第一篇：華盛頓游行慶祝馬丁路德金著名演講

BBC News with Jerry Smit The medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres says that it?s quite clear from the evidence Syrian doctors have seen that people were exposed to a neurotoxin in a Damascus suburb last Wednesday.Christopher Stokes, the charity's director in Brussels told the BBC the medical staff treating the victims had also succumbed to the effects, one doctor had died.MSF said 350 patients had died, one in ten of those treated.Mr.Stokes also said MSF can't say who was responsible for the attack.“Independent inspectors would have to go into establishing both the agent was used and also who would be responsible.Something for which MSF is not confident to determine but it?s quite clear that a major event did take place using neurotoxic agents from all the evidence that we?ve been able to collect so far.”

Syrian state television has made new allegations saying that government soldiers have found chemical agents in tunnels used by the rebels to the east of Damascus.Syrian TV showed images of gas masks and plastic containers with the words made in Saudi Arabia stamped on them.Tens of thousands of people in Washington have been commemorating the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King's ?I have a dream? speech, a key moment in America's civil rights campaign.Doctor King?s son, Martin Luther King III told the rally that his dream of equality has still not come true.He highlighted the case of an unarmed black teenager who was shot to dead by a neighborhood watch volunteer as he walked home last year.“The vision preached by my father a half century ago was that his four little children would one day live on a nation where they would not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.However, sadly, the tears of Trayvon Martin's mother and father remind us that far too frequently the color of one's skin remains a license to profile, to arrest and to even murder with no regard for the content of one's character.”

Thousands of anti-riot officers have been deployed across Colombia as protest by farm and agricultural workers spread further.Some 200,000 farmers have blocked dozens of roads leaving the central province of Boyaca cut off.Our Latin America editor Vanessa Buschschluter reports.The strike entered the sixth day on Saturday, sparking fears that the residence of the capital Bogotá could face shortages of basic goods.Hundreds of thousands of coffee and potato growers, dairy farmers and lorry drivers have been barricading major highways across the country.The protesters accused the government of President Juan Manuel Santos of failing to put in place concrete action to help the farming and agricultural sectors.The Interior

Minister said that many of the demands were just but that violent protests would not bring about solutions.World News from the BBC Hundreds of people have taken to the streets of Goma in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo to protest against ongoing fighting between United Nations forces and M23 rebels.At least three people were killed when a residential neighborhood of the city was hit by shelling which the UN has blamed on the rebels.On Friday, UN troops launched an offensive against the M23.Gunmen have kidnapped a prominent human rights lawyer in southern Nigeria.Chief Mike Ozekhome was abducted on Friday in Edo state.He's been a staunch critic on government corruption in the country.Colleagues have appealed for his release.More than 2,500 US firefighters are battling to gain control of a fast moving wildfire on the edge of California's Yosemite National Park.Forestry and Fire Protection officials say mountainous terrain is hampering efforts to control the blaze which is burning largely on check to over an area of 50,000 hectares.From Los Angeles Alistair Leithead reports.The so-called Rim Fire has burnt an area almost the same size as San Francisco.The city now under a state of emergency because threats to electricity transmission lines, hydroelectric power stations and water supplies.The fire is closing in on a reservoir which provides drinking water to millions of people.The blaze has spread over the boundary of the Yosemite National Park where

millions of tourists visit each year.Thousands of people have been warned to leave their homes as firefighters and aircrafts dropping flame resistance powder are trying to create lines that the blaze can't cross.The government in Egypt has shortened a widely imposed night curfew in response to demands from citizens.The month-long curfew imposed in the wake of the unrest that followed the ousting of President Mohammed Morsi will now begin two hours later at 9pm local time, although on Fridays when protests usually take place, it will start at seven.And that's the BBC NewsC:UsersAdministratorDesktopBBC

1.stamp vt.銘記；標(biāo)出；蓋章于…；貼郵票于…；用腳踩踏

All letters must be stamped with the correct postage.任何信件都應(yīng)該按所需郵資貼郵票。

2.highlight vt.突出；強(qiáng)調(diào)；使顯著；加亮

His remarks highlighted his own function.他的講話突出了他個人的作用。

3.barricade vt.設(shè)路障；阻礙

The soldiers barricaded the streets to prevent an attack.士兵們在大街上設(shè)置路障，阻止進(jìn)攻。

4.deploy vt.配置；展開；使疏開

The president said he had no intention of deploying ground troops.總統(tǒng)說他無意調(diào)遣地面部隊。

5.staunch adj.堅定的；忠誠的；堅固的

He's a staunch supporter of controls on government spending.他是政府開支控制的堅定支持者。

6.hampervt.妨礙；束縛；使困累

The bad weather hampered rescue operations.惡劣的天氣阻礙了救助行動。

7.curfew英 ['k??fju?] n.宵禁；宵禁令；晚鐘；打晚鐘時刻

The military authorities lifted the curfew on the city.軍事當(dāng)局撤銷了對該城市的宵禁。

Christopher Stokes, the charity's director in Brussels told the BBC the medical staff treating the victims had also succumbed to the effects, one doctor had died.succumb to 服從，屈從；讓步；死于

A few men succumbed to her charm.有些人拜倒在她的石榴裙下。

He would not succumb to such an item.他不會對這樣的條款做出讓步的。

The people would have to face hunger, to which many succumbed before.人民往往不得不面對饑餓，以前許多人就因此而死于非命。

2.The protesters accused the government of President Juan Manuel Santos of failing to put in place concrete action to help the farming and agricultural sectors.put in place 到位；落實(shí)到位；正在實(shí)施

They put in place the tools of my new business.他們把我干這一新行當(dāng)所需要的用具安放得井井有條。

And more policies and measures are put in place in this regard.針對該問題還將不斷出臺更多政策和措施。

杰瑞·施密特為你播報BBC新聞。

醫(yī)療慈善機(jī)構(gòu)無國界醫(yī)生組織(MSF)稱，根據(jù)敘利亞醫(yī)生提供的證據(jù)，很顯然上周三在大馬士革郊區(qū)人們受到神經(jīng)毒素的侵害。該組織駐布魯塞爾主任克里斯托弗·斯托克斯告訴BBC，為受害者治療的醫(yī)療人員也受到毒害，一名醫(yī)生已經(jīng)喪生。MSF稱350名患者已經(jīng)死亡，占全部接受治療者人數(shù)的十分之一。斯托克斯說，MSF不知道襲擊的實(shí)施者。

“獨(dú)立檢查員必須弄明白襲擊使用的藥劑，及對襲擊負(fù)責(zé)的一方。從目前為止獲得的證據(jù)來看，盡管MSF不能十分肯定，但很顯然有重大襲擊發(fā)生，且使用了神經(jīng)毒素?！?/p>

敘利亞國家電視臺稱政府士兵在隧道里發(fā)現(xiàn)大馬士革東部叛軍使用的化學(xué)藥劑，敘利亞電視上的畫面顯示有防毒面具和塑料容器，上面有“沙特制造”的字樣成千上萬人在華盛頓紀(jì)念馬丁·路德·金《我有一個夢想》的演講50周年，這個演講是美國民權(quán)運(yùn)動史上的關(guān)鍵時刻。

金博士的兒子馬丁·路德·金三世告訴集會民眾，金的平等夢想還沒有真正實(shí)現(xiàn)。他特別提到去年一名手無寸鐵的黑人少年在回家路上被社區(qū)警衛(wèi)員開槍打死的事。

“我父親半個世紀(jì)前宣言的愿景是，他的四個孩子將來能生活在一個以性格而不是膚色來判斷人的國家。然而令人傷心的是，特雷沃恩·馬丁父母的眼淚提醒我們，太多情況下，一個人的膚色仍然是一個人形象的說明，是逮捕甚至謀殺的許可證，而不去考慮這個人的性格?！?/p>

在哥倫比亞，農(nóng)民和農(nóng)業(yè)工人的抗議繼續(xù)蔓延，數(shù)千名防暴人員被部署在該國各地。大約20萬名農(nóng)民封鎖了幾十條道路，使得中部省份博亞卡與外界隔絕。BBC駐拉美編輯Vanessa Buschschluter報道。

周六時罷工進(jìn)行了第六天，讓人擔(dān)心首都波哥大的居民會面臨基本用品短缺的局面。數(shù)十萬咖啡和土豆種植者、奶場農(nóng)民和貨車司機(jī)封鎖了全國主要的高速路?？棺h者指責(zé)總統(tǒng)胡安·曼努埃爾·桑托斯未能實(shí)施實(shí)質(zhì)性的措施來幫助農(nóng)業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)部門。內(nèi)政部長稱暴力抗議是無法解決問題的。

這里是BBC新聞報道。

在剛果民主共和國東部，數(shù)百人州上戈馬市街頭抗議聯(lián)合國軍隊和M23叛軍正在進(jìn)行的戰(zhàn)斗。該市一居民區(qū)遭受炮彈襲擊，導(dǎo)致至少3人喪生，聯(lián)合國指責(zé)襲擊是叛軍所為。周五，聯(lián)合國軍隊向M23叛軍發(fā)起進(jìn)攻。

武裝分子在尼日利亞南部綁架了一位著名的人權(quán)律師。酋長Mike Ozekhome周五在埃多州遭綁架，他是該國政府腐敗的堅定批評者，同事們呼吁釋放他。

在加州約塞米蒂國家公園邊緣，2500多名消防員努力控制快速蔓延的野火。林業(yè)和消防官員稱山區(qū)地形阻礙了滅火工作，這場大火覆蓋了5萬公頃的面積。Alistair Leithead在洛杉磯報道。

這場所謂的邊緣起火燒了相當(dāng)于舊金山大小的面積，由于輸電線路、水電站和用水供應(yīng)面臨威脅，該市目前處于緊急狀態(tài)?；馂?zāi)現(xiàn)場附近有座為數(shù)百萬人提供用水的水庫，大火蔓延過州約塞米蒂國家公園邊界，這座公園每年有數(shù)百萬旅游者光顧。數(shù)千人已被警告離開家園，同時消防員和飛機(jī)投下阻燃粉末，希望開辟出大火無法越過的通道。

出于對公眾要求的回應(yīng)，埃及政府縮短了廣泛實(shí)施的宵禁。這次長達(dá)一月的宵禁是在推翻總統(tǒng)穆罕默德·穆爾西的**發(fā)生后開始實(shí)施的，以后的開始時間將推遲兩小時，于當(dāng)?shù)貢r間下午9點(diǎn)開始，不過在經(jīng)常舉行抗議的周五，宵禁在7點(diǎn)開始。

這里是BBC新聞報道。

第二篇：馬丁路德金演講

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第三篇：馬丁路德金演講

Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

我今天懷有一個夢。

我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現(xiàn)，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個信念，我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護(hù)自由，因?yàn)槲覀冎?，我們終有一天會獲得自由。

到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌：

我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！

不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個個土丘！

讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗！

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，F(xiàn)rom every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

第四篇：馬丁路德金演講

馬丁路德金演講

篇一：馬丁·路德金演講稿：《我有一個夢想》 馬丁·路德·金 簡介 馬丁·路德·金（英語：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美國民權(quán)運(yùn)動領(lǐng)袖。1948年大學(xué)畢業(yè)。1948年到1951年間，在美國東海岸的費(fèi)城繼續(xù)深造。1963年，馬丁·路德·金晉見了肯尼迪總統(tǒng)，要求通過新的民權(quán)法，給黑人以平等的權(quán)利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀(jì)念堂前發(fā)表《我有一個夢想》的演說。1964諾貝爾和平獎獲得者。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導(dǎo)工人罷工被人刺殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國政府將每年1月的第三個星期一定為馬丁路德金全國紀(jì)念日。1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。盡管美國戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅?？蓢鴥?nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭取社會平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起

“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會”，號召全市近5萬名黑人對公共法與公司進(jìn)行長達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動的領(lǐng)袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀(jì)念日。篇二：馬丁路德金_我有一個夢想(中英文)演講稿 今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。100年前，一位偉大的美國人--今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下--簽署了《解放宣言》。這項重要法令的頒布，對于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現(xiàn)一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的輝煌篇章時，就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾--不論白人還是黑人--都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。然而，今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票--一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機(jī)會寶庫會資金不足。因此，我們來兌現(xiàn)這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現(xiàn)在正是萬分緊急的時刻?，F(xiàn)在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時候。現(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主諾言的時候?，F(xiàn)在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關(guān)大道的時候?，F(xiàn)在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候。現(xiàn)在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。忽視這一時刻的緊迫性，對于國家將會是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。1963年不是一個結(jié)束，而是一個開端。如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國既不會安寧，也不會平靜。反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。但是，對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對于自由的飲渴。我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社會的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對所有白人的不信任--因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來到這里參加集會就是明證。我們不能單獨(dú)行動。當(dāng)我們行動時，我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能后退。有人問熱心民權(quán)運(yùn)動的人：“你們什么時候會感到滿意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們在旅途勞頓后，卻被公路旁汽車游客旅社和城市旅館拒之門外，我們就決不會滿意。只要黑人的基本活動范圍只限于從狹小的黑人居住區(qū)到較大的黑人居住區(qū)，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個性，損毀尊嚴(yán)，我們就決不會滿意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉，紐約州的黑人認(rèn)為他們與選舉毫不相干，我們就決不會滿意。不，不，我們不會滿意，直至公正似水奔流，正義如泉噴涌。我并非沒有注意到你們有些人歷盡艱難困苦來到這里。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來自因追求自由而遭受迫害風(fēng)暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飆摧殘的地區(qū)。你們飽經(jīng)風(fēng)霜，歷盡苦難。繼續(xù)努力吧，要相信：無辜受苦終得拯救?；氐矫芪魑鞅热グ桑换氐絹喞婉R去吧；回到南卡羅來納去吧；回到佐治亞去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區(qū)去吧。要知道，這種情況能夠而且將會改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵里沉淪。朋友們，今天我要對你們說，盡管眼下困難重重，但我依然懷有一個夢。這個夢深深植根于美國夢之中。我夢想有一天，這個國家將會奮起，實(shí)現(xiàn)其立國信條的真諦：“我們認(rèn)為這些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等?！?我夢想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐，親如手足。我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州--一個非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州，也會改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。我夢想有一天，我的四個小女兒將生活在一個不是以皮膚的顏色，而是以品格的優(yōu)劣作為評判標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的國家里。我今天懷有一個夢。我夢想有一天，亞拉巴馬州會有所改變--盡管該州州長現(xiàn)在仍滔滔不絕地說什么要對聯(lián)邦法令提出異議和拒絕執(zhí)行--在那里，黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地攜手并行。我今天懷有一個夢。我夢想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現(xiàn)，普天下生靈共謁。這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念，我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個信念，我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護(hù)自由，因?yàn)槲覀冎?，我們終有一天會獲得自由。到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌： 我的祖國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨 高峰！讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個個土丘！讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗！當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲轟響，當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個大村小莊，每一個州府城鎮(zhèn)，我們就能加速這一天的到來。那時，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由了！終于自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由了！” I have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.on August 28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check--a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident;that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith with which I return to the South.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning 篇三：馬丁路德金簡介和我有一個夢想英漢互譯演講稿以及演講背景 1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國亞特蘭大市奧本街501號，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。盡管美國戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅?？蓢鴥?nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭取社會平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會教堂作牧師。1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會”，號召全市近5萬名黑人對公共法與公司進(jìn)行長達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭勝利，從而揭開了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動的領(lǐng)袖。1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。美國政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國紀(jì)念日。關(guān)于非暴力主張 伴隨著種族主義長大的馬丁·路德·金，深受種族主義的傷害，所以他積極參加反對種族隔離制度的斗爭。但他主張的卻是非暴力的斗爭，而這種斗爭方式的確是有思想原因的。他受甘地主義和基督教教義影響很深，是一位典型的和平主義者。他強(qiáng)調(diào)在爭取黑人自由平等權(quán)利的斗爭中，不應(yīng)干違法的事，不能讓“創(chuàng)造性的抗議墮落成為暴力行為”，必須要有“用精神力量對付武力”的崇高境界。這里的精神力量在他看來，就是要以基督教宣傳的“博愛”、“仁慈”來感化黑人的敵人并使之放下屠刀。1 金之所以有這種思想與其青年時的學(xué)習(xí)有直接關(guān)系的。他在賓夕法尼亞的克羅澤學(xué)院學(xué)習(xí)時，利用業(yè)余時間，閱讀了著名的神學(xué)著作——人們寫的關(guān)于信仰的書，還有哲學(xué)著作——關(guān)于生活方式的書。這些書的思想給其留下了深刻的印象，并最終用于實(shí)踐。但使馬丁·路德·金最為激動的則是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或稱精神力量的哲學(xué)是印度人民對抗英帝國主義政治、軍事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不斷舉行示威游行，反對外國政治的統(tǒng)治，無論這樣統(tǒng)治是否出于善意。也無論是否正確，他們要自己來做出決定。甘地說雖然他們必須準(zhǔn)備好為取得獨(dú)立而犧牲自己的生命，他們也決不可為此而進(jìn)行殺戮——不管受到多么粗暴的對待。馬丁開始相信在印度能取得勝利，在美國也可以。他用自己的行動領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了一場聲勢浩大的以非暴力為原則的民權(quán)運(yùn)動。本次演講背景 50年代的美國南部，好像一座對付“解放了的”黑人的監(jiān)獄。而阿拉巴馬州又是種族歧視最為猖獗的一個州，在這里，黑人的選舉權(quán)力受到野蠻剝奪和限制，駭人聽聞的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不斷發(fā)生，種族隔離制度使黑人不能與白人同校，不能在同一個教堂做禮拜，不準(zhǔn)進(jìn)入為白人開設(shè)的旅館、客棧、飯館和娛樂場所，連公共汽車站上也樹立了柵欄，規(guī)定白人黑人分別上車。年輕的伴隨著種族主義歧視長大的黑人牧師馬丁·路德·金到任不久，便參加并領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了1955年蒙哥馬利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽車的反種族歧視運(yùn)動，最終迫使美國最高法院作出取消這種制度的決定。1963年他組織的伯明翰黑人爭取自由平等權(quán)利的大規(guī)模游行示威，把黑人運(yùn)動從南方推向北方。8月28日，斗爭達(dá)到高潮。25萬人聚集首都華盛頓，以和平集會方式舉行“自由進(jìn)軍”的示威，就在林肯紀(jì)念堂前，馬丁·路德·金向示威群眾發(fā)表了這篇激動人心的演說。在演講中，表達(dá)了他的非暴力主義思想以及他對自由平等公正的追求與憧憬。馬丁路德金演講稿I have a dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.2 100年前，一位偉大的美國人——今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下——簽署了《解放宣言》。這項重要法令的頒布，對于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.然而，100年后，黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來到這里，要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” 從某種意義上說，我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現(xiàn)一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的輝煌篇章時，就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾——不論白人還是黑人——都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。然而，今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票——一張蓋著“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a 3 check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機(jī)會寶庫會資金不足。因此，我們來兌現(xiàn)這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.我們來到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現(xiàn)在正是萬分緊急的時刻。現(xiàn)在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時候?，F(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主諾言的時候?，F(xiàn)在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽關(guān)大道的時候?，F(xiàn)在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候。現(xiàn)在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.忽視這一時刻的緊迫性，對于國家將會是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。1963年不是一個結(jié)束，而是一個開端。如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會心滿意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權(quán)之前，美國既不會安寧，也不會平靜。The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續(xù)震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful 4 deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.但是，對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們，有一些話我必須要說。在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，切不要錯誤行事導(dǎo)致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來解除對于自由的飲渴。我們應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)得體地、紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明地進(jìn)行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng)造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應(yīng)該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.席卷黑人社會的新的奇跡般的戰(zhàn)斗精神，不應(yīng)導(dǎo)致我們對所有白人的不信任——因?yàn)樵S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識到：他們的命運(yùn)同我們的命運(yùn)緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來到這里參加集會就是明證。We cannot walk alone.我們不能單獨(dú)行動。And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.當(dāng)我們行動時，我們必須保證勇往直前。We cannot turn back.我們不能后退。There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.” 5

第五篇：馬丁路德金演講賞析

馬丁·路德·金--《我有一個夢想》賞析

最近，我在受老師上課的影響下細(xì)讀了一篇演說稿，題目是《我有一個夢想》，讓我感觸非常深?！段矣幸粋€夢想》是1963年8月8日在美國第16屆總統(tǒng)林肯紀(jì)念堂前舉行《黑人解放宣言》100周年紀(jì)念活動時基督教牧師馬丁路德金作的長篇演說，主要揭露了白人對黑人的殘酷迫害，表達(dá)了對自由和幸福的渴望以及正義奮斗到底的決心。而這篇演講也影響了一代有理想的年輕人。

《我有一個夢想》是一篇演講稿，文中運(yùn)用了許多的排比句，主要講了黑人以及作者對自由的渴望，也揭示了黑人在白人心中的地位，讀了這篇演講稿我覺得，我們不應(yīng)該因?yàn)閯e人的膚色、地位、家境就改變對他們的態(tài)度、看法，因?yàn)槿巳松降?，沒有高低貴賤之分，即使你出生再一個富裕的家庭也不代表你比人家高，因?yàn)槟悻F(xiàn)在的富裕不是你的，而是他人努力的成果，只有通過自己的努力得來的，才是自己的，而出生的窮困人，也不用為了自己的身世而自卑，雖然你的家庭是窮困的，但是你可以通過自己的努力來改變現(xiàn)狀。我希望以后我們可以生活在一個不是以人們的膚色、身份、地位，而是以我們的品格優(yōu)劣來評價我們的國度里生活。

人人生而平等。

這樣震撼人心，激勵斗志，充分論理，洋溢熱情，堅定信念，邏輯嚴(yán)密的演講很少見。不論從思想性和藝術(shù)性上都可稱得上極品。他的演講，揭露問題一針見血，毫不隱晦，明明白白。這篇演講稿里，每一個字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對黑人自由的渴望；每一個字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對奴隸主與奴隸能在同一片藍(lán)天下生活的期望；每一個字都流露出馬丁·路德·金對黑人與白人情同骨肉攜手并進(jìn)的希望。

馬丁·路德·金的演講稿《我有一個夢想》讓我體會到了當(dāng)時美國政府對黑人的不平等待遇。他那激情的演講震撼了一個又一個的白人與黑人；那鏗鏘有力的聲音喚醒了人們那沉睡多年的良心；那一浪接一浪的掌聲給人們留下了永不磨滅的回憶。

馬丁·路德·金的《我有一個夢想》這個演講，不但給了人們永不磨滅的回憶，還讓人們發(fā)現(xiàn)了自己對黑人的不公。現(xiàn)在，在去美國，再也不會看見白人對黑人投去蔑視的眼神了，真正地達(dá)到了馬丁·路德·金所希望的那樣“昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。”世界又變成了和平的時期。

首先本文擬將從文學(xué)體的角度，對于馬丁·路德·金所作的演講進(jìn)行分析。通過這種分析來描寫馬丁·路德·金在演講中的語言特點(diǎn)，以便更深刻得理解該演講文體及其深層含義。

1.語域分析

任何語言使用都受到語域因素的影響，不同語域的語言使用也呈現(xiàn)著不用的規(guī)律和特點(diǎn)，馬丁·路德·金的演講也是。著名語言學(xué)家韓禮德（Halliday）把語域理論分為：語場，語旨和語式。語場是指語篇所涉及的社會活動或?qū)嶋H發(fā)生的事；語旨是指交際活動所涉及的人和他們之間的關(guān)系；語式是指語篇的載體形式即語言交際的渠道或媒介。

從整個語篇來看，該篇演講沒有很生僻，也沒有特別長的單詞，基本上都是日常生活中人們常見常用常聽到的詞匯。從語旨上來分析，馬丁·路德·金面對的聽眾是黑人群體和一些民眾，他們文化程度、知識背景不一，首先就要使所有的聽眾都聽得懂他的演講，因此，金用民眾易于理解的詞匯能夠傳遞更多的信息。

從語場上來講，該演講的主題是有關(guān)黑人爭取平等權(quán)利，取得真正的自由。因此，馬丁·路德·金的演講圍繞這一主題展，那么出現(xiàn)在語篇當(dāng)中的高頻詞匯就得與上述主題有明顯的關(guān)聯(lián)。我做了一個簡單統(tǒng)計，發(fā)現(xiàn)其中Freedom（自由）出現(xiàn)20次，Justice（公平）出現(xiàn)11次，Right（權(quán)利）出現(xiàn)7次。由此看來，馬丁·路德·金緊扣主題，一方面突出重點(diǎn)的目的，起到強(qiáng)調(diào)的作用；另一方面，表現(xiàn)了實(shí)現(xiàn)愿望的感情之強(qiáng)烈。

2.情態(tài)動詞分析

語旨的變化主要表現(xiàn)在對人際意義的不同選擇上。在詞匯層面上，主要體現(xiàn)在語氣，情態(tài)動詞詞匯的不用選擇上。情態(tài)系統(tǒng)是表達(dá)說話者對事物的判斷和評價的系統(tǒng)。金運(yùn)用了不同的情態(tài)動詞來實(shí)現(xiàn)他的不同人際意義。比如，原文中Will出現(xiàn)26次，Can和Must都出現(xiàn)8次。通過預(yù)測推斷，有了這些信念，我們可以改變現(xiàn)狀。Will表示將會，Can表示可以，能夠，Must表達(dá)必須，義務(wù)的意思，從內(nèi)容上看，無一不是一再的激起聽眾的熱血，像他們傳達(dá)著自由終會實(shí)現(xiàn)，大家終會解放的涵義。從語氣上來看，也是遞進(jìn)的關(guān)系，這些情態(tài)動詞的穿插使用更加堅定了廣大黑人聽眾的信念，振奮精神。

《我有一個夢想》的作者馬丁·路德·金生于1929年，是美國著名的黑人民權(quán)領(lǐng)袖。1948年大學(xué)畢業(yè)。1963年晉見了肯尼迪總統(tǒng)，要求通過新的民權(quán)法，給黑人以平等的權(quán)利。1963年8月28日在林肯紀(jì)念堂前發(fā)表《我有一個夢想》的演說。1946年獲得諾貝爾和平獎。1968年4月，馬丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市領(lǐng)導(dǎo)工人罷工時被人謀殺，年僅39歲。1986年起美國政府將每年1月的第三個星期一定為馬丁·路德·金全國紀(jì)念日。

馬丁·路德·金用他犀利的言辭和有針對性的話語擲地有聲地指出一百年前的偉大的林肯總統(tǒng)簽署了解放黑奴宣言，那莊嚴(yán)的宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來希望。

但在一百多年后的今天，黑人依然沒有得到自由，在種族隔離的腳銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活依然受壓迫，黑人仍生活在物質(zhì)充裕的海洋中的一個窮困的“小島”，黑人仍然萎縮在美國社會的角落。

美利堅合眾國的締造者在草擬憲法和獨(dú)立宣言時曾向每一個美國人許下諾言，承諾給予所有人以生存、自由和追求幸福的權(quán)力?？扇缃?，美國顯然沒有實(shí)踐她的諾言，只是給黑人一張說是可以給予黑人寶貴的自由和正義的保障的空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子便退了回來。沒錯，如今黑人的生活雖已普遍改善，但黑人遭受極不公正，不公正待遇的事件仍層出不窮。黑人雖已迎來了新生活，但舊思想，舊觀念還是在少數(shù)白人的腦海里揮之不去，深入骨髓。

演講還提醒如果美國忽視時間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那么這對美國將是致命傷。自由和平等的涼爽秋天如不到來，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。一九六三年并不意味著斗爭的結(jié)束，而是開始。黑人得不到公民的權(quán)利，美國就不可能有安寧或平靜，正義的光明的一天不到來，叛亂旋風(fēng)就將繼續(xù)動搖這個國家的基礎(chǔ)。

最后他還提到希望：我們讓自由之聲響起來，讓自由之聲從每一個大小村莊、每一個州和每一個城市響起來時，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來。那時，上帝的所有兒女：黑人和白人、猶太教徒和非猶太教徒、耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手牽手合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由啦！終于自由啦！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由啦！”

馬丁·路德·金用他的夢想給黑人勾畫出美麗的藍(lán)圖，也給他們一個等待的理由。他的演講獲得熱烈的擁護(hù)，也給他帶來崇高聲譽(yù)。全文思路明晰，富有邏輯性，不僅體現(xiàn)了作者的才情，更展現(xiàn)了作者高尚的追求和不屈的奮斗精神。馬丁·路德·金通過他的努力，終于在他逝世40年后的今天實(shí)現(xiàn)了他的夢想：美國歷史上有了第一位黑人總統(tǒng)奧巴馬。而當(dāng)年對黑人歧視很嚴(yán)重的密西西比州，亞拉巴馬州，南卡羅來納州，佐治亞州，路易斯安那州，如今也得到了很大的改善。

馬丁·路德·金通過努力，使他的夢想已經(jīng)不只是個夢想，而是實(shí)現(xiàn)。