第一篇：密里根實(shí)驗(yàn)報(bào)告

物 物 理 實(shí) 驗(yàn) 報(bào) 告

【實(shí)驗(yàn)題目】

密立根油滴實(shí)驗(yàn)

【實(shí)驗(yàn)?zāi)康摹?/p>

1.通過對(duì)帶電油滴在重力場(chǎng)和靜電場(chǎng)中運(yùn)動(dòng)的測(cè)量，驗(yàn)證電荷的“量子化”，即電量不是連續(xù)變化的，測(cè)定電子的電荷值； 2.理解分別利用靜、動(dòng)平衡條件巧妙測(cè)量電子荷質(zhì)比巧妙之處，通過對(duì)儀器的調(diào)整練習(xí)選擇、跟蹤油滴，調(diào)整電壓使油滴平衡。

【實(shí)驗(yàn)儀器】

由油滴盒、CCD 電視顯微鏡、電路箱、監(jiān)視器等組成的密立根油滴儀； 棕油、噴油器。

【 實(shí)驗(yàn)原理】

1.靜態(tài)（平衡）測(cè)量法 用噴霧器將油滴噴入兩塊相距為 d 的平行極板之間。油在噴射撕裂成油滴時(shí)，一般都是帶電的。設(shè)油滴的質(zhì)量為 m，所帶的電量為q，兩極板間的電壓為 V，如圖（b）

所示。如果調(diào)節(jié)兩極板間的電壓 V，可使兩力達(dá)到平衡，有：

dVq qE mg ? ?

(1)為了測(cè)出油滴所帶的電量 q，除了需測(cè)定平衡電壓 V 和極板間距離 d 外，還需要測(cè)量油滴的質(zhì)量 m。因 m 很小，需用如下特殊方法測(cè)定：平行極板不加電壓時(shí)，油滴受重力作用而加速下降，由于空氣阻力的作用，下降一段距離達(dá)到某一速度g? 后，阻力rf 與重力mg平衡，如圖(a)所示（空氣浮力忽略不計(jì)），油滴將勻速下降。其中油滴重力為

mg=34? r 3 ? g.此時(shí)有：

mg v a fg r? ? ? ? 6

(2)其中 ? 是空氣的粘滯系數(shù)，是 a 油滴的半徑。經(jīng)過變換及修正，可得斯托克斯定律：

pabv afgr??16 ? ?

(3)其中 b 是修正常數(shù)，b=8.22×10-6 m·Pa , p 為大氣壓強(qiáng)，單位為厘米汞高。

至于油滴勻速下降的速度gv，可用下法測(cè)出：當(dāng)兩極板間的電壓 V 為零時(shí),設(shè)油滴勻速下降的距離為 l，時(shí)間為 t，則 ：

ggtlv ?

(4)

最后得到理論公式：

Vdpabtlgqg23)1(218?????????????????

(5)上式即為靜態(tài)法測(cè)油滴電荷的公式。其中：

gvag??29?

為了求電子電荷ｅ，對(duì)實(shí)驗(yàn)測(cè)得的各個(gè)電荷ｑ求最大公約數(shù)，就是基本電荷ｅ的值，照射油滴，使它所帶電荷改變），這時(shí) ?q1 應(yīng)近似為某一最小單位的整數(shù)倍，此最小單位即 為基本電荷ｅ。

也就是電子電荷ｅ，也可以測(cè)得同一油滴所帶電荷的改變量 ?q1，這時(shí)?q1應(yīng)近似為某一最小單位的整數(shù)倍，此最小單位即為電荷量 e.【實(shí)驗(yàn)內(nèi)容】

1、儀器調(diào)整：

調(diào)節(jié)儀器底座上的三只調(diào)平手輪，將水泡調(diào)平。打開儀器，使屏幕視野清晰亮度適宜并調(diào)節(jié)接目鏡，使分劃板刻線清晰。

2、噴油滴：噴霧器內(nèi)的油不可裝得太滿，否則會(huì)噴出很多“油”而不是“油霧”，噴油時(shí)噴霧器的噴頭不要深入噴油孔內(nèi)，防止大顆粒油滴堵塞落油孔； 3、選擇油滴：微調(diào)測(cè)量顯微鏡的調(diào)焦手輪，這時(shí)視場(chǎng)中即出現(xiàn)大量清晰的油滴。且大而亮的油滴必然質(zhì)量大，所帶電荷也多，而勻速下降時(shí)間則很短，增大了測(cè)量誤差和給數(shù)據(jù)處理帶來困難。過小的油滴觀察困難,布朗運(yùn)動(dòng)明顯，會(huì)引入較大的測(cè)量誤差。通常選擇平衡電壓為 200Ｖ左右，勻速下落 2mm 的時(shí)間在 15~35S 左右的油滴較適宜。噴油后，置“平衡”檔,調(diào) W 使極板電壓為 200Ｖ左右，注意幾顆緩慢運(yùn)動(dòng)、較為清晰明亮的油滴。置“0V”檔時(shí)，觀察各顆油滴下落大概的速度，從中選一顆滿足條件的油滴作為測(cè)量對(duì)象。如油滴斜向運(yùn)動(dòng)，則可轉(zhuǎn)動(dòng)顯微鏡上的圓形 CCD，使油滴垂直方向運(yùn)動(dòng)； 4、測(cè)量：將油滴移至某條刻度線上，仔細(xì)調(diào)節(jié)平衡電壓，當(dāng)油滴不在上升或下降時(shí)為平衡電壓，將電壓置“up”檔，使油滴上升到距刻度線一格以上，置“平衡”檔，將計(jì)時(shí)器歸零，置“down”檔，當(dāng)油滴經(jīng)過 0 刻度線時(shí)開始計(jì)時(shí)，當(dāng)經(jīng)過刻度線 2 時(shí)，計(jì)時(shí)結(jié)束并將電壓置“平衡”檔，重復(fù) 6 次該油滴的實(shí)驗(yàn)，記錄運(yùn)動(dòng)的時(shí)間及平衡電壓； 5、按照上述方法，再另找兩滴油滴，并記錄數(shù)據(jù)。

【 原始 數(shù)據(jù)】

第一組 V(v)174 175 174 175 174 176 t(s)28.8 28.4 28.7 28.5 28.5 28.3 第二組 V(v)171 172 172 171 171 173 t(s)29.2 29.8 28.5 29.4 29.3 29.8 第三組 V(v)185 185 184 184 185 185 t(s)22.1 21.6 21.5 21.3 21.3 21.4

ρ為油的密度

ρ=981Kg/m 3 g 為重力加速度

g = 9.80 m·s-2

η空氣粘滯系數(shù)

η =1.83×10-5

Pa·s l 為油滴勻速下降的距離

l = 2.00×10-3 m b 為修正常數(shù)

b =8.22×10-6 m·Pa p 為大氣壓強(qiáng)

P=1.0133×10 5 Pa d 為平行極板間距離

d =5.00×10-3

m 【數(shù)據(jù)處理】

由靜態(tài)法測(cè)油滴電荷的公式：

Vdpabtlgqg23)1(218?????????????????

和 gvag??29? 可得：

帶電量/c i=q/e i(取整）

電子電量e/c

第一組

4.81911E-19 3.011945 3 1.60637E-19 4.89316E-19 3.058225 3 1.63105E-19 4.84432E-19 3.027701 3 1.61477E-19 4.86743E-19 3.042143 3 1.62248E-19 4.8954E-19 3.059627 3 1.6318E-19 4.89117E-19 3.056981 3 1.63039E-19

第二組 4.80324E-19 3.002027 3 1.60108E-19 4.8248E-19 3.015502 3 1.60827E-19 4.80324E-19 3.002027 3 1.60162E-19 4.82802E-19 3.017515 3 1.60934E-19 4.80324E-19 3.002027 3 1.60108E-19 4.80324E-19 3.002027 3 1.60108E-19

第三組 6.74287E-19 4.214294 4 1.68572E-19 6.97835E-19 4.361468 4 1.74459E-19 7.06528E-19 4.415801 4 1.76632E-19 7.16503E-19 4.478141 4 1.79126E-19 7.1263E-19 4.453935 4 1.78157E-19 7.0764E-19 4.422752 4 1.7691E-19

e=?iie181= 1.70544E-19

C ? ?????1812e)()1 18(181iie e ? 0.12×10-19

e=(1.70 ? 0.12)×10-19 C 相對(duì)偏差：S 相 =（（（1.70-1.69）×10-19、/1.69×10-19））×100%=0.59%

【實(shí)驗(yàn)結(jié)果分析】

一、實(shí)驗(yàn)結(jié)果 1、本實(shí)驗(yàn)中通過對(duì)帶電油滴在重力場(chǎng)和靜電場(chǎng)中的運(yùn)動(dòng)的測(cè)量：第一個(gè)油滴的電荷量是 e 的 3 倍；第二個(gè)油滴的電荷量是 e 的 3 倍；第三個(gè)油滴的電荷量是 e 的 4 倍。由此可知，油滴的電荷量是量子化的，即是不連續(xù)變化的。

2、本實(shí)驗(yàn)測(cè)得電子電量為 e=(1.70 ? 0.12)×10-19 C ；e 的不確定度為 0.12，其反映了此次實(shí)驗(yàn)的重復(fù)性較好。此外，其相對(duì)偏差為 0.59%，它反映了測(cè)量值與理論值較為接近，驗(yàn)證了實(shí)驗(yàn)結(jié)果的準(zhǔn)確性較好。

二、誤差分析 1、理論誤差

因?yàn)橛偷拿芏圈?、空氣的粘滯系?shù)都是溫度的函數(shù), 重力加速度 g 和大氣壓強(qiáng) p 又隨實(shí)驗(yàn)地點(diǎn)和實(shí)驗(yàn)條件的變化而變化,但是一般條件下,計(jì)算的誤差只有百分之一左右。、儀器誤差 實(shí)驗(yàn)儀器本身帶來的誤差：按下計(jì)時(shí)器時(shí)，油滴瞬時(shí)的加速，計(jì)時(shí)器的誤差，油滴下落過程中可能碰撞到其他的油滴造成質(zhì)量的變化。

3、測(cè)量誤差

a、在實(shí)驗(yàn)儀器相同的情況下, 測(cè)量誤差除了由系統(tǒng)誤差引起的部分, 主要就是由測(cè)量人員的主觀素質(zhì)引起的偶然誤差形成的。例如:電荷未達(dá)到平衡就開始計(jì)時(shí)；電荷在多次測(cè)量中于其他電子發(fā)生碰撞；油滴下落時(shí)沒有沿直線勻速下落；

b、選擇合適的油滴很重要,油滴的體積太大,大的油滴雖然容易觀察,但質(zhì)量大,必須帶很多電荷才能取得平衡,而且下落時(shí)間短,結(jié)果不易測(cè)準(zhǔn)。油滴的體積過小,容易產(chǎn)生漂移,也會(huì)增大測(cè)量誤差。選擇那些質(zhì)量適中而帶電量不太多的油滴才是可取的, 可根據(jù)平衡電壓的大小(約 200V)和油滴勻速下降的時(shí)間(約 15～35s)來判斷油滴的大小和帶電量的多少。

3、減少誤差的方法：多次測(cè)量取平均值 三、注意：

1、測(cè)準(zhǔn)油滴上升或下降某段距離所需的時(shí)間，要統(tǒng)一油滴到達(dá)刻度線什么位置才認(rèn)為油滴已踏線； 2、眼睛要平視刻度線，不要有夾角。反復(fù)幾次，使測(cè)出的各次時(shí)間的離散性較??； 3、正式測(cè)量用平衡測(cè)量法、動(dòng)態(tài)測(cè)量法和同一油滴改變電荷法（第三種方法所用的射線源用戶自備）。如采用平衡法測(cè)量，可將已調(diào)平衡的油滴用 K 2 控制移到“起跑”線上，按 K3（計(jì) 時(shí)／停），讓計(jì)時(shí)器停止計(jì)時(shí)，然后將 K 2 撥向“0V”，油滴開始勻速下降的同時(shí)，計(jì)時(shí)器開始計(jì)時(shí)。到“終點(diǎn)”時(shí)迅速按下計(jì)時(shí)器； 4、注意不要讓所觀測(cè)的油滴跑掉。

第二篇：里根就職演說

美國歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演說（里根）

Second Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1985 Senator Mathias, Chief Justice Burger, Vice President Bush, Speaker O'Neill, Senator Dole, Reverend Clergy, members of my family and friends, and my fellow citizens: This day has been made brighter with the presence here of one who, for a time, has been absent--Senator John Stennis.God bless you and welcome back.There is, however, one who is not with us today: Representative Gillis Long of Louisiana left us last night.I wonder if we could all join in a moment of silent prayer.(Moment of silent prayer.)Amen.There are no words adequate to express my thanks for the great honor that you have bestowed on me.I will do my utmost to be deserving of your trust.This is, as Senator Mathias told us, the 50th time that we the people have celebrated this historic occasion.When the first President, George Washington, placed his hand upon the Bible, he stood less than a single day's journey by horseback from raw, untamed wilderness.There were 4 million Americans in a union of 13 States.Today we are 60 times as many in a union of 50 States.We have lighted the world with our inventions, gone to the aid of mankind wherever in the world there was a cry for help, journeyed to the Moon and safely returned.So much has changed.And yet we stand together as we did two centuries ago.When I took this oath four years ago, I did so in a time of economic stress.Voices were raised saying we had to look to our past for the greatness and glory.But we, the present-day Americans, are not given to looking backward.In this blessed land, there is always a better tomorrow.Four years ago, I spoke to you of a new beginning and we have accomplished that.But in another sense, our new beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant;its only power that which we the people allow it to have.That system has never failed us, but, for a time, we failed the system.We asked things of government that government was not equipped to give.We yielded authority to the National Government that properly belonged to States or to local governments or to the people themselves.We allowed taxes and inflation to rob us of our earnings and savings and watched the great industrial machine that had made us the most productive people on Earth slow down and the number of unemployed increase.By 1980, we knew it was time to renew our faith, to strive with all our strength toward the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with an orderly society.We believed then and now there are no limits to growth and human progress when men and women are free to follow their dreams.And we were right to believe that.Tax rates have been reduced, inflation cut dramatically, and more people are employed than ever before in our history.We are creating a nation once again vibrant, robust, and alive.But there are many mountains yet to climb.We will not rest until every American enjoys the fullness of freedom, dignity, and opportunity as our birthright.It is our birthright as citizens of this great Republic, and we'll meet this challenge.These will be years when Americans have restored their confidence and tradition of progress;when our values of faith, family, work, and neighborhood were restated for a modern age;when our economy was finally freed from government's grip;when we made sincere efforts at meaningful arms reduction, rebuilding our defenses, our economy, and developing new technologies, and helped preserve peace in a troubled world;when Americans courageously supported the struggle for liberty, self-government, and free enterprise throughout the world, and turned the tide of history away from totalitarian darkness and into the warm sunlight of human freedom.My fellow citizens, our Nation is poised for greatness.We must do what we know is right and do it with all our might.Let history say of us, “These were golden years--when the American Revolution was reborn, when freedom gained new life, when America reached for her best.” Our two-party system has served us well over the years, but never better than in those times of great challenge when we came together not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans united in a common cause.Two of our Founding Fathers, a Boston lawyer named Adams and a Virginia planter named Jefferson, members of that remarkable group who met in Independence Hall and dared to think they could start the world over again, left us an important lesson.They had become political rivals in the Presidential election of 1800.Then years later, when both were retired, and age had softened their anger, they began to speak to each other again through letters.A bond was reestablished between those two who had helped create this government of ours.In 1826, the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, they both died.They died on the same day, within a few hours of each other, and that day was the Fourth of July.In one of those letters exchanged in the sunset of their lives, Jefferson wrote: “It carries me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right to self-government.Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless...we rode through the storm with heart and hand.” Well, with heart and hand, let us stand as one today: One people under God determined that our future shall be worthy of our past.As we do, we must not repeat the well-intentioned errors of our past.We must never again abuse the trust of working men and women, by sending their earnings on a futile chase after the spiraling demands of a bloated Federal Establishment.You elected us in 1980 to end this prescription for disaster, and I don't believe you reelected us in 1984 to reverse course.At the heart of our efforts is one idea vindicated by 25 straight months of economic growth: Freedom and incentives unleash the drive and entrepreneurial genius that are the core of human progress.We have begun to increase the rewards for work, savings, and investment;reduce the increase in the cost and size of government and its interference in people's lives.We must simplify our tax system, make it more fair, and bring the rates down for all who work and earn.We must think anew and move with a new boldness, so every American who seeks work can find work;so the least among us shall have an equal chance to achieve the greatest things--to be heroes who heal our sick, feed the hungry, protect peace among nations, and leave this world a better place.The time has come for a new American emancipation--a great national drive to tear down economic barriers and liberate the spirit of enterprise in the most distressed areas of our country.My friends, together we can do this, and do it we must, so help me God.--From new freedom will spring new opportunities for growth, a more productive, fulfilled and united people, and a stronger America--an America that will lead the technological revolution, and also open its mind and heart and soul to the treasures of literature, music, and poetry, and the values of faith, courage, and love.A dynamic economy, with more citizens working and paying taxes, will be our strongest tool to bring down budget deficits.But an almost unbroken 50 years of deficit spending has finally brought us to a time of reckoning.We have come to a turning point, a moment for hard decisions.I have asked the Cabinet and my staff a question, and now I put the same question to all of you: If not us, who? And if not now, when? It must be done by all of us going forward with a program aimed at reaching a balanced budget.We can then begin reducing the national debt.I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezing government program spending for the next year.Beyond that, we must take further steps to permanently control Government's power to tax and spend.We must act now to protect future generations from Government's desire to spend its citizens' money and tax them into servitude when the bills come due.Let us make it unconstitutional for the Federal Government to spend more than the Federal Government takes in.We have already started returning to the people and to State and local governments responsibilities better handled by them.Now, there is a place for the Federal Government in matters of social compassion.But our fundamental goals must be to reduce dependency and upgrade the dignity of those who are infirm or disadvantaged.And here a growing economy and support from family and community offer our best chance for a society where compassion is a way of life, where the old and infirm are cared for, the young and, yes, the unborn protected, and the unfortunate looked after and made self And there is another area where the Federal Government can play a part.As an older American, I remember a time when people of different race, creed, or ethnic origin in our land found hatred and prejudice installed in social custom and, yes, in law.There is no story more heartening in our history than the progress that we have made toward the “brotherhood of man” that God intended for us.Let us resolve there will be no turning back or hesitation on the road to an America rich in dignity and abundant with opportunity for all our citizens.Let us resolve that we the people will build an American opportunity society in which all of us--white and black, rich and poor, young and old--will go forward together arm in arm.Again, let us remember that though our heritage is one of blood lines from every corner of the Earth, we are all Americans pledged to carry on this last, best hope of man on Earth.I have spoken of our domestic goals and the limitations which we should put on our National Government.Now let me turn to a task which is the primary responsibility of National Government-the safety and security of our people.Today, we utter no prayer more fervently than the ancient prayer for peace on Earth.Yet history has shown that peace will not come, nor will our freedom be preserved, by good will alone.There are those in the world who scorn our vision of human dignity and freedom.One nation, the Soviet Union, has conducted the greatest military buildup in the history of man, building arsenals of awesome offensive weapons.We have made progress in restoring our defense capability.But much remains to be done.There must be no wavering by us, nor any doubts by others, that America will meet her responsibilities to remain free, secure, and at peace.There is only one way safely and legitimately to reduce the cost of national security, and that is to reduce the need for it.And this we are trying to do in negotiations with the Soviet Union.We are not just discussing limits on a further increase of nuclear weapons.We seek, instead, to reduce their number.We seek the total elimination one day of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth.Now, for decades, we and the Soviets have lived under the threat of mutual assured destruction;if either resorted to the use of nuclear weapons, the other could retaliate and destroy the one who had started it.Is there either logic or morality in believing that if one side threatens to kill tens of millions of our people, our only recourse is to threaten killing tens of millions of theirs? I have approved a research program to find, if we can, a security shield that would destroy nuclear missiles before they reach their target.It wouldn't kill people, it would destroy weapons.It wouldn't militarize space, it would help demilitarize the arsenals of Earth.It would render nuclear weapons obsolete.We will meet with the Soviets, hoping that we can agree on a way to rid the world of the threat of nuclear destruction.We strive for peace and security, heartened by the changes all around us.Since the turn of the century, the number of democracies in the world has grown fourfold.Human freedom is on the march, and nowhere more so than our own hemisphere.Freedom is one of the deepest and noblest aspirations of the human spirit.People, worldwide, hunger for the right of self-determination, for those inalienable rights that make for human dignity and progress.America must remain freedom's staunchest friend, for freedom is our best ally.And it is the world's only hope, to conquer poverty and preserve peace.Every blow we inflict against poverty will be a blow against its dark allies of oppression and war.Every victory for human freedom will be a victory for world peace.So we go forward today, a nation still mighty in its youth and powerful in its purpose.With our alliances strengthened, with our economy leading the world to a new age of economic expansion, we look forward to a world rich in possibilities.And all this because we have worked and acted together, not as members of political parties, but as Americans.My friends, we live in a world that is lit by lightning.So much is changing and will change, but so much endures, and transcends time.History is a ribbon, always unfurling;history is a journey.And as we continue our journey, we think of those who traveled before us.We stand together again at the steps of this symbol of our democracy--or we would have been standing at the steps if it hadn't gotten so cold.Now we are standing inside this symbol of our democracy.Now we hear again the echoes of our past: a general falls to his knees in the hard snow of Valley Forge;a lonely President paces the darkened halls, and ponders his struggle to preserve the Union;the men of the Alamo call out encouragement to each other;a settler pushes west and sings a song, and the song echoes out forever and fills the unknowing air.It is the American sound.It is hopeful, big-hearted, idealistic, daring, decent, and fair.That's our heritage;that is our song.We sing it still.For all our problems, our differences, we are together as of old, as we raise our voices to the God who is the Author of this most tender music.And may He continue to hold us close as we fill the world with our sound--sound in unity, affection, and love--one people under God, dedicated to the dream of freedom that He has placed in the human heart, called upon now to pass that dream on to a waiting and hopeful world.God bless you and may God bless America.

第三篇：里根總統(tǒng)演講稿

January 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice president Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發(fā)言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：

To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.今天對(duì)于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個(gè)非常莊嚴(yán)隆重的時(shí)刻。當(dāng)然，對(duì)于這個(gè)國家的歷史來說，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交，我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個(gè)世紀(jì)，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個(gè)我們已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實(shí)在是一個(gè)奇跡。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們同胞們都能知道你為了這個(gè)傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個(gè)事實(shí)：我們是發(fā)誓要團(tuán)結(jié)起來維護(hù)這樣一個(gè)政治體制的團(tuán)體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個(gè)人自由。同時(shí)我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因?yàn)槟銈儓?jiān)持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。

1The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)困難。我們?cè)庥龅轿覈鴼v史上歷時(shí)最長、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策，打擊著節(jié)儉的風(fēng)氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計(jì)。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動(dòng)報(bào)酬，因?yàn)檫@種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時(shí)的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢(shì)如果長此以往，必然引起社會(huì)、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)等方面的大動(dòng)蕩。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個(gè)人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時(shí)期，我們?cè)趺纯梢哉J(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)國家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動(dòng)起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動(dòng)。

2/ ◆The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.◆They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.Government is the problem.我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟(jì)弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會(huì)在幾天、幾星期或幾個(gè)月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因?yàn)槲覀冏鳛楝F(xiàn)在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個(gè)最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當(dāng)前這場(chǎng)危機(jī)中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else?

我們時(shí)常誤以為，社會(huì)已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個(gè)由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明?？墒?，假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個(gè)責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個(gè)群體付出較高的代價(jià)。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團(tuán)的談?wù)?，然而。我們必須關(guān)心一個(gè)被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團(tuán)。這個(gè)集團(tuán)沒有區(qū)域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有 政黨之分，這個(gè)集團(tuán)由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實(shí)業(yè)家、店主、職 員、出租汽車 司機(jī)和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們?nèi)嗣瘛?-這個(gè)稱之為美國人的民族。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的日標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機(jī)會(huì)，讓美國重新工作起 來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費(fèi)用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強(qiáng)大、繁榮、國內(nèi)穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實(shí)際情況。我們是一個(gè)擁有政府的國家--而不是一個(gè)擁有國家的政府。這一點(diǎn)使我們?cè)谑澜绾蠂歇?dú)樹一幟，我們的政府 除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒有任何別的權(quán)力。目前，政府權(quán)力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)這種狀況的時(shí)候到了。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.我打算壓縮聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)的規(guī)模和權(quán)力，并要求大家承認(rèn)聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng)立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。因此，請(qǐng)不要誤會(huì)，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩 而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機(jī)會(huì)，而不是扼殺機(jī)會(huì)，它能夠而且必須促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力，而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.如果我們要探究這么多年來我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個(gè)民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個(gè) 人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里，個(gè)人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴(yán)超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價(jià)有時(shí)相當(dāng)高昂，但我們從來沒有不愿意付出這代價(jià)。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.我們目前的困難，與政府機(jī)構(gòu)因?yàn)椴槐匾倪^度膨脹而干預(yù)、侵?jǐn)_我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。

我們是一個(gè)泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢(mèng)想，現(xiàn)在正是認(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)的時(shí)候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點(diǎn)。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們 什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個(gè)國家復(fù)興的時(shí)代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。

We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.我們完全有權(quán)去做英雄夢(mèng)。那些評(píng)論我們現(xiàn)在是一個(gè)沒有英雄的時(shí)代的，他們只不過沒有仔細(xì)看?？窗?！每一天進(jìn)出工廠大門的工人，辛勤耕作為我們提供食物的農(nóng)民們，站在柜臺(tái)后的服務(wù)生們；盡心盡業(yè)打拼為社會(huì)創(chuàng)造財(cái)富，提供就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)的企業(yè)家們。交納賦稅，以維持國家運(yùn)作的公民們。所有支持慈善事業(yè)，教會(huì)，文化及教育的人們，他們的舉動(dòng)是無聲的，但愛國心卻是不言自明的。他們的價(jià)值造就了我們的國家。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我剛才用了“他們”這個(gè)人稱來形容這些英雄們，其實(shí)我也可以用”你們”這個(gè)人稱。在這個(gè)上帝眷顧的國家，你們的夢(mèng)想，你們的希望，你們的追求就是這個(gè)國家存在的理由。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們的天性包含了同情。倘若我們熱愛這個(gè)國家，怎么會(huì)不熱愛自己的同胞們。當(dāng)他們挫折時(shí)，扶他們一把，當(dāng)他們生病時(shí)，給予關(guān)照。對(duì)于弱者，給予體面的幫助，使其自立.我們是否戰(zhàn)能勝現(xiàn)在擺在面前的問題？我說，回答是毫不含糊的“能！”

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在未來的日子里，我們要掃清經(jīng)濟(jì)停滯和工業(yè)發(fā)展的路障，政府的各項(xiàng)政策要平衡。我們要一步步塌實(shí)緩慢的前進(jìn)。該是喚醒這個(gè)工業(yè)巨人的時(shí)候了，削減沉重的賦稅，讓政府回歸理性。這是我們?cè)瓌t，沒有妥協(xié)的余地。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.在國家立國的前夕，我們的建國先賢之一，馬塞諸薩州州長約瑟夫*沃倫對(duì)他的同胞們說“我們的國家正在危險(xiǎn)之中，但我們絲毫不需絕望--------美國的前途就在我們手中。這個(gè)無限自由的幸福的國度即將誕生，讓我們行動(dòng)吧！”

我相信，同胞們，今天，為了我們孩子的孩子的自由和幸福，我們一定也準(zhǔn)備好了，讓我們行動(dòng)吧！

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.我們慶祝重振美國的此時(shí)，全世界的人們都在關(guān)注著，我們依舊是那些尚未獲得自由的人民心中的自由燈塔！

對(duì)于我們的鄰居，自由世界的同盟們，我們將進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)聯(lián)絡(luò)，保證我們承擔(dān)的義務(wù)。我們將以心換心，但我們決不會(huì)干涉你們的主權(quán)，希望你們也不會(huì)干涉我們。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對(duì)于自由世界的敵人，我們潛在的對(duì)手。我們要使其明白，和平是美國人最高愿望。我們可以與你們談判，妥協(xié)，但我們決不會(huì)屈服，永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)。

請(qǐng)你們不要誤會(huì)我們的忍耐，我們努力避免沖突但絕不代表我們的屈服。當(dāng)我們的國家安全受到威脅，我們會(huì)采取行動(dòng)。我們將保持擁有壓倒性對(duì)手的武力，因?yàn)槲覀冎?，只有擁有了足夠的武力，才能確保我們不會(huì)使用這些武力。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.首先，我們必須認(rèn)識(shí)到世界上沒有任何武器能比自由人民的道義和勇氣更強(qiáng)大。這恰恰是我們，美國人民所具備的，而我們的對(duì)手沒有的武器。這一點(diǎn)，所有支持恐怖主義和覬覦弱小國家的都要明白。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.我聽說今天各地舉行了數(shù)以萬計(jì)的禱告會(huì)，我衷心的感到欣慰。我們是上帝統(tǒng)治的國度，上帝給了我們自由。如果以后每一屆的就職日都能成為禱告日，那是很好的事情。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.大家都知道，這是歷史上第一次在白宮西走廊舉行的就職典禮。在這里，我們能看到整個(gè)首都的風(fēng)貌。而在這廣場(chǎng)另一端就是我們先賢們的圣壇。我的正前方就是喬治*華盛頓紀(jì)念碑，我們偉大的國父。是他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了獨(dú)立革命戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的勝利，并創(chuàng)建了這個(gè)國家。在其旁邊則是另一位偉大的先賢，托馬斯*杰弗遜，--獨(dú)立宣言>的作者。而在水池的盡頭，是雄偉的林肯紀(jì)念堂。從林肯的一生你能體會(huì)出什么是美國的精神。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.在這些古跡旁是緩緩流淌的波托馬可河，而岸邊的斜斜的山坡正是我們的阿靈頓公墓。這些小小的十字架，六芒星下的墓志銘，述說著我們贏取自由而付出的代價(jià)。

每一個(gè)墓志銘都是我剛才說的英雄的事跡。這些英雄的生命倒在貝洛森林，阿爾貢丘陵，奧馬哈海灘，薩勒諾，半個(gè)地球外的瓜島，塔拉瓦島，上甘嶺，長津湖，以及遍地是稻田叢林的叫越南的地方。

Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

在這些墓碑中，有一個(gè)叫Martin Treptow的年輕人，他在1917年辭掉了小鎮(zhèn)的理發(fā)店工作，跟隨著名的“彩虹師"去了法國，在西線，他在為營長傳遞命令時(shí)，被重炮擊中犧牲.后來，在他的尸體上我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了一本日記。在扉頁上，他寫到”我發(fā)誓，美國必須贏的這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，所以，我會(huì)奮斗，我會(huì)拯救，我會(huì)犧牲，我會(huì)忍受，我會(huì)勇奮戰(zhàn)斗，就好比所有掙扎都將由我一個(gè)人來肩負(fù)。”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.今天我們面臨的危機(jī)并不要求我們像 Martin Treptow作出如此的犧牲。但我們也要竭盡全力，有所作為。擁有上帝的協(xié)助，我們能度過危機(jī)。

最后，我們有什么理由不相信呢？記?。∥覀兪敲绹?。上帝保佑你們，謝謝你們。

第四篇：里根婚后情書

里根婚后情書

杰拉德·加沃特

婚后51年的日子里，里根每年都要在結(jié)婚紀(jì)念日給妻子寫一封信。這種不同尋常的通信持續(xù)了四十余年，即使里根患上老年癡呆癥之后，他仍然堅(jiān)持給南希寫信，直到他連自己的妻子都認(rèn)不出來了為止。親愛的Mommie Poo：

2月14日是情人節(jié)，它只是為那些不算太幸運(yùn)的人而準(zhǔn)備的節(jié)日。從1952年3月4日以來，我就一直在過情人節(jié)。只要有你，每天都是我的情人節(jié)。你知道這對(duì)我的意義有多大嗎？親愛的，告訴我你能永遠(yuǎn)做我的瓦倫丁嗎？我愛你如我的生命，所以只能選擇和你一起生活。Poppa

1960年2月14日

我親愛的第一夫人：

在我們結(jié)婚15周年紀(jì)念日的早上，我看著你睡在我身旁，腦中有個(gè)奇怪的想法：為什么別人才把你當(dāng)作“第一夫人”？事實(shí)上，15年以來我一直把你當(dāng)作我的第一，而且是唯一。

15年時(shí)光倏忽而過，我們的韶華已逝。這并不可怕，唯一讓我感到遺憾的是那些日子里，當(dāng)我醒來時(shí)，發(fā)現(xiàn)你不睡我身旁。親愛的，我要問，為什么每次你睡著時(shí)看起來都像只有5歲？可能是我只有15歲——在看到你之前，我仿佛不曾活過。

感謝你帶給我的生活，帶給我這個(gè)世上最大的快樂。

我很愛你，而且越來越愛。

你的丈夫

1967年3月4日

親愛的：

昨晚，我們互相打了電話。我一天沒有工作，把時(shí)間都用在改寫理查德·赫布勒給我撰寫的傳記上了。明天是我最后一天外景拍攝，我會(huì)給你打電話告訴你我多么愛你。我是認(rèn)真的。

無論邁克決定拿錢買他的第一輛汽車還是買運(yùn)動(dòng)衣，這都不重要。我們都希望他能夠走上獨(dú)立生活的道路，靠自己賺錢養(yǎng)活自己。最重要的是，我們對(duì)子女們都盡到了做父母的責(zé)任。在經(jīng)濟(jì)方面，我們對(duì)他們從小謹(jǐn)慎教管，沒有讓他們依靠在我們的財(cái)產(chǎn)上。你知道你在睡覺時(shí)會(huì)把手卷握起來放在下巴下嗎？很多次早上天剛蒙蒙亮，我醒來看著躺在身邊的你，就這么一直看著，一直到最后我忍不住伸出手來輕輕地觸摸你，我不想把你弄醒——但是，我實(shí)在忍不住想撫摸你。

想象一下：我發(fā)現(xiàn)自己喜歡安·布萊思（美國女演員），因?yàn)樗退哪腥擞幸恍┖臀覀兿嗨频牡胤健乃麄兩砩希憔湍苊靼桩?dāng)一個(gè)人深愛上另一個(gè)人到底是什么樣子，就像我把手伸出來越過大山、穿過沙漠，直接來到我們的房間，在壁爐前把你的手抓起。

可能這封信會(huì)在幾個(gè)小時(shí)內(nèi)到你那邊。在我到達(dá)你身邊之前，我想對(duì)你說說我的心里話。我相信我的想法不需要用紙、墨和郵票等任何東

西就能夠到達(dá)你那邊。如果我感到痛苦，那是因?yàn)槲覀儽舜朔蛛x。但是，我們不曾真正分開過，你在我體內(nèi)，是我的一部分。我也確實(shí)感到痛苦，這是因?yàn)槲也荒芑钤跊]有你的世界，因?yàn)槲覑勰?。你的丈?/p>

1963年5月24日

第五篇：讀《里根自傳》有感

方向與選擇

——讀《里根自傳》有感

“當(dāng)你到了我這個(gè)年紀(jì)，如果你一直好好活著，就一定犯下許多錯(cuò)誤。所以你學(xué)習(xí)，從長遠(yuǎn)考慮。你集中所有精力。你出現(xiàn)變化，你向前進(jìn)?！币粋€(gè)77歲的老人回顧他的人生時(shí)，曾這樣說過。

他就是羅納德·威爾遜·里根，美國第四十任總統(tǒng)，一個(gè)擁有著傳奇一生的人。

里根于1911年出生在一個(gè)極其普通的家庭，他的父親是鞋店售貨員，由于家庭經(jīng)濟(jì)條件頗為拮據(jù)，他不得不依靠獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金和半工半讀完成在尤里卡學(xué)院的大學(xué)課程，這對(duì)他將來的意志品質(zhì)的形成有著極其深遠(yuǎn)的影響。

在1927年里根16歲時(shí)，里根在狄克森周遭的羅克河畔的公園里找了一份救生員的打工工作，他在那里擔(dān)任救生員長達(dá)7年，據(jù)說拯救了77名溺水者。里根后來還開玩笑說這些溺水者都沒有向他道謝過。未來里根對(duì)這段成就相當(dāng)自豪，還會(huì)向白宮的訪客們展示掛在總統(tǒng)辦公室的羅克河照片。

16歲，對(duì)于我們大多數(shù)人來說，還是個(gè)懵懂的年紀(jì)，我們肆意揮霍著父母辛勤工作掙來的工資，將自己當(dāng)作這個(gè)世界的中心，我們?cè)试S自己犯錯(cuò)誤，允許自己不成熟，允許自己不懂得什么叫責(zé)任，我們總說自己還沒有長大，父母也總認(rèn)為我們還小。我們玩樂時(shí)，又有誰想到過，曾經(jīng)在世界的另一端，有著那樣一個(gè)男孩，為了生計(jì)，他用危險(xiǎn)的工作換取微薄的工資？

也許這就是上天的不公平之處，沒有人可以選擇自己的出身。然而，我們卻可以通過自己的努力，選擇自己的命運(yùn)。里根不能擁有優(yōu)越的家庭條件，可他不曾為此而抱怨，他只是一步一步做自己該做的事，一步一步向著未來走下去。里根在1928年進(jìn)入伊利諾伊州的尤里卡學(xué)院，主修經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)和社會(huì)學(xué)，并在1932年畢業(yè)。身為學(xué)院新生他加入了一次反對(duì)減縮學(xué)院開支的罷課。在1929年里根加入了一個(gè)兄弟會(huì)，后來他回憶起來，認(rèn)為加入兄弟會(huì)的這段經(jīng)驗(yàn)是學(xué)院生涯里最難忘的回憶。他很少花時(shí)間在課業(yè)上，只拿到了中等的成績，但他卻是校園里許多俱樂部和運(yùn)動(dòng)隊(duì)伍的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，而被稱為“校園里的大角色”。

當(dāng)今中國的教育，偏重于對(duì)于知識(shí)的灌輸，在學(xué)校里，成績幾乎等同于一切，一個(gè)成績不佳的人，他的未來往往會(huì)被判死刑。于是我們，無論自己的興趣能力何在，都將成績作為追求的目標(biāo)，只重視考試卷上那個(gè)鮮紅的數(shù)字，而無視其他的一切。雖然現(xiàn)在提倡所謂的 素質(zhì)教育，然而分?jǐn)?shù)的重要性已深深地根植于我們心中，難以改變。也因此，各個(gè)高校頻頻出現(xiàn)各種高分低能的“人才”，他們?cè)诰C合素質(zhì)各個(gè)方面的有著嚴(yán)重的欠缺，進(jìn)而影響其心理健康發(fā)展，性格畸形。試問這樣的人才于社會(huì)有何用處？想必是弊大于利吧。

誠然，里根的成績雖然算不上優(yōu)秀，但他在其他各個(gè)方面出色的表現(xiàn)卻令人稱嘆，他在學(xué)校生活之中所收獲的能力與經(jīng)驗(yàn)，無疑是一筆寶貴的財(cái)富。更重要的是，他在求學(xué)生涯中始終保持著自己的思想，懂得用自己的理性去判斷權(quán)衡，不為他人左右，這種性格，正是一個(gè)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人必須具備的。而所有這一切，都是現(xiàn)在的我們所欠缺的。

畢業(yè)后，里根成為一名電臺(tái)體育播音員，1937年的一次試鏡使他在好萊塢贏得了一份演出合同。進(jìn)入好萊塢華納兄弟電影公司當(dāng)電影和電視演員。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間應(yīng)征入伍，在空軍服役。退伍后重返好萊塢，在接下來的20年里，他共參加了53部電影的演出。1940年,里根二十九歲時(shí)第一次結(jié)婚,太太叫珍尼.懷曼,也是演員。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間,里根參加美軍,拍攝了一些鼓舞士氣的影片。

戰(zhàn)后,由于太太珍尼.懷曼越演越紅,里根的演藝事業(yè)卻有些停滯不前,珍尼.懷曼和里根離了婚。那時(shí),里根也開始參與政治,成了演員工會(huì)主席。1967年,里根的政治生涯達(dá)到了一個(gè)高峰，他當(dāng)選為加州州長。1970年，里根當(dāng)選連任。之后，里根曾尋求成為共和黨總統(tǒng)候選人,但是沒有成功。然而,1980年,里根多年的愿望終于實(shí)現(xiàn),成為美國總統(tǒng)。1984年他當(dāng)選連任。

可以說，他的前半生并不算成功，雖然進(jìn)入了如今人人夢(mèng)想的好萊塢，卻始終出演一些不受重視的小角色，前途對(duì)他來說仍然是個(gè)未知數(shù)，之后演藝事業(yè)的停滯與妻子事業(yè)的蓬勃發(fā)展對(duì)他來說無疑又是一個(gè)打擊。這也是如今很多人遇到的問題，付出了很多努力卻依舊只換來事業(yè)上的不成功，很多人因此或一蹶不振，或怨天尤人，或試圖通過各種不正當(dāng)?shù)姆绞将@取所謂的成功。在追求的道路中，疲倦與打擊讓無數(shù)人漸漸迷失了方向，忘記了他們?cè)?jīng)的追求與目標(biāo)。這樣的人生，無疑是可悲的。

然而里根沒有這樣。他在人生失意之時(shí)，及時(shí)對(duì)自己的方向做出調(diào)整，他從演藝圈跳出，進(jìn)入政界，由現(xiàn)在觀之，確實(shí)是個(gè)明智的選擇。倘若他的演藝道路一直很平穩(wěn)，他或許終其一生只是好萊塢的一個(gè)演員，他或許會(huì)紅及一時(shí)，然而最終，他會(huì)被淹沒在歷史的塵埃之中，成為眾生中默默無聞的一員。

所以，有時(shí)候，人生道路上的種種坎坷對(duì)我們來說也是另一種財(cái)富。因?yàn)橛写煺?，有失敗，我們才不?huì)被一時(shí)的成功與虛榮沖昏頭腦，我們會(huì)在失意的時(shí)候靜靜思考，做出更多理性的選擇。就這一點(diǎn)而言，失敗，可以讓我們走上更堅(jiān)實(shí)的成功，可以讓我們的人生上一個(gè)臺(tái)階。

在很多人心目中，里根無疑是一個(gè)傳奇。他一生創(chuàng)造了人生之最，許多無數(shù)人終其一生都無法做到。他是美國歷史上最長壽的總統(tǒng)；他在1980年的總統(tǒng)大選中，在50個(gè)州中一舉贏得了49個(gè)州的支持，成為選舉最成功的總統(tǒng)；他在1981年入主白宮時(shí)已經(jīng)70歲高齡，成為美國歷史上宣誓就職時(shí)年紀(jì)最大的總統(tǒng)；他于1989年離開白宮時(shí)，被美國人民選為最受歡迎的美國總統(tǒng)之一，成為美國歷史上離任時(shí)威望最高的總統(tǒng)；他是美國歷史上第一位“影星”總統(tǒng)??

民主黨的總統(tǒng)候選人克里說過：“哪怕是在他傷了民主黨人心的時(shí)候，他也面帶微笑，表現(xiàn)出了誠實(shí)和公開的態(tài)度?！笨死镌俅翁岬搅爽F(xiàn)實(shí)，他說，里根給現(xiàn)在的美國人民樹立了良好的榜樣，美國現(xiàn)在面臨的挑戰(zhàn)也需要以里根的態(tài)度去面對(duì)和解決?？死镉哪乇硎?，里根雖然是美國年紀(jì)最大的總統(tǒng)，但他使美國再次迸發(fā)出了生命活力。

當(dāng)然，人無完人，他自然也做過一些不明智的抉擇，可即使如此，卻絲毫沒有影響他在人們心目中的地位。對(duì)于美國人民來說，他已經(jīng)不僅僅是一個(gè)人，一位已故的總統(tǒng)，他更是一種精神與力量的象征。

里根的一生無疑是成功的。在人生的每個(gè)轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)，他都做出了正確的選擇，懂得舍棄不值得堅(jiān)持的，及時(shí)轉(zhuǎn)向正確的方向。然而這種瀟灑與決斷，有多少人能做到呢？為了生計(jì)，在這個(gè)偌大的世界里苦苦追尋的人們，當(dāng)奮斗了許久，終于以為自己尋到了出路和希望，即使處處碰壁，也在角落里掙扎著，僥幸著，盼望著有一天天道酬勤，自己之前所有的努力得到對(duì)等的回報(bào)，因?yàn)榉挪幌乱呀?jīng)抓住的極少的一點(diǎn)，而放棄了其他所有的機(jī)會(huì)，這樣的堅(jiān)持，真的值得么？

一個(gè)真正的成功者，必然是個(gè)懂得取舍的人，他知道什么該堅(jiān)持，什么該放棄，他堅(jiān)持了，就不會(huì)停歇，他放棄了，就不會(huì)后悔，他相信自己的每一次選擇，他走好腳下的每一步，不去投機(jī)，不會(huì)相信所謂的運(yùn)氣，他只知道，命運(yùn)把握在自己的手里。

作為剛剛進(jìn)校的大學(xué)生，我們?cè)谥T多方面存在欠缺，這是極其正常而無需遮掩的，大學(xué)的學(xué)習(xí)生涯就是讓我們不斷糾錯(cuò)，不斷塑造完美個(gè)性的時(shí)期。我們要理性地認(rèn)清自己的位置，給未來做出規(guī)劃，也要學(xué)會(huì)及時(shí)調(diào)整自己的方向與目標(biāo)，學(xué)會(huì)取舍，不能為了一棵樹而放棄整片森林。