第一篇：全英文馬丁路德金演講后感

NOTJUSTADREAM

Martin Luther King is best known for being an iconic figure in the advancement of civil rights in the United States and around the world, using nonviolent methods following the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi.We all know about Dr King’s civil rights work, and his I HAVE A DREAM speech.But did we all know that he had two other dreams? WHERE DO WE COME FROM HERE? that explains Dr King’s vision for the end of poverty has been out of print 40 years.He not only focused on Civil Rights, but illustrated a sort of socialist vision for an integrated society.We could have ended poverty a decade ago, except we choose to attach Iraq and blow up a trillion dollars doing it instead of ending poverty.Dr.King provided a snapshot of where Americans were in 1967.Two turning points had been reached.First, his program of nonviolent direct action was clearly winning the struggle against old fashioned southern segregation, and Dr.King was looking toward the next step.He believed that the next logical step toward setting people free was a massive government program addressing the problem of poverty.Second, within the civil rights movement, a “black power” mentality was gaining prominence.Some argued that whites should be excluded from the civil rights movement, and that nonviolence should be abandoned.Dr.King insisted that this approach would only balkanize our country, having disastrous effect, especially on blacks.He brings us to the question of what African-Americans should do with their new, dearly fought for freedoms found in laws such as the Voting Rights Act of 1965.All Americans black and white must unite in order to fight poverty and create a new equality of opportunity.King is neither a Marxist nor a doctrinaire socialist;he instead advocates for a united social movement that would act within both the Republican and Democratic parties.He rightly concluded the riots of 1966 and thereafter was “uprisings” against the awful reality that African American equality must a go along with adequate wages, quality schools, and decent houses.All initial aims of the Johnson1

administration.African Americans were impossible without meaningful creation of jobs, quality education, and a radical change of the forms and vigorous confrontation with and the elimination over time of American racism.King asserts that capitalism itself would have be hugely revamped so it is more inclusive, and, lastly, American militarism is not only brutal to American youth, but has slaughtered millions of human beings in Asia, and now elsewhere, while reroutes billions of dollars from essential programs that could battle U.S.poverty.Poverty is an American way of life, including not only African Americans, but other minorities, workers, and southerners.American must realized that there was something terribly wrong with her economic system which permits millions of poor to exist in a land brimming with wealth.Although Dr.King as one of the greatest orators in American history.is no longer with us, his message has been preserved.

第二篇：全英文馬丁路德金演講后感

NOT JUST A DREAM Martin Luther King is best known for being an iconic figure in the advancement of civil rights in the United States and around the world, using nonviolent methods following the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi.We all know about Dr King’s civil rights work, and his I HAVE A DREAM speech.But did we all know that he had two other dreams? WHERE DO WE COME FROM HERE? that explains Dr King’s vision for the end of poverty has been out of print 40 years.He not only focused on Civil Rights, but illustrated a sort of socialist vision for an integrated society.We could have ended poverty a decade ago, except we choose to attach Iraq and blow up a trillion dollars doing it instead of ending poverty.Dr.King provided a snapshot of where Americans were in 1967.Two turning points had been reached.First, his program of nonviolent direct action was clearly winning the struggle against old fashioned southern segregation, and Dr.King was looking toward the next step.He believed that the next logical step toward setting people free was a massive government program addressing the problem of poverty.Second, within the civil rights movement, a “black power” mentality was gaining prominence.Some argued that whites should be excluded from the civil rights movement, and that nonviolence should be abandoned.Dr.King insisted that this approach would only balkanize our country, having disastrous effect, especially on blacks.He brings us to the question of what African-Americans should do with their new, dearly fought for freedoms found in laws such as the Voting Rights Act of 1965.All Americans black and white must unite in order to fight poverty and create a new equality of opportunity.King is neither a Marxist nor a doctrinaire socialist;he instead advocates for a united social movement that would act within both the Republican and Democratic parties.He rightly concluded the riots of 1966 and thereafter was “uprisings” against the awful reality that African American equality must a go along with adequate wages, quality schools, and decent houses.All initial aims of the Johnson administration.African Americans were impossible without meaningful creation of jobs, quality education, and a radical change of the forms and vigorous confrontation with and the elimination over time of American racism.King asserts that capitalism itself would have be hugely revamped so it is more inclusive, and, lastly, American militarism is not only brutal to American youth, but has slaughtered millions of human beings in Asia, and now elsewhere, while reroutes billions of dollars from essential programs that could battle U.S.poverty.Poverty is an American way of life, including not only African Americans, but other minorities, workers, and southerners.American must realized that there was something terribly wrong with her economic system which permits millions of poor to exist in a land brimming with wealth.Although Dr.King as one of the greatest orators in American history.is no longer with us, his message has been preserved.2

第三篇：馬丁路德金演講

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第四篇：馬丁路德金演講

Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

我今天懷有一個(gè)夢。

我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現(xiàn)，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能把這個(gè)國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護(hù)自由，因?yàn)槲覀冎?，我們終有一天會(huì)獲得自由。

到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌：

我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！

不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個(gè)個(gè)土丘！

讓自由之聲響徹每一個(gè)山崗！

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

第五篇：馬丁路德金演講

馬丁路德金演講

篇一：馬丁·路德金演講稿：《我有一個(gè)夢想》 馬丁·路德·金 簡介 馬丁·路德·金（英語：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美國民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)領(lǐng)袖。1948年大學(xué)畢業(yè)。1948年到1951年間，在美國東海岸的費(fèi)城繼續(xù)深造。1963年，馬丁·路德·金晉見了肯尼迪總統(tǒng)，要求通過新的民權(quán)法，給黑人以平等的權(quán)利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀(jì)念堂前發(fā)表《我有一個(gè)夢想》的演說。1964諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)獲得者。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導(dǎo)工人罷工被人刺殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國政府將每年1月的第三個(gè)星期一定為馬丁路德金全國紀(jì)念日。1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號(hào)，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會(huì)了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時(shí)，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會(huì)學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。盡管美國戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅?？蓢鴥?nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對(duì)丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭取社會(huì)平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會(huì)教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起

“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會(huì)”，號(hào)召全市近5萬名黑人對(duì)公共法與公司進(jìn)行長達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的領(lǐng)袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個(gè)星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀(jì)念日。篇二：馬丁路德金_我有一個(gè)夢想(中英文)演講稿 今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會(huì)。100年前，一位偉大的美國人--今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下--簽署了《解放宣言》。這項(xiàng)重要法令的頒布，對(duì)于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會(huì)中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現(xiàn)一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的輝煌篇章時(shí)，就簽署了一張每一個(gè)美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾--不論白人還是黑人--都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。然而，今天美國顯然對(duì)她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票--一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會(huì)破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個(gè)國家巨大的機(jī)會(huì)寶庫會(huì)資金不足。因此，我們來兌現(xiàn)這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現(xiàn)在正是萬分緊急的時(shí)刻?，F(xiàn)在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主諾言的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關(guān)大道的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時(shí)候。忽視這一時(shí)刻的緊迫性，對(duì)于國家將會(huì)是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會(huì)過去。1963年不是一個(gè)結(jié)束，而是一個(gè)開端。如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會(huì)心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國既不會(huì)安寧，也不會(huì)平靜。反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。但是，對(duì)于站在通向正義之宮艱險(xiǎn)門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯(cuò)誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對(duì)于自由的飲渴。我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動(dòng)。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對(duì)付肉體力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社會(huì)的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對(duì)所有白人的不信任--因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來到這里參加集會(huì)就是明證。我們不能單獨(dú)行動(dòng)。當(dāng)我們行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能后退。有人問熱心民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的人：“你們什么時(shí)候會(huì)感到滿意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。只要我們在旅途勞頓后，卻被公路旁汽車游客旅社和城市旅館拒之門外，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。只要黑人的基本活動(dòng)范圍只限于從狹小的黑人居住區(qū)到較大的黑人居住區(qū)，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。只要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個(gè)性，損毀尊嚴(yán)，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉，紐約州的黑人認(rèn)為他們與選舉毫不相干，我們就決不會(huì)滿意。不，不，我們不會(huì)滿意，直至公正似水奔流，正義如泉噴涌。我并非沒有注意到你們有些人歷盡艱難困苦來到這里。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來自因追求自由而遭受迫害風(fēng)暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飆摧殘的地區(qū)。你們飽經(jīng)風(fēng)霜，歷盡苦難。繼續(xù)努力吧，要相信：無辜受苦終得拯救。回到密西西比去吧；回到亞拉巴馬去吧；回到南卡羅來納去吧；回到佐治亞去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區(qū)去吧。要知道，這種情況能夠而且將會(huì)改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵里沉淪。朋友們，今天我要對(duì)你們說，盡管眼下困難重重，但我依然懷有一個(gè)夢。這個(gè)夢深深植根于美國夢之中。我夢想有一天，這個(gè)國家將會(huì)奮起，實(shí)現(xiàn)其立國信條的真諦：“我們認(rèn)為這些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。” 我夢想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐，親如手足。我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州--一個(gè)非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州，也會(huì)改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。我夢想有一天，我的四個(gè)小女兒將生活在一個(gè)不是以皮膚的顏色，而是以品格的優(yōu)劣作為評(píng)判標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的國家里。我今天懷有一個(gè)夢。我夢想有一天，亞拉巴馬州會(huì)有所改變--盡管該州州長現(xiàn)在仍滔滔不絕地說什么要對(duì)聯(lián)邦法令提出異議和拒絕執(zhí)行--在那里，黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地?cái)y手并行。我今天懷有一個(gè)夢。我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現(xiàn)，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能把這個(gè)國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護(hù)自由，因?yàn)槲覀冎?，我們終有一天會(huì)獲得自由。到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌： 我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨 高峰！讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個(gè)個(gè)土丘！讓自由之聲響徹每一個(gè)山崗！當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲轟響，當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個(gè)大村小莊，每一個(gè)州府城鎮(zhèn)，我們就能加速這一天的到來。那時(shí)，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由了！終于自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由了！” I have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.on August 28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check--a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident;that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith with which I return to the South.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning 篇三：馬丁路德金簡介和我有一個(gè)夢想英漢互譯演講稿以及演講背景 1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號(hào)，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會(huì)了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時(shí)，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會(huì)學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。盡管美國戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可國內(nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對(duì)丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭取社會(huì)平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會(huì)教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會(huì)”，號(hào)召全市近5萬名黑人對(duì)公共法與公司進(jìn)行長達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的領(lǐng)袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個(gè)星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀(jì)念日。關(guān)于非暴力主張 伴隨著種族主義長大的馬丁·路德·金，深受種族主義的傷害，所以他積極參加反對(duì)種族隔離制度的斗爭。但他主張的卻是非暴力的斗爭，而這種斗爭方式的確是有思想原因的。他受甘地主義和基督教教義影響很深，是一位典型的和平主義者。他強(qiáng)調(diào)在爭取黑人自由平等權(quán)利的斗爭中，不應(yīng)干違法的事，不能讓“創(chuàng)造性的抗議墮落成為暴力行為”，必須要有“用精神力量對(duì)付武力”的崇高境界。這里的精神力量在他看來，就是要以基督教宣傳的“博愛”、“仁慈”來感化黑人的敵人并使之放下屠刀。1 金之所以有這種思想與其青年時(shí)的學(xué)習(xí)有直接關(guān)系的。他在賓夕法尼亞的克羅澤學(xué)院學(xué)習(xí)時(shí)，利用業(yè)余時(shí)間，閱讀了著名的神學(xué)著作——人們寫的關(guān)于信仰的書，還有哲學(xué)著作——關(guān)于生活方式的書。這些書的思想給其留下了深刻的印象，并最終用于實(shí)踐。但使馬丁·路德·金最為激動(dòng)的則是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或稱精神力量的哲學(xué)是印度人民對(duì)抗英帝國主義政治、軍事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不斷舉行示威游行，反對(duì)外國政治的統(tǒng)治，無論這樣統(tǒng)治是否出于善意。也無論是否正確，他們要自己來做出決定。甘地說雖然他們必須準(zhǔn)備好為取得獨(dú)立而犧牲自己的生命，他們也決不可為此而進(jìn)行殺戮——不管受到多么粗暴的對(duì)待。馬丁開始相信在印度能取得勝利，在美國也可以。他用自己的行動(dòng)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了一場聲勢浩大的以非暴力為原則的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)。本次演講背景 50年代的美國南部，好像一座對(duì)付“解放了的”黑人的監(jiān)獄。而阿拉巴馬州又是種族歧視最為猖獗的一個(gè)州，在這里，黑人的選舉權(quán)力受到野蠻剝奪和限制，駭人聽聞的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不斷發(fā)生，種族隔離制度使黑人不能與白人同校，不能在同一個(gè)教堂做禮拜，不準(zhǔn)進(jìn)入為白人開設(shè)的旅館、客棧、飯館和娛樂場所，連公共汽車站上也樹立了柵欄，規(guī)定白人黑人分別上車。年輕的伴隨著種族主義歧視長大的黑人牧師馬丁·路德·金到任不久，便參加并領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了1955年蒙哥馬利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽車的反種族歧視運(yùn)動(dòng)，最終迫使美國最高法院作出取消這種制度的決定。1963年他組織的伯明翰黑人爭取自由平等權(quán)利的大規(guī)模游行示威，把黑人運(yùn)動(dòng)從南方推向北方。8月28日，斗爭達(dá)到高潮。25萬人聚集首都華盛頓，以和平集會(huì)方式舉行“自由進(jìn)軍”的示威，就在林肯紀(jì)念堂前，馬丁·路德·金向示威群眾發(fā)表了這篇激動(dòng)人心的演說。在演講中，表達(dá)了他的非暴力主義思想以及他對(duì)自由平等公正的追求與憧憬。馬丁路德金演講稿I have a dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會(huì)。Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.2 100年前，一位偉大的美國人——今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下——簽署了《解放宣言》。這項(xiàng)重要法令的頒布，對(duì)于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.然而，100年后，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會(huì)中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” 從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現(xiàn)一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的輝煌篇章時(shí)，就簽署了一張每一個(gè)美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾——不論白人還是黑人——都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。然而，今天美國顯然對(duì)她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票——一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a 3 check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會(huì)破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個(gè)國家巨大的機(jī)會(huì)寶庫會(huì)資金不足。因此，我們來兌現(xiàn)這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現(xiàn)在正是萬分緊急的時(shí)刻?，F(xiàn)在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主諾言的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關(guān)大道的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時(shí)候。It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.忽視這一時(shí)刻的緊迫性，對(duì)于國家將會(huì)是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會(huì)過去。1963年不是一個(gè)結(jié)束，而是一個(gè)開端。如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會(huì)心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國既不會(huì)安寧，也不會(huì)平靜。The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful 4 deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.但是，對(duì)于站在通向正義之宮艱險(xiǎn)門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯(cuò)誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對(duì)于自由的飲渴。我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動(dòng)。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對(duì)付肉體力量的崇高境界。

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.席卷黑人社會(huì)的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對(duì)所有白人的不信任——因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來到這里參加集會(huì)就是明證。We cannot walk alone.我們不能單獨(dú)行動(dòng)。And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.當(dāng)我們行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們必須保證勇往直前。We cannot turn back.我們不能后退。There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.” 5