第一篇:富蘭克林和書
富蘭克林和書
美國(guó)18世紀(jì)著名政治家、科學(xué)家富蘭克林,參加過獨(dú)立上星期爭(zhēng),參加起草獨(dú)立宣言,代表美國(guó)同英國(guó)談判,后簽訂巴黎和約,曾創(chuàng)辦《賓夕法尼亞報(bào)》,建立美國(guó)第一個(gè)公共圖書館。他在研究大氣電方面有重要貢獻(xiàn),發(fā)明避雷針。著有《自傳》。
富蘭克林自幼酷愛讀書。家貧無錢上學(xué),從少年時(shí)代起,就獨(dú)自謀生。常常餓肚子省錢買書讀。
某一天,富蘭克林在路上看到一位白發(fā)老驅(qū),已餓得走不動(dòng)了。連心將自己僅有的一塊面包送給她。老嫗看富蘭克林的樣子,也是一個(gè)窮人,不忍收他的面包。
“你吃吧,我包里有的是?!备惶m克林說著拍拍那只裝滿書籍的背包。
老嫗吃著面包,只見富蘭克林從背包里抽出一本書,津津有味地讀起來?!昂⒆?,你怎么不吃面包啊?”老嫗問道。富蘭克林笑著回答說:“讀書的滋味要比面包好多了!”
經(jīng)濟(jì)拮據(jù),購書能力有限,他只得經(jīng)常借書讀。他常在認(rèn)間向朋友敲門借書,連認(rèn)點(diǎn)起一盞燈,專心讀書,疲乏了就以冷水澆頭提提神,坐下繼續(xù)閱讀完,第二天一早,準(zhǔn)時(shí)把書還給書主,從不失信。蔡元培六十年讀書如一日
蔡元培,號(hào)孑民,浙江紹興人。中國(guó)民主工革命家、教育家、科學(xué)家,知識(shí)界的卓越越先驅(qū)。編著有《蔡元培先集》。
蔡元培從少年時(shí)代起,就勤于讀書,百般天蚊蟲多,晚上讀書時(shí)把一雙腳放在水桶里,避免蚊子叮咬,專心致志地讀書。在他一生繁心工作和革命斗爭(zhēng)中,從未停止過讀書。他晚年回顧說:“自十余歲起……讀到現(xiàn)在,將滿六十年了……幾乎沒有一日不讀點(diǎn)書的?!?/p>
由于他一生讀書不輟,因此,他知識(shí)淵博,被譽(yù)為“學(xué)界泰斗”。
愛迪生以書為枕
大名鼎鼎的美國(guó)科學(xué)家愛迪生,一生的發(fā)明多達(dá)近二千項(xiàng),被譽(yù)為“發(fā)明大王”。這也與他勤非讀書分不開的,他常常通宵達(dá)旦地讀書,查資料,困極了,他就以書當(dāng)枕,在實(shí)驗(yàn)室躺一會(huì)兒。因此,有人風(fēng)趣地說:“怪不得愛迪生有那么多的知識(shí),原來他在睡夢(mèng)中也還要從書本里吸取營(yíng)養(yǎng)哩?!?/p>
牛頓的天賦并沒有明顯的超人之處,然而他特別勤奮學(xué)習(xí),學(xué)習(xí)和研究都專心致志,簡(jiǎn)直到了入迷的地步。他常常一連幾個(gè)星期都留在實(shí)驗(yàn)室里,直到實(shí)驗(yàn)完成。有一次,他迷著搞實(shí)驗(yàn),竟把手表當(dāng)雞蛋放到鍋里去煮。又有一次,牛頓的朋友來看他,他把飯菜擺到桌上后,又一頭鉆進(jìn)了實(shí)驗(yàn)室。這個(gè)朋友等得不耐煩了,就先吃起來,吃過后沒有告辭就走了。牛頓做完實(shí)驗(yàn)后出來,一看桌上的盤碟,自言自語的笑著說:“我還以為沒吃飯呢,原來已經(jīng)吃過了!”說著又走進(jìn)實(shí)驗(yàn)室去了。
安培
安培專心研究科學(xué),相傳還有一則趣事:
一天,安培在路上邊走邊思考問題,猛抬頭,發(fā)現(xiàn)前面有一塊黑板,不由喜上心頭。馬上掏出一支隨身攜帶的粉筆,把腦中思索的問題寫下,計(jì)算起來。這塊黑板向前移動(dòng)了,安培跟著往往前移。漸漸黑板移動(dòng)得更快了,這位專心的計(jì)算者也不由自主地跟著跑了起來。路上的行人看到這種情形,不禁拍手大笑。當(dāng)他實(shí)在跟不上而停下來時(shí),發(fā)現(xiàn)這并不是什么黑板,而是馬車的后背。他望著車背上的公式漸漸遠(yuǎn)去,遺憾地嘆了一口氣:“唉!可惜還沒有算完?!?囊螢映雪
“囊螢映雪”這則成語的囊螢是晉代車胤家貧,沒錢買燈油,而又想晚上讀書,便在夏天晚上抓一把螢火蟲來當(dāng)燈讀書;映雪是晉代孫康冬天夜里利用雪映出的光亮看書。后用“囊螢映雪”比喻家境貧苦,刻苦讀書。
第二篇:富蘭克林演講稿
Second Inaugural Address(1937)We Will Carry On!持久進(jìn)步之路
Franklin D.Roosevelt富蘭克林-羅斯福(1882---1945)
32nd President of the United States(1933---1945)Political Party : Democratic When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President ,the Republic ,single-minded in anxiety ,stood in spirit here.we dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision-to speed the time when there would be the pursuit of happiness.We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it;to end by action ,tireless and unafraid , the stagnation and despair of that day.We did those first things first.Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.Instinctively we recognized a deeper need-the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization.Repeated attempts at their soluation without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered.For , without that aid ,we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind.To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.We of Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable ,to solve problems once considered unsolvable.We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as , after centuries of fatalistic suffering , we had found a way to master epidemics of disease.We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth;we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation.At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War;they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution.A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and the blessings of liberty to the American people.Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the objectives.Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct.They hold out the clear hope that government within communities , government within the separate States , and government of the United States can do the things the times require , within yielding its democracy.Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase , so power to govern them also must increase-power to stop evil;power to do good.The essential democracy of stop our Nation and safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power , but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.In fact , in these last four years , we have made the exercise of all power more democratic;for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public’s government.The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes
of a democracy—has been shattered.They have been challenged and beaten.Our progress out of the depression is obvious.But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things.Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials.By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit.Old truths have been relearned;untruths have been unlearned.We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals;we know now that it is bad economics.Out of the collapse of properity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays.We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal;and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such.We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.In this process evil things formerly accepted willnoy be so easily condoned.Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.We are moving toward an era of good feeling.But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.For these reasons I am justified that the greastest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.Among men of good will ,science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to impeove our economic order , we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead ?Shall we call this the promised land ?Or ,shall we continue on our way ?For “Each age is a dream that is dying , or one that is coming to birth.”
Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.Comfort says , “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says , “This is a good spot.”Timidity asks , “How difficult is the road ahead ?”
True ,we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair.Vitality has been preserved.Courage and confidence have been restored.Mental and moral horizons have been extended.But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances.Advance became imperative under the good of fear and suffering.The times were on the side of progress.To hold to progress today , however , is more difficult.Dulled conscience , irresponsibility , and ruthless self-interest already reappear.Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster!Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.Let us ask again : Have we reach the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933 ? Have we found our happy valley ? I see a great nation , upon a great continent , blessed with a great wealth of natural resources.Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves;they are making their county a good neighbour among the nations.I see a U nited States which can demonstrate that , under democratic methods of government , national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown , and the lowest standard of living
can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.But here is the challenge to our democracy : In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens---a substantial part of its whole population---who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.I see millions denied education , recreation , and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.I see one-third of a nation ill-clad , ill-housed , ill-nourished.It is not in despair that I paint you that picture.I paint it for you in hope---because the Nation , seeing and understanding the injustice in it , proposes to paint it out.We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country’s interest and concern;and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders we add more to the abundance of those who have much;it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation , we will not listen to Comfort , Opportunism , and Timidity.We will carry on.Overwhelmingly , we of the Republic are men and women of good will;men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication;men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well.They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people.It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts.It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.If I know aught of the will of our people , they wil demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained.They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and , therefore , strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization.In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together.In our personal ambitions we are individualists.But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation , we all go up , or else we all go down , as one people.To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods , a vast amount of humility.But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need.Then political leadership can voice common ideals , and aid in their realizatioin.In talking again the oath of office as President of the United States , I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.While this dutty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do theit will , seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.
第三篇:富蘭克林名人名言
富蘭克林名人名言
1、我不讓工作追求,而是去追求工作,常常努力于完全統(tǒng)馭工作,而不做工作的奴隸。人大凡具有完全統(tǒng)馭工作的信心,精神就必然振奮。——富蘭克林(美國(guó))
2、一個(gè)人失敗的最大原因,是對(duì)自己的能力缺乏充分的信心,甚至以為自己必將失敗無疑。——富蘭克林
3、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間,因?yàn)闀r(shí)間構(gòu)成生命的`材料。——富蘭克林
4、擇友宜慎,棄之更宜慎。富蘭克林
5、兄弟可能不是朋友,但朋友常常如兄弟。——富蘭克林
6、閑暇就是為了做一些有益事情的時(shí)間?!惶m克林
7、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間,因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是組成生命的材料?!惶m克林
8、沒有任何動(dòng)物比螞蟻更勤奮,然而它卻最沉默寡言——富蘭克林
9、懶鬼起來吧!別再浪費(fèi)生命,將來地墳?zāi)箖?nèi)有足夠的時(shí)間讓你睡的?!绹?guó))富蘭克林
10、失足,你可能馬上復(fù)站立,失信,你也許永難挽回——富蘭克林
11、七十一懶惰象生銹一樣,比操勞更能消耗身體經(jīng)常用的鑰匙,總是亮閃閃的。——富蘭克林
12、我不讓工作追求,而是去追求工作,常常努力于完全統(tǒng)御工作,而不做工作的奴隸。人如果能具有完全統(tǒng)御工作的信心,精神就必然振奮。——富蘭克林
13、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間,因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是組成生命的材料。——富蘭克林
14、失足,你可以馬上恢復(fù)站立;失信,你也許永難挽回?!?美)富蘭克林
15、閑暇是為了做出某種有益的事而有的時(shí)間。——富蘭克林(美國(guó))
16、我們從別人的發(fā)明中享受了很大的利益,我們也應(yīng)該樂于有機(jī)會(huì)以我們的任何一種發(fā)明為別人服務(wù);而這種事我們應(yīng)該自愿的和慷慨地去?!惶m克林
17、命運(yùn)的變化猶如月之圓缺,對(duì)智者毫無妨害?!惶m克林
18、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間,因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是構(gòu)成生命的材料?!惶m克林
19、一個(gè)人失敗的最大原因,就是對(duì)于自己的能力永遠(yuǎn)不敢充分的信任甚至自己認(rèn)為必將失敗無疑?!惶m克林
20、今天乃是我們惟一可以生存時(shí)間。我們不要庸人自擾-或?yàn)槲磥淼穆o目的而苦悶,或?yàn)樽蛱斓倪^去而傷懷-而使它成了我們身體上和精神上的地獄?!惶m克林(美國(guó))
21、懶惰像生銹一樣,比操勞更能消耗身體經(jīng)常用的鑰匙,總是亮閃閃的?!惶m克林
22、你熱愛生命嗎?那幺別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間,由于時(shí)間是組成生命的材料。——富蘭克林
23、早眠早起,使人健康富有明智?!惶m克林
24、誠(chéng)實(shí)和勤勉應(yīng)該成為你永久的伴侶?!惶m克林
25、讀書是易事,思索是難事,但兩者缺一,便全無用處?!绹?guó))富蘭克林
26、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別揮霍時(shí)刻,由于時(shí)刻是構(gòu)成生命的原料?!惶m克林
27、對(duì)于所受的傷害,寬恕比復(fù)仇更高尚,鄙視比雪恥更有氣度?!惶m克林
28、成功與失敗的分水嶺,可以用這五個(gè)字來表達(dá)我沒有時(shí)間。(美國(guó))富蘭克林
29、忽視當(dāng)前一剎那的人,等于虛擲了他所有的一切。——富蘭克林
30、讀書使人充實(shí),思考使人深邃,交談使人清醒。——富蘭克林
31、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間,因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是組成生命的材料——富蘭克林
32、失足,你可能馬上復(fù)站立,失信,你也許永難挽回?!惶m克林
33、我們常聽說由水變成酒是個(gè)奇跡。這個(gè)由上帝恩典造成的奇跡每日都發(fā)生天堂將下雨水到葡萄園,由樹根進(jìn)入葡萄,變成酒。這是上帝愛我們,并樂見我們快樂的明證?!惶m克林
34、浪費(fèi)時(shí)刻是所有支出中最奢侈及最昂貴的?!惶m克林
第四篇:富蘭克林名言
富蘭克林名言
1、要成大事,就得既有理想,又講實(shí)際,不能走極端。
2、與其說人類的幸福來自偶爾發(fā)生的鴻運(yùn),不如說來自每天都有的小實(shí)惠。
3、早熟的人凋枯得也早。
4、把別人對(duì)你的詆毀放在塵土中;而把別人對(duì)你的恩惠刻在大理石上。
5、如果自己家的窗戶是玻璃的,就不要向鄰居扔石頭。
6、惡習(xí)知道自己委實(shí)很丑陋,所以往往戴了假面具。
7、不謙虛的話只能有這個(gè)辯解,即缺少謙虛就是缺少見識(shí)。
8、早睡早起會(huì)使人健康、富有和聰明。
9、讓你的不滿成為你心中的秘密---如果你的不滿一旦被世人知道,只會(huì)遭到鄙視,從而使你更添不滿。
10、我們各種習(xí)氣中再?zèng)]有一種象克服驕傲那麼難的了。雖極力藏匿它,克服它,消滅它,但無論如何,它在不知不覺之間,仍舊顯露。
11、忠誠(chéng)老實(shí):不要說有害于人的謊話,要表里一致。
12、Fish and visitors smell three days.(Franklin Benjamin,American president)魚放三天發(fā)臭,客住三天討嫌。
13、不謙虛的話只能這樣辯解,即缺少謙虛就是缺少見解。
14、我的大部分知識(shí)都是這樣獲得的:在尋找某個(gè)資料時(shí)意外的發(fā)現(xiàn)了另上的資料。
15、如果你很有天賦,勤勉會(huì)使天賦更加完善;如果你的才能平平,勤勉會(huì)補(bǔ)足缺陷。
16、揮霍無度的人,等于將自己的前途抵押了出去。
17、驕傲道德導(dǎo)致豐盈,然后導(dǎo)致貧困,最后導(dǎo)致聲譽(yù)掃地。
18、有耐心的人會(huì)得到他所希望的一切。
19、我們從別人的發(fā)明中享受了很大利益,我閃也應(yīng)該樂于有機(jī)會(huì)以我們的任何一種發(fā)明為別人服務(wù);而這種事我們應(yīng)該自愿地和慷慨地去作。
20、希望是生命的源泉,失去它生命就會(huì)枯萎。
21、最難抑制的情感是驕傲,盡管你設(shè)法掩飾,竭力與之斗爭(zhēng),它仍然存在。即使我敢相信已將它完全克服,我很可能又因自己的謙遜而感到驕傲。
22、不惜犧牲自由以圖茍安的人,既不配享受自由,也不配獲得安全。
23、你熱愛生命嗎?那么別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間,因?yàn)闀r(shí)間是組成生命的材料。
24、圖書館使我得以有恒地研習(xí)而增進(jìn)我的知識(shí),每天我停留在里面一兩個(gè)鐘頭,用這個(gè)辦法相當(dāng)?shù)难a(bǔ)足了我失掉的高深教育。
25、傻瓜的心在嘴里,聰明人的嘴在心里。
26、信奉真理的人,必受天佑。
27、如果災(zāi)難沒有出現(xiàn),那恐懼是徒勞的;如果災(zāi)難已經(jīng)發(fā)生,那恐懼只會(huì)增加痛苦。
28、不惜犧牲自由以圖茍安的人,既不配享受自由,也不配獲得安全。
29、對(duì)于不知足的人,沒有一把椅子是舒服的。
30、誰為富?知足者。誰知足?無名小輩。
31、國(guó)民的感情中最難克服的要數(shù)驕傲了,隨你如何把它改頭換面,與之斗爭(zhēng),使之?dāng)£?,撲而滅之,羞而辱之,它還會(huì)探出頭來,顯示自己
32、失足可以很快彌補(bǔ),失言卻可能永遠(yuǎn)無法補(bǔ)救。
33、不走極端,別人有損于你,也要善于克制。
34、我們各種習(xí)氣中再?zèng)]有一種象克服驕傲那么難的了。雖極力藏匿它,克服它,消滅它,但無論如何,它在不知不覺之間,仍舊顯露。
35、懶鬼起來吧!別再浪費(fèi)生命,將來地墳?zāi)箖?nèi)有足夠的時(shí)間讓你睡的。
36、對(duì)酒肉、女色和惰性都要有自制,否則病痛和瘟疫就會(huì)抓住你。
37、站著的農(nóng)夫比跪著的紳士高貴。
38、眠早起,使人健康、富有、明智。
39、時(shí)間就是生命。
40、把錢用在對(duì)自己對(duì)別人都有益的事情上,不要錯(cuò)花一分錢。
41、錢財(cái)并不屬于擁有它的人,而只屬于享用它的人。
42、我們從別人的發(fā)明中享受了很大的利益,我們也應(yīng)該樂于有機(jī)會(huì)以我們的任何一種發(fā)明為別人服務(wù);而這種事我們應(yīng)該自愿的和慷慨地去作。
43、二十歲時(shí)支配作用的是意志,三十歲時(shí)是機(jī)智,四十歲時(shí)是判斷。
44、閑暇是為了做出某種有益的事而有的時(shí)間。
45、平庸的人最大缺點(diǎn)是常常覺得自己比別人高明。
46、有兩條路可以得到幸福,即消除欲望或增加財(cái)富。
47、Do you love life?Then do not squander time;for thats the stuff5 life is made of.(Benjamin Franklin,American president)你熱愛生命嗎?那么,別浪費(fèi)時(shí)間,因?yàn)樯怯蓵r(shí)間組成的。
48、心胸開闊:不要為令人不快的區(qū)區(qū)瑣事而心煩意亂,悲觀失望。
49、人生應(yīng)為生存而食,不應(yīng)為食而生存。
50、自己多次受傷害,總比給他人一次傷害好。
51、國(guó)民的感情中最難克服的要數(shù)驕傲了,隨你如何把它改頭換面,與之斗爭(zhēng),使之?dāng)£?,撲而滅之,羞而辱之,它還會(huì)探出頭來,顯示自己。
52、我從不到酒館、賭場(chǎng)或任何其他娛樂場(chǎng)所去消磨時(shí)光。
53、你要追求工作,別讓工作追求你。
54、虛榮是驕傲的食物,輕蔑是它的飲料。
55、對(duì)上司謙遜,是一種責(zé)任;對(duì)同事謙遜,是一種素養(yǎng);對(duì)部屬謙遜,是一種尊榮。
56、悠閑的生活與懶惰是兩回事。
57、不勞則無獲。
58、沒有任何動(dòng)物比螞蟻更勤奮,然而它卻最沉默寡言。
59、在你勝利之際,千萬不要露出任何興高采烈傲慢無禮的表情,而應(yīng)該真心誠(chéng)意地用禮貌的方式來寬慰你的對(duì)手,使他不要太苛求自己。
60、如果你懂得量入為出,那你就可以致富了。
61、懶惰象生銹一樣,比操勞更能消耗身體;經(jīng)常用的鑰匙,總是亮閃閃的。
62、勤勞的家庭,饑餓過其門而不入。
63、兄弟可能不是朋友,但朋友常常如兄弟。
64、一個(gè)人失敗的最大原因,就是對(duì)于自己的能力永遠(yuǎn)不敢充分的信任;甚至自己認(rèn)為必將失敗無疑。
65、今日能做的事,勿延至明日。
66、真話說一半常是彌天大謊。
67、需要面前不能討價(jià)還價(jià)。
68、美的欣賞是可以意會(huì)而不可以言傳的;這隨各人的心境志趣嗜好而不同。
69、命運(yùn)的變化如月亮的陰晴圓缺,無損智者大雅。
70、愛情的視覺不是眼睛,而是心靈。
71、正如種種魅力皆屬于胡言亂語,胡言亂語本身也是種魅力。
72、誠(chéng)實(shí)是最好的政策。
73、健康是對(duì)于自己的義務(wù),也是對(duì)于社會(huì)的義務(wù)。
74、傾已所有追求知識(shí),沒有人能奪走它;向知識(shí)投資,收益最佳。
75、青年時(shí)魯莽,老年時(shí)悔恨。
76、我們?cè)谙硎苤说陌l(fā)明給我們帶來的巨大益處,我們也必須樂于用自己的發(fā)明去為他人服務(wù)。
77、At twenty years of age,the will reigns;at thirty,the wit;and at forty,the judgment.(Benjamin Franklin,American president)二十歲時(shí)起支配作用的是意志,三十歲時(shí)是機(jī)智,四十歲時(shí)是判斷。
78、懶惰,像生銹一樣,比操勞更能消耗身體,經(jīng)常用的鑰匙總是亮閃閃的。
79、惜時(shí)如金(智商)如果有什么需要明天做的事,最好現(xiàn)在就開始。
80、倘若人能夠完成他所希望的一半,那么,他的麻煩也將加倍。
81、失足,你可能馬上復(fù)站立;失信,你也許永難挽回。
82、能忍耐的人才能達(dá)到他所希望達(dá)到的目的。
83、驕傲者憎恨他人驕傲。
84、知足是窮人富有;貪婪是富人貧窮。
85、懿行美德遠(yuǎn)勝貌美。
86、實(shí)現(xiàn)明天理想的唯一障礙是今天的疑慮。
87、命運(yùn)的變化猶如月之圓缺,對(duì)智者無妨害。
88、貧窮本身并不可怕,可怕的是自己以為命中注定貧窮或一定老死于貧窮的思想。
89、爭(zhēng)吵是一種人玩的游戲。然而它是一種奇怪的游戲,沒有任何一方曾經(jīng)贏過。
90、誠(chéng)實(shí)和勤勉,應(yīng)該成為你永久的伴侶。
91、須要注意小額費(fèi)用。一艘大船的沉沒,有時(shí)是微的裂口所致。
92、閑暇就是為了作一些有益事情的時(shí)間。
93、讀書是易事,思索是難事,但兩者缺一,便全無用處。
第五篇:《富蘭克林》讀后感
富蘭克林是美國(guó)的一位傳奇總統(tǒng),昨天我讀了一個(gè)關(guān)于他的故事。給了我很多的啟示,讓我們學(xué)到了很多的知識(shí)。
故事情節(jié)是這樣的:有一天,貓頭鷹老師教大家拼寫單詞。貓頭鷹老師覺得大家做的都很好,就讓大家好好準(zhǔn)備,明天聽寫,全對(duì)的人能得到一支鋼筆。這時(shí),小地鼠說:“我這次考試一定是滿分,老師,你現(xiàn)在就把鋼筆給我吧,我還想用它來考試呢!”貓頭鷹老師說:“這必須得看明天的考試結(jié)果?!备惶m克林一晚上都在準(zhǔn)備,但他只有pencil這個(gè)詞不會(huì),所以他就反復(fù)地練習(xí)。富蘭克林為了保險(xiǎn),就把寫pencil的單詞紙貼在帽子里,這下他能放心的睡覺了。第二天,開始聽寫了,當(dāng)老師念到最后一個(gè)單詞pencil時(shí)富蘭克林突然忘了,他就看了一下貼在帽子里的單詞紙,然后他就寫出來了。后來,成績(jī)出來了,富蘭克林都答對(duì)了,得到了鋼筆,但他覺得自己作弊是不好的,就把鋼筆還給老師了??赐赀@個(gè)故事,我明白了許多道理。首先是我們不能太自滿,就像小地鼠,還沒開始考試,就說自己一定能考一百分,這是不對(duì)的。
還有,富蘭克林考試時(shí)作弊了,但他后來又把鋼筆還給老師了。