際法就會被弱肉強食的法則取代。這對任何人都沒有好處。我曾在布拉格(Prague)表示，規(guī)則必須有約束力，違者必罰，言必有信。

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement.I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe.And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world.And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran.It has nothing to do with Russia.In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer.But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.成功地執(zhí)行這些規(guī)則有助于消除產(chǎn)生分歧的根源。我知道俄羅斯反對在歐洲部署導(dǎo)彈防御系統(tǒng)的計劃。為了加強美國、歐洲和全世界的安全，本屆政府正在審議有關(guān)計劃。我已明確表示，這個系統(tǒng)的目的在于防止可能來自伊朗的襲擊，與俄羅斯無關(guān)。事實上，我希望與俄羅斯在導(dǎo)彈防御框架的問題上相互合作，從而加強我們大家的安全。但一旦排除了來自伊朗核計劃和彈道導(dǎo)彈計劃的威脅，在歐洲部署導(dǎo)彈防御系統(tǒng)的驅(qū)動力將不再存在。這符合我們的共同利益。Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.除了限制全世界最危險的武器之外，美國具有重大國家利益的第二個問題是孤立并戰(zhàn)勝暴力極端主義分子。

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths.Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims.And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali;Islamabad and Kabul;and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands.They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate--particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.多年來，“基地”組織及其附庸褻瀆了一個代表和平與正義的偉大宗教，殘酷無情地殺害各種國籍和各種信仰的男子、婦女和兒童。尤其值得注意的是，他們甚至也殺害穆斯林。這些極端主義分子在安曼和巴厘島殺人；在伊斯蘭堡和喀布爾殺人；他們的手上也沾滿美國人和俄羅斯人的血。他們正在密謀殺害我們更多的人民，他們得到一些安全庇護所，在那里進行訓(xùn)練和活動──特別是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)。

And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan.We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations.Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity.And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory.Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban.It's time to work together on behalf of a different future--a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present;a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.正是因為如此，美國有一個明確的目標(biāo)：瓦解、搗毀和擊敗“基地”組織及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我們不謀求建立基地，也不希望控制這些國家。相反，我們希望與國際夥伴相互合作，其中包括俄羅斯，幫助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促進其安全與繁榮。正是因為這個原因，我對俄羅斯允許美國經(jīng)貴國領(lǐng)土為我們的盟軍運送物資感到高興。無論美國還是俄羅斯，均不希望看到塔利班統(tǒng)治阿富汗或巴基斯坦?，F(xiàn)在，我們應(yīng)該為實現(xiàn)另一種前途攜手努力 ── 我們不再進行以往的大規(guī)模競賽，同時努力解決當(dāng)前的沖突，讓我們都為中亞的安全做貢獻。