第一篇：溫鐵軍北大演講

溫鐵軍北大演講：另列改良學(xué)者的“夢(mèng)”

12月10日晚，被譽(yù)為“中國(guó)農(nóng)民的代言人”的溫鐵軍教授在北大理科樓作了題為“新農(nóng)村建設(shè)”的演講，距演講開(kāi)始還有半小時(shí)，報(bào)告廳內(nèi)已座無(wú)虛席。此次演講由北京大學(xué)研究生干部學(xué)校和北大鄉(xiāng)土中國(guó)學(xué)會(huì)共同主辦，也是北京大學(xué)研究生干部學(xué)校“卓越論壇”的第一講。

因長(zhǎng)期從事“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題研究，溫鐵軍被人稱為“溫三農(nóng)”。溫鐵軍教授一直堅(jiān)持用“腳”做學(xué)問(wèn)，在對(duì)農(nóng)村大量的實(shí)地調(diào)查中建立了對(duì)“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題的獨(dú)特見(jiàn)解。溫鐵軍教授現(xiàn)為中國(guó)“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題權(quán)威專家，政府特殊津貼專家，中國(guó)體改研究會(huì)副秘書長(zhǎng)。現(xiàn)任《中國(guó)改革》、《改革內(nèi)參》雜志社社長(zhǎng)兼總編，中國(guó)人民大學(xué)農(nóng)業(yè)與農(nóng)村發(fā)展研究院院長(zhǎng)，曾被評(píng)選為CCTV 2003年度十大經(jīng)濟(jì)人物之一。

講座一開(kāi)始，溫鐵軍教授就強(qiáng)調(diào)，多年來(lái)自己一直靠調(diào)查研究來(lái)提出感性認(rèn)識(shí)，可能窮一生精力也無(wú)法建立理論框架，他希望能通過(guò)提供大量的第一手材料，為青年人在此領(lǐng)域的發(fā)展鋪路。他還強(qiáng)調(diào)，此行北大是來(lái)向北大學(xué)子提出一些值得思考的問(wèn)題，但他無(wú)法對(duì)所有問(wèn)題提出完美的答案。

溫鐵軍教授首先發(fā)問(wèn)：為什么上個(gè)世紀(jì)八十年代沒(méi)有“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題，而九十年代以來(lái)“三農(nóng)”成為問(wèn)題，而且愈演愈烈？溫教授從農(nóng)業(yè)三要素（即土地、勞動(dòng)力和資金）的角度分析了這個(gè)問(wèn)題。他指出，八十年代是一個(gè)典型的黃金增長(zhǎng)期，由于農(nóng)業(yè)三要素在農(nóng)村內(nèi)部轉(zhuǎn)化為工業(yè)資產(chǎn)并用于農(nóng)村的工業(yè)建設(shè)，連續(xù)4－5年農(nóng)村人口的收入增長(zhǎng)率高于城市人口，農(nóng)民手中可支配的現(xiàn)金流增加拉動(dòng)了市場(chǎng)需求，推動(dòng)了中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展。而進(jìn)入九十年代之后，農(nóng)業(yè)三要素大量流出農(nóng)村，造成農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)的衰敗和農(nóng)民收入的下降。以土地資源為例，我國(guó)近十多年的經(jīng)濟(jì)高增長(zhǎng)與土地的大量流失成正比，而流失土地的增值收益沒(méi)有落入農(nóng)民的口袋里。溫教授認(rèn)為，“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題不是微觀問(wèn)題，而是宏觀問(wèn)題；不是農(nóng)業(yè)問(wèn)題，而是農(nóng)業(yè)之外的問(wèn)題。

溫教授再問(wèn)：如何才能找到“真問(wèn)題”？對(duì)“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題的討論存在著泛意識(shí)形態(tài)化的趨向，拘泥于現(xiàn)有的話語(yǔ)框架是無(wú)法發(fā)現(xiàn)“真問(wèn)題”的，要在一定程度上超越現(xiàn)有的意識(shí)形態(tài)才能發(fā)現(xiàn)真問(wèn)題、解決真問(wèn)題。在“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題的討論中存在著一種“都是制度惹得禍”的觀點(diǎn)，溫教授認(rèn)為這是推卻個(gè)人責(zé)任的看法，事實(shí)上“并非都是制度惹得禍”。他以發(fā)展現(xiàn)代農(nóng)業(yè)中的美國(guó)模式為例，認(rèn)為美國(guó)模式并不能算成功，也并不適宜中國(guó)的改革。美國(guó)約有17萬(wàn)個(gè)農(nóng)場(chǎng)，每個(gè)農(nóng)場(chǎng)都百頃以上，機(jī)械化程度很高，可是美國(guó)政府依然對(duì)農(nóng)業(yè)實(shí)行高補(bǔ)貼政策，而對(duì)中國(guó)2億4千萬(wàn)農(nóng)戶進(jìn)行財(cái)政補(bǔ)貼是不可想象的。另一方面，在WTO談判過(guò)程中，發(fā)展中國(guó)家要求取消農(nóng)業(yè)關(guān)稅壁壘，而美國(guó)卻堅(jiān)持農(nóng)業(yè)的關(guān)稅壁壘和非關(guān)稅壁壘。他還以北朝鮮和巴西的農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展為例，說(shuō)明了不符合國(guó)情的過(guò)早的農(nóng)業(yè)現(xiàn)代化會(huì)給國(guó)家?guī)?lái)災(zāi)難。

兩問(wèn)之后，溫教授開(kāi)始進(jìn)入主題——新農(nóng)村建設(shè)。他從如何看待“新農(nóng)村建設(shè)”談起，認(rèn)為這是對(duì)以往政策失誤的一種調(diào)整。針對(duì)“要想解決三農(nóng)問(wèn)題，就得消滅農(nóng)民”的觀點(diǎn)，溫教授指出：城鄉(xiāng)二元結(jié)構(gòu)的矛盾還將長(zhǎng)期存在，以資源的高消耗為代價(jià)的城市化并不符合中國(guó)的國(guó)情。我國(guó)現(xiàn)有的城市人口已經(jīng)居世界首位，在資源日益緊缺的情況下我國(guó)無(wú)法支撐過(guò)半的人口成為城市人口。以北京市為例，北京的水資源稀缺，現(xiàn)在是依靠100％的超采地下水（達(dá)到40％即為超采）來(lái)滿足城市水供給，北京的城市人口嚴(yán)重過(guò)載，20年之后北京城將面臨更為嚴(yán)峻的水荒。另一方面，“新農(nóng)村建設(shè)”對(duì)宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展意義重大。建設(shè)“新農(nóng)村”并不是基于慈善的目的，而是基于上個(gè)世紀(jì)八十年代的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，通過(guò)增強(qiáng)農(nóng)民的現(xiàn)金支付能力來(lái)拉動(dòng)內(nèi)需。國(guó)家加大對(duì)農(nóng)村的投入可以提高農(nóng)民收入，而農(nóng)民收入的增加可以推動(dòng)中小企業(yè)的發(fā)展，從而拉動(dòng)地方經(jīng)濟(jì)，地方經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展又能為農(nóng)民提供更多就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)；國(guó)家加大對(duì)農(nóng)村的投入可以推動(dòng)有規(guī)模的中心村發(fā)展為城鎮(zhèn)，城鎮(zhèn)的發(fā)展也能改善農(nóng)民問(wèn)題。

接著，溫教授從財(cái)政和金融角度分析認(rèn)為我國(guó)已初步具備建設(shè)新農(nóng)村的條件。他從戶籍制度談起，認(rèn)為“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題“并非都是戶口惹得禍”。溫教授指出八十年代我國(guó)稅收占GDP的份額逐年減少，財(cái)政收入低造成了沒(méi)有條件進(jìn)行公共投入。而近年來(lái)我國(guó)的稅收增長(zhǎng)率高于GDP的增長(zhǎng)率，稅收所占比例攀升到20％，這時(shí)國(guó)家初步具備了支農(nóng)的能力。從我國(guó)金融狀況來(lái)看，8萬(wàn)億元的銀行存差和8千億美元的外匯儲(chǔ)備證明我國(guó)金融資本相對(duì)充裕。

但建設(shè)新農(nóng)村也遇到了很多困難。以2003年為例，這一年中央政府要求地方政府加大對(duì)農(nóng)村的財(cái)政投入，就在這一年大規(guī)模的“圈地”運(yùn)動(dòng)爆發(fā)，3千萬(wàn)畝的土地被吃掉；就在這一年，審計(jì)出了14.6萬(wàn)件違法占用土地案件，而我國(guó)的地方政府一共才4萬(wàn)余家。建設(shè)新農(nóng)村是一種改革，而改革意味著對(duì)既有利益結(jié)構(gòu)的調(diào)整，但在過(guò)去20年資源轉(zhuǎn)化為資本過(guò)程中形成的既得利益結(jié)構(gòu)是很難調(diào)整的。不是農(nóng)民不需要改革，也不是中央無(wú)意愿，但改革意味著艱難的過(guò)程。另外，由于“大包干”剝掉了臟水也倒了孩子，現(xiàn)有的2億多農(nóng)戶過(guò)于分散，也使得改革的交易成本過(guò)高。此外，溫教授還提醒對(duì)于農(nóng)村選舉中暴露出來(lái)的問(wèn)題要具體的分析，“前選舉問(wèn)題”（比如，農(nóng)民選舉之前的積怨借選舉爆發(fā)）和“后選舉問(wèn)題”（如，農(nóng)村的財(cái)政混亂并非完全是道德問(wèn)題，由現(xiàn)代的上層建筑帶給小農(nóng)經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)之上的村支部的壓力不可小視）也應(yīng)引起重視，不要“泛政治化處理”。

最后，溫教授介紹了為建設(shè)新農(nóng)村他現(xiàn)在所做的工作，這些是他作為“另類改良學(xué)者的夢(mèng)”，有些正在實(shí)現(xiàn)，有些冀望與將來(lái)。溫教授在幫助農(nóng)民建立真正意義上的合作社，它是建立在內(nèi)部誠(chéng)信和民主機(jī)制上的農(nóng)民經(jīng)濟(jì)組織，談到建設(shè)合作社的經(jīng)驗(yàn)他說(shuō)，一是文化建設(shè)收效最高，二是聯(lián)合購(gòu)買，風(fēng)險(xiǎn)最小，三是要實(shí)現(xiàn)資金互助。溫教授在推動(dòng)農(nóng)村的社會(huì)組織建設(shè)，建立婦女協(xié)會(huì)、老年協(xié)會(huì)等，他強(qiáng)調(diào)社會(huì)組織的發(fā)育是非常有效的，它使農(nóng)民回歸群體。而且，在對(duì)農(nóng)民全面免稅之后，鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)政府組織將弱化，這時(shí)家族勢(shì)力和宗教勢(shì)力很容易趁虛而入，健康的社會(huì)組織的建立能夠安定農(nóng)村社會(huì)。溫教授在致力于生態(tài)農(nóng)業(yè)的建設(shè)：推廣無(wú)農(nóng)藥化肥的有機(jī)農(nóng)業(yè)；建造建材可回收的農(nóng)宅、生態(tài)廁所、辦公室等；建立養(yǎng)殖、沼氣、廁所、漁業(yè)、果蔬一體的生態(tài)循環(huán)系統(tǒng)，構(gòu)建農(nóng)村生態(tài)建設(shè)模型。溫教授希望建立城鄉(xiāng)的良性互動(dòng)，這是他還未實(shí)現(xiàn)的“夢(mèng)”。他的基本設(shè)計(jì)是，在城市建設(shè)文明消費(fèi)者合作社，入社條件：承諾善待農(nóng)民，不隨意壓價(jià)；禁止不文明消費(fèi)，禁止大吃大喝等野蠻消費(fèi)；交納1000元成為會(huì)員（農(nóng)民加入合作社的入會(huì)費(fèi)是100元）。農(nóng)民合作社可以為城市合作社提供安全的食品，城市合作社可以支付合理的價(jià)格，在城鄉(xiāng)二元結(jié)構(gòu)中建立起和諧良性的互動(dòng)。

在熱烈的掌聲中，溫教授深情的說(shuō)“我的很多夢(mèng)正在實(shí)現(xiàn)，我希望和大家良性互動(dòng)，共同實(shí)現(xiàn)夢(mèng)想?！?/p>

之后，溫教授回答了學(xué)生的提問(wèn)，演講持續(xù)到晚9點(diǎn)20?；顒?dòng)結(jié)束之后，許多學(xué)生圍住溫教授，展開(kāi)了熱烈的討論，溫教授晚10點(diǎn)離開(kāi)北大。

第二篇：溫鐵軍著作總結(jié)

中國(guó)的問(wèn)題：人口膨脹而資源短缺的農(nóng)民國(guó)家追求工業(yè)化的發(fā)展問(wèn)。

基本命題：1.人地關(guān)系高度緊張的基本國(guó)情矛盾制約下的土地制度變遷

2.城鄉(xiāng)二元結(jié)構(gòu)的基本體制矛盾下的農(nóng)業(yè)剩余分配制度

對(duì)我國(guó)歷史發(fā)展的基本判斷：五個(gè)階段論根本不適合中國(guó)，不存在奴隸社會(huì)，中國(guó)獨(dú)具的亞細(xì)亞形態(tài)，應(yīng)進(jìn)行獨(dú)立的分析。

一元論天然的具有排他性，故在討論中國(guó)問(wèn)題時(shí)，應(yīng)當(dāng)避免一元論思維。

經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)決定上層建筑，而上層建筑反作用于經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)時(shí)必產(chǎn)生制度成本，其成本一般由下層基礎(chǔ)承擔(dān)。

不同的原始積累方式形成的不同制度，并導(dǎo)致此后改革的路徑依賴。

認(rèn)識(shí)：

1.土地不能簡(jiǎn)單私有化

極少的而且仍然正在持續(xù)減少的耕地，在目前沒(méi)有能力對(duì)9億農(nóng)民進(jìn)行社保的情況下，充當(dāng)了基本社會(huì)保障功能，不能簡(jiǎn)單私有化靠提高規(guī)模來(lái)參加國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。

2.中美農(nóng)業(yè)就沒(méi)有可比性

耕地面積、人口、社會(huì)保障制度、農(nóng)業(yè)人口、農(nóng)業(yè)補(bǔ)貼、市場(chǎng)化程度

3.對(duì)中國(guó)改革的各個(gè)領(lǐng)域進(jìn)行分析，包含:稅收制度、金融制度、組織歷史、土地制度、戶籍制度、國(guó)家補(bǔ)貼、城鎮(zhèn)化中的企業(yè)發(fā)展

4.對(duì)于全盤西方化的批判

鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)的分散對(duì)抗西經(jīng)（西方經(jīng)濟(jì)理論）中的集中規(guī)模效應(yīng)；土地目前的多功能性對(duì)抗西經(jīng)中土地私有化以后的產(chǎn)權(quán)明析獲得土地增值收益；建立城鄉(xiāng)不同金融結(jié)構(gòu)對(duì)抗西經(jīng)統(tǒng)一金融結(jié)構(gòu)；中央的民主集中制度（私有權(quán)確立后難以進(jìn)行大規(guī)模的建設(shè)，反例印度、巴西）對(duì)抗西經(jīng)多黨輪流執(zhí)政（現(xiàn)狀下的制度成本、大國(guó)的混亂）；平均地權(quán)（中國(guó)歷代王朝興亡借鑒）對(duì)抗西經(jīng)中的土地規(guī)模經(jīng)營(yíng)即適度集中；不能走歐美對(duì)外擴(kuò)張之路，只能走內(nèi)部完善的道路；現(xiàn)代制度交易費(fèi)用過(guò)高，尋找更好的制度構(gòu)建對(duì)抗西經(jīng)中的現(xiàn)代歐美完美社會(huì)制度。

5.對(duì)國(guó)際形勢(shì)的把握

進(jìn)入國(guó)際金融資本擴(kuò)張階段；軍事擴(kuò)張成為局部問(wèn)題

解決三農(nóng)問(wèn)題的思路：

1.放開(kāi)仍然有贏利空間被利益集團(tuán)壟斷的各個(gè)領(lǐng)域，允許農(nóng)民進(jìn)入，包括農(nóng)村金融、保險(xiǎn)、銷售、儲(chǔ)蓄、生產(chǎn)資料供應(yīng)等。

2.免除農(nóng)業(yè)稅

3.對(duì)鄉(xiāng)級(jí)政府進(jìn)行改革，鄉(xiāng)政府變?yōu)猷l(xiāng)公所

4.支農(nóng)資金作為股權(quán)投入到農(nóng)民專業(yè)合作組織中去。

5.國(guó)家壟斷土地收益定向用于無(wú)地農(nóng)民的保障中去。

第三篇：溫鐵軍：三農(nóng)問(wèn)題與國(guó)計(jì)民生

溫鐵軍：三農(nóng)問(wèn)題與國(guó)計(jì)民生

主講人簡(jiǎn)介：溫鐵軍，中國(guó)研究“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題的權(quán)威專家，中國(guó)體改研究會(huì)副秘書長(zhǎng)，《中國(guó)改革》、《改革內(nèi)參》雜志社社長(zhǎng)兼總編，政府特殊津貼專家，被評(píng)為中央電視臺(tái)2003十大經(jīng)濟(jì)人物之一。長(zhǎng)期從事三農(nóng)問(wèn)題研究，一直堅(jiān)持用“腳”做學(xué)問(wèn)，被著名經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家吳敬璉譽(yù)為“中國(guó)農(nóng)民的代言人”。研究

成果受到中央高層領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和國(guó)外學(xué)者的高度關(guān)注。

“如果關(guān)注自己腳下的熱土，應(yīng)該知道這塊土地上正在發(fā)生什么事情?！?0年代中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)快速發(fā)展，但問(wèn)題卻越來(lái)越嚴(yán)重。為什么現(xiàn)代不只是強(qiáng)調(diào)農(nóng)業(yè)問(wèn)題，而是三農(nóng)問(wèn)題？為什么八十年代沒(méi)有三農(nóng)問(wèn)題？為什么90年代簡(jiǎn)化為農(nóng)業(yè)問(wèn)題時(shí)出現(xiàn)那么多的矛盾？

解構(gòu)現(xiàn)代化

在農(nóng)村基層，越是現(xiàn)代化，越是現(xiàn)代法制，農(nóng)民負(fù)擔(dān)就越重。為什么80年代農(nóng)村發(fā)展得還不錯(cuò)，90年代卻不行了呢？因?yàn)?0年代沒(méi)有那么多的法律，90年代規(guī)定太多，沒(méi)法執(zhí)行了。中國(guó)小農(nóng)經(jīng)濟(jì)是傳統(tǒng)的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)，而搬來(lái)一個(gè)現(xiàn)代的上層建筑，到底是經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)決定上層建筑，還是反過(guò)來(lái)？一般而言，違背規(guī)律要受懲罰，而懲罰往往不是由照搬的人負(fù)責(zé)，變成由基層群眾承受。大家習(xí)慣說(shuō)基層鄉(xiāng)村干部是土豪劣紳，但打他們能解決問(wèn)題嗎？根本問(wèn)題在哪里？小農(nóng)經(jīng)濟(jì)是養(yǎng)不起現(xiàn)代化的上層建筑的。

“農(nóng)民那兒是有真理的”

中國(guó)農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)是“糧豬型小農(nóng)”，種一點(diǎn)糧食，養(yǎng)幾口豬。為什么這樣呢？因?yàn)樾枰稚L(fēng)險(xiǎn)。農(nóng)業(yè)的生產(chǎn)周期與市場(chǎng)價(jià)格波動(dòng)周期不同步。一般來(lái)說(shuō)，市場(chǎng)上如果糧價(jià)高了，肉價(jià)就下降；肉價(jià)高了，糧價(jià)可能下降。所以農(nóng)民種糧養(yǎng)豬，糧價(jià)高賣糧，肉價(jià)高賣肉。與熊德明（溫家寶幫忙討回工資的重慶農(nóng)婦）聊天時(shí)，溫鐵軍問(wèn)到她為什么不去找法院、勞動(dòng)局等有關(guān)機(jī)構(gòu)，她說(shuō)“要不得”；回答“那怎么辦？”時(shí)，她樸實(shí)地講“多養(yǎng)兩口豬”。因?yàn)橹袊?guó)小農(nóng)經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)制與西方不同，照搬西方理論作為中國(guó)依據(jù)時(shí)，就會(huì)出現(xiàn)問(wèn)題。中國(guó)農(nóng)業(yè)的傳統(tǒng)是稻作農(nóng)業(yè)，中國(guó)今天的文明是由典型的集體性文化基因延續(xù)出來(lái)的，這與西方典型的個(gè)體化文化基因不同。農(nóng)民那兒，其實(shí)是有真理的。

“天地良心，貧民窟里不是你”

制約三農(nóng)問(wèn)題的兩個(gè)基本矛盾是人地關(guān)系高度緊張的基本國(guó)情矛盾和城鄉(xiāng)二元結(jié)構(gòu)的基本體制矛盾。中國(guó)有十幾億人口，人口過(guò)剩，勞動(dòng)力也過(guò)剩。發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家勞動(dòng)力人口總和也就4億多，我國(guó)勞動(dòng)力就有7億多。在學(xué)習(xí)國(guó)外經(jīng)驗(yàn)時(shí)，“下眼皮發(fā)腫——光往上看”是不行的，只注意學(xué)習(xí)發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，不重視發(fā)展中國(guó)家是不適當(dāng)?shù)?。很多學(xué)者說(shuō)，城市化進(jìn)程不可避免，出現(xiàn)貧民窟就應(yīng)放任它。每當(dāng)這時(shí)，溫鐵軍都會(huì)在心里說(shuō)上一句：“天地良心，貧民窟里不是你！”中國(guó)這個(gè)國(guó)家從根本上就與西方不同，而現(xiàn)代理論基本來(lái)源于另一個(gè)文明系列，中國(guó)還不能立足于我們自己的發(fā)展歷程形成有解釋力的理論，還缺乏很多基礎(chǔ)性的工作?，F(xiàn)代西方可能很先進(jìn)，但也不應(yīng)妄自菲薄。而且文明未必一定沖突，是可以交融的。比如“股份合作制”，有人說(shuō)它“非驢非馬”，但騾子更有勁！

新鄉(xiāng)村建設(shè)

“我這個(gè)80年代開(kāi)始搞改革的人，到新世紀(jì)說(shuō)改不起了，我改良了。”對(duì)一個(gè)有9億農(nóng)民的農(nóng)業(yè)大國(guó)來(lái)說(shuō)，城市化解決不了“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題，現(xiàn)實(shí)的辦法是進(jìn)行新鄉(xiāng)村建設(shè)，幫助農(nóng)民了解合作和互助的具體辦法，把農(nóng)村過(guò)剩的勞動(dòng)力組織起來(lái)，用于改變家庭和村社的面貌。三農(nóng)問(wèn)題是難于照搬國(guó)外理論、概念來(lái)解決的?！拔覀冞@一代犯了太多錯(cuò)誤，太多浪漫主義，80年代犯了太多經(jīng)濟(jì)浪漫主義錯(cuò)誤，法學(xué)家不要再犯法學(xué)浪漫主義錯(cuò)誤了！后半生我就做兩件事，一件事是搞新鄉(xiāng)村建設(shè)，另一件是多去亞非拉，搞比較研究?！睖罔F軍這個(gè)另類的知識(shí)分子，已經(jīng)做好了長(zhǎng)期處于非主流的準(zhǔn)備。

第四篇：北大演講

克林頓在北京大學(xué)的英文演講稿

PRESIDENT CLINTON:

Thank you.Thank you, President Chen, Chairmen Ren, Vice President Chi, Vice Minister Wei.We are delighted to be here today with a very large American delegation, including the First Lady and our daughter, who is a student at Stanford, one of the schools with which Beijing University has a relationship.We have six members of the United States Congress;the Secretary of State;Secretary of Commerce;the Secretary of Agriculture;the Chairman of our Council of Economic Advisors;Senator Sasser, our Ambassador;the National Security Advisor and my Chief of Staff, among others.I say that to illustrate the importance that the United States places on our relationship with China.I would like to begin by congratulating all of you, the students, the faculty, the administrators, on celebrating the centennial year of your university.Gongxi, Beida.(Applause.)As I'm sure all of you know, this campus was once home to Yenching University which was founded by American missionaries.Many of its wonderful buildings were designed by an American architect.Thousands of Americans students and professors have come here to study and teach.We feel a special kinship with you.I am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important respect from another important occasion 79 years ago.In June of 1919, the first president of Yenching University, John Leighton Stuart, was set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very grounds.At the appointed hour, he appeared, but no students appeared.They were all out leading the May 4th Movement for China's political and cultural renewal.When I read this, I hoped that when I walked into the auditorium today, someone would be sitting here.And I thank you for being here, very much.(Applause.)Over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than 20,000 students.Your graduates are spread throughout China and around the world.You have built the largest university library in all of Asia.Last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study, including half of your math and science majors.And in this anniversary year, more than a million people in China, Asia, and beyond have logged on to your web site.At the dawn of a new century, this university is leading China into the future.I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a strong partnership between China and the United States.The American people deeply admire China for its thousands of years of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and the arts, to science and technology.We remember well our strong partnership in World War II.Now we see China at a moment in history when your glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and the even greater promise of your future.Just three decades ago, China was virtually shut off from the world.Now, China is a member of more than 1,000 international organizations--enterprises that affect everything from air travel to agricultural development.You have opened your nation to trade and investment on a large scale.Today, 40,000 young Chinese study in the United States, with hundreds of thousands more learning in Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.Your social and economic transformation has been even more remarkable, moving from a closed command economic system to a driving, increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and outside China, to vote in village elections, to own a home, choose a job, attend a better school.As a result you have lifted literally hundreds of millions of people from poverty.Per capita income has more than doubled in the last decade.Most Chinese people are leading lives they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.Of course, these changes have also brought disruptions in settled patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your environment.Once every urban Chinese was guaranteed employment in a state enterprise.Now you must compete in a job market.Once a Chinese worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in Beijing.Now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity of the rest of the world.For those who lack the right training and skills and support, this new world can be daunting.In the short-term, good, hardworking people--some, at least will find themselves unemployed.And, as all of you can see, there have been enormous environmental and economic and health care costs to the development pattern and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years--from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and water shortage.In the face of these challenges new systems of training and social security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your economy while improving the environment.Everything I know about the intelligence, the ingenuity, the enterprise of the Chinese people and everything I have heard these last few days in my discussions with President Jiang, Prime Minister Zhu and others give me confidence that you will succeed.As you build a new China, America wants to build a new relationship with you.We want China to be successful, secure and open, working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world.I know there are those in China and the United States who question whether closer relations between our countries is a good thing.But everything all of us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off working together than apart.The late Deng Xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts.At the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear.The distance between our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking.Where once an American clipper ship took months to cross from China to the United States.Today, technology has made us all virtual neighbors.From laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes, an information revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all closer together.Ideas, information, and money cross the planet at the stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater understanding among peoples of different histories and different cultures.But we also know that this greater openness and faster change mean that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move inside them--the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and severe economic dislocation.No nation can isolate itself from these problems, and no nation can solve them alone.We, especially the younger generations of China and the United States, must make common cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new century of brilliant possibilities.In the 21st century--your century--China and the United States will face the challenge of security in Asia.On the Korean Peninsula, where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a permanent peace and a future free of nuclear weapons.On the Indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world is moving away from nuclear danger, India and Pakistan risk sparking a new arms race.We are now pursuing a common strategy to move India and Pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve their differences.In the 21st century, your generation must face the challenge of stopping the spread of deadlier nuclear,chemical, and biological weapons.In the wrong hands or the wrong places, these weapons can threaten the peace of nations large and small.Increasingly, China and the United States agree on the importance of stopping proliferation.That is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the worlds most dangerous weapons.In the 21st century, your generation will have to reverse the international tide of crime and drugs.Around the world, organized crime robs people of billions of dollars every year and undermines trust in government.America knows all about the devastation and despair that drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods.With borders on more than a dozen countries, China has become a crossroad for smugglers of all kinds.Last year, President Jiang and I asked senior Chinese and American law enforcement officials to step up our cooperation against these predators, to stop money from being laundered, to stop aliens from being cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies from being undermined by counterfeiting.Just this month, our drug enforcement agency opened an office in Beijing, and soon Chinese counternarcotics experts will be working out of Washington.In the 21st century, your generation must make it your mission to ensure that today's progress does not come at tomorrow's expense.China's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe--the cost is not only environmental, it is also serious in terms of the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on economic growth.Environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as national.For example, in the near future, if present energy use patterns persist, China will overtake the United States as the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, the gases which are the principal cause of global warming.If the nations of the world do not reduce the gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century there is a serious risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and social fabric of nations.We must work together.We Americans know from our own experience that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment.We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.Building on the work that our Vice President, Al Gore, has done previously with the Chinese government, President Jiang and I are working together on ways to bring American clean energy technology to help improve air quality and grow the Chinese economy at the same time.But I will say this again--this is not on my remarks--your generation must do more about this.This is a huge challenge for you, for the American people and for the future of the world.And it must be addressed at the university level, because political leaders will never be willing to adopt environmental measures if they believe it will lead to large-scale unemployment or more poverty.The evidence is clear that does not have to happen.You will actually have more rapid economic growth and better paying jobs, leading to higher levels of education and technology if we do this in the proper way.But you and the university, communities in China, the United States and throughout the world will have to lead the way.(Applause.)In the 21st century your generation must also lead the challenge of an international financial system that has no respect for national borders.When stock markets fall in Hong Kong or Jakarta, the effects are no longer local;they are global.The vibrant growth of your own economy is tied closely, therefore, to the restoration of stability and growth in the Asia Pacific region.China has steadfastly shouldered its responsibilities to the region and the world in this latest financial crisis--helping to prevent another cycle of dangerous devaluations.We must continue to work together to counter this threat to the global financial system and to the growth and prosperity which should be embracing all of this region.In the 21st century, your generation will have a remarkable opportunity to bring together the talents of our scientists, doctors, engineers into a shared quest for progress.Already the breakthroughs we have achieved in our areas of joint cooperation--in challenges from dealing with spina bifida to dealing with extreme weather conditions and earthquakes--have proved what we can do together to change the lives of millions of people in China and the United States and around the world.Expanding our cooperation in science and technology can be one of our greatest gifts to the future.In each of these vital areas that I have mentioned, we can clearly accomplish so much more by walking together rather than standing apart.That is why we should work to see that the productive relationship we now enjoy blossoms into a fuller partnership in the new century.If that is to happen, it is very important that we understand each other better, that we understand both our common interest and our shared aspirations and our honest differences.I believe the kind of open, direct exchange that President Jiang and I had on Saturday at our press conference--which I know many of you watched on television--can both clarify and narrow our differences, and, more important, by allowing people to understand and debate and discuss these things can give a greater sense of confidence to our people that we can make a better future.From the windows of the White House, where I live in Washington, D.C., the monument to our first President, George Washington, dominates the skyline.It is a very tall obelisk.But very near this large monument there is a small stone which contains these words: The United States neither established titles of nobility and royalty, nor created a hereditary system.State affairs are put to the vote of public opinion.This created a new political situation, unprecedented from ancient times to the present.How wonderful it is.Those words were not written by an American.They were written by XuJiyu, governor of Fujian Province, inscribed as a gift from the government of China to our nation in 1853.I am very grateful for that gift from China.It goes to the heart of who we are as a people--the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the freedom to debate, to dissent, to associate, to worship without interference from the state.These are the ideals that were at the core of our founding over 220 years ago.These are the ideas that led us across our continent and onto the world stage.These are the ideals that Americans cherish today.As I said in my press conference with President Jiang, we have an ongoing quest ourselves to live up to those ideals.The people who framed our Constitution understood that we would never achieve perfection.They said that the mission of America would always be “to form a more perfect union”--in other words, that we would never be perfect, but we had to keep trying to do better.The darkest moments in our history have come when we abandoned the effort to do better, when we denied freedom to our people because of their race or their religion, because there were new immigrants or because they held unpopular opinions.The best moments in our history have come when we protected the freedom of people who held unpopular opinion, or extended rights enjoyed by the many to the few who had previously been denied them, making, therefore, the promises of our Declaration of Independence and Constitution more than faded words on old parchment.Today we do not seek to impose our vision on others, but we are convinced that certain rights are universal--not American rights or European rights or rights for developed nations, but the birthrights of people everywhere, now enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights--the right to be treated with dignity;the right to express one's opinions, to choose one's own leaders, to associate freely with others, and to worship, or not, freely, however one chooses.In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of Independence and our third President, Thomas Jefferson, said then that “all eyes are opening to the rights of man.” I believe that in this time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote those words, all eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.Over the past two decades, a rising tide of freedom has lifted the lives of millions around the world, sweeping away failed dictatorial systems in the Former Soviet Union, throughout Central Europe;ending a vicious cycle of military coups and civil wars in Latin America;giving more people in Africa the chance to make the most of their hard-won independence.And from the Philippines to South Korea, from Thailand to Mongolia, freedom has reached Asia's shores, powering a surge of growth and productivity.Economic security also can be an essential element of freedom.It is recognized in the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights.In China, you have made extraordinary strides in nurturing that liberty, and spreading freedom from want, to be a source of strength to your people.Incomes are up, poverty is down;people do have more choices of jobs, and the ability to travel--the ability to make a better life.But true freedom includes more than economic freedom.In America, we believe it is a concept which is indivisible.Over the past four days, I have seen freedom in many manifestations in China.I have seen the fresh shoots of democracy growing in the villages of your heartland.I have visited a village that chose its own leaders in free elections.I have also seen the cell phones, the video players, the fax machines carrying ideas, information and images from all over the world.I've heard people speak their minds and I have joined people in prayer in the faith of my own choosing.In all these ways I felt a steady breeze of freedom.The question is, where do we go from here? How do we work together to be on the right side of history together? More than 50 years ago, Hu Shi, one of your great political thinkers and a teacher at this university, said these words: “Now some people say to me you must sacrifice your individual freedom so that the nation may be free.But I reply, the struggle for individual freedom is the struggle for the nation's freedom.The struggle for your own character is the struggle for the nation's character.”

We Americans believe Hu Shi was right.We believe and our experience demonstrates that freedom strengthens stability and helps nations to change.One of our founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin, once said, “Our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults.” Now, if that is true, there are many days in the United States when the President has more friends than anyone else in America.(Laughter.)But it is so.In the world we live in, this global information age, constant improvement and change is necessary to economic opportunity and to national strength.Therefore, the freest possible flow of information, ideas, and opinions, and a greater respect for divergent political and religious convictions will actually breed strength and stability going forward.It is, therefore, profoundly in your interest, and the world's, that young Chinese minds be free to reach the fullness of their potential.That is the message of our time and the mandate of the new century and the new millennium.I hope China will more fully embrace this mandate.For all the grandeur of your history, I believe your greatest days are still ahead.Against great odds in the 20th century China has not only survived, it is moving forward dramatically.Other ancient cultures failed because they failed to change.China has constantly proven the capacity to change and grow.Now, you must re-imagine China again for a new century, and your generation must be at the heart of China's regeneration.The new century is upon us.All our sights are turned toward the future.Now your country has known more millennia than the United States has known centuries.Today, however, China is as young as any nation on Earth.This new century can be the dawn of a new China, proud of your ancient greatness, proud of what you are doing, prouder still of the tomorrows to come.It can be a time when the world again looks to China for the vigor of its culture, the freshness of its thinking, the elevation of human dignity that is apparent in its works.It can be a time when the oldest of nations helps to make a new world.The United States wants to work with you to make that time a reality.Thank you very much.(Applause.)

第五篇：《面對(duì)面》：溫鐵軍 新鄉(xiāng)村實(shí)驗(yàn)—觀后感

看視頻思考的問(wèn)題：

1.什么是三農(nóng)問(wèn)題？

2.溫鐵軍是個(gè)怎么樣的人？

3.溫鐵軍做的有意義嗎？

4.生態(tài)農(nóng)業(yè)取得成效前，土地將出現(xiàn)三年低產(chǎn)。那么，這樣的損失誰(shuí)又能夠承受？溫鐵軍的試驗(yàn)是否還有推廣的值？

5.農(nóng)民能致富嗎？

6.如何解決“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題？

《面對(duì)面》：溫鐵軍 新鄉(xiāng)村實(shí)驗(yàn)—觀后感

“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)繞不開(kāi)的坎。而我在沒(méi)有看到這個(gè)視頻時(shí)，我對(duì)“三農(nóng)”的認(rèn)識(shí)只局限于它所包含的內(nèi)容。但是看到“溫鐵軍的新鄉(xiāng)村實(shí)驗(yàn)”時(shí)，我獲益匪淺。同時(shí)，我對(duì)“三農(nóng)“問(wèn)題有自己的看法。

溫鐵軍：經(jīng)濟(jì)管理學(xué)博士，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)體制改革研究會(huì)副秘書長(zhǎng)，現(xiàn)為人民大學(xué)農(nóng)業(yè)與農(nóng)村發(fā)展學(xué)院院長(zhǎng)，2003年在河北省定州市翟城村進(jìn)行鄉(xiāng)村建設(shè)試驗(yàn)。他認(rèn)為 “三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題不是“農(nóng)業(yè)、農(nóng)村、農(nóng)民”，而是應(yīng)該將順序調(diào)換過(guò)來(lái)，即“農(nóng)民、農(nóng)村、農(nóng)業(yè)”問(wèn)題?！稗r(nóng)民在‘三農(nóng)’問(wèn)題中是第一位的”，農(nóng)業(yè)問(wèn)題只是派生的。他創(chuàng)辦了專門為農(nóng)民服務(wù)的鄉(xiāng)村建設(shè)學(xué)院，給農(nóng)民帶來(lái)了知識(shí)。為了推廣無(wú)化學(xué)污染的有機(jī)農(nóng)業(yè)，種植出完全不含農(nóng)藥殘留的綠色植物，溫鐵軍要求，試驗(yàn)田里不施化肥，不打農(nóng)藥。可是，三年下來(lái)，試驗(yàn)田里農(nóng)作物的長(zhǎng)勢(shì)卻遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不如與學(xué)院只有一墻之隔的普通農(nóng)田。按照溫鐵軍的試驗(yàn)，土地脫毒和恢復(fù)地力需要三年的時(shí)間，也就是說(shuō)，在生態(tài)農(nóng)業(yè)取得成效前，土地將出現(xiàn)三年低產(chǎn)。而如果試驗(yàn)在全國(guó)范圍內(nèi)推廣，就意味著全國(guó)的田地都將出現(xiàn)三年低產(chǎn)，那么，這樣的損失誰(shuí)又能夠承受？溫鐵軍的回答則是政府，農(nóng)民想要靠一畝三分地是不肯能致

富的，只有國(guó)家采取優(yōu)惠的政策才能幫助農(nóng)民。對(duì)于溫鐵軍的實(shí)驗(yàn)讓我想到國(guó)家現(xiàn)在面臨的一個(gè)嚴(yán)重的問(wèn)題就是越來(lái)越嚴(yán)重的貧富差距。

新中國(guó)成立以來(lái)，在黨和政府的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，我國(guó)取得了舉世矚目的成就。然而隨著的經(jīng)濟(jì)的快速的發(fā)展，我國(guó)也出現(xiàn)了嚴(yán)重的貧富差距。收入分配和我國(guó)人口是產(chǎn)生貧富差距的主要原因。就我國(guó)目前的狀況來(lái)看，農(nóng)村是主要的貧困區(qū)。政府鼓勵(lì)一部分人先富裕起來(lái)，然后帶動(dòng)其他人后富裕起來(lái)，最終實(shí)現(xiàn)共同富裕。這種政策在改革開(kāi)放初級(jí)起到了巨大的作用，然而這一政策并沒(méi)有完全落實(shí)，從而拉大了貧富差距。我國(guó)是人口大國(guó)，而主要的人口是在農(nóng)村。雖然政府采取了優(yōu)惠的政策，并且實(shí)行了九年免費(fèi)義務(wù)教育。也許在新疆這個(gè)地廣的地方，是可以的。然而，例如河南這些平原地區(qū)，每個(gè)家庭也只有一畝三分地。對(duì)于這些政策，是無(wú)法滿足廣大農(nóng)民的需求。于是造成了農(nóng)田荒廢，農(nóng)民成了農(nóng)民工的現(xiàn)象，使得我國(guó)的農(nóng)產(chǎn)品的產(chǎn)量下降。我想這也是我國(guó)糧食產(chǎn)量得不到提高的主要原因。年輕的農(nóng)民外出打工，村里只剩下老人和孩子，于是出現(xiàn)了老人照顧孩子，孩子照顧老人的情景。孩子從小得不到父母的照顧，老人由于年邁，對(duì)于教育孩子往往是心有余力不足，我想這也是我國(guó)文化水平普遍偏低的原因。沒(méi)有很好的文化知識(shí)，又形成了一屆農(nóng)民工，如此循環(huán)問(wèn)題會(huì)越來(lái)越嚴(yán)重。同時(shí)，就業(yè)也成了主要的問(wèn)題。

溫鐵軍的實(shí)驗(yàn)，我認(rèn)為是能實(shí)行的。在三年低產(chǎn)時(shí)期，政府

如果能投入大量的資金，我想實(shí)現(xiàn)新農(nóng)村不是不可能的。在去年過(guò)年，我回到河南老家，家鄉(xiāng)正在搞新農(nóng)村建設(shè)，我想這也是受溫鐵軍實(shí)驗(yàn)的影響吧！但是只是在住房的方面有所改變，卻沒(méi)有從農(nóng)業(yè)和農(nóng)民的生活上改變。最讓我感到很是恐怖的一件事，就是農(nóng)村孩子們的相親。當(dāng)我在當(dāng)場(chǎng)看到這種事情時(shí)，我為他們感到傷心，同時(shí)慶幸我堅(jiān)持學(xué)習(xí)！未成年孩子輟學(xué)出外打工的很多，而堅(jiān)持上學(xué)的卻很少。河南人口多，競(jìng)爭(zhēng)壓力大，他們認(rèn)為浪費(fèi)父母的心血錢，也是他們不上學(xué)的一個(gè)原因。只要不上學(xué)就要相親，過(guò)兩年就要結(jié)婚，這種事情對(duì)我們這些有文化的人也許很驚訝，但是對(duì)他們來(lái)說(shuō)很平常。假報(bào)年齡結(jié)婚，四十歲不到的人就已經(jīng)是爺爺了，中國(guó)的人口多就出現(xiàn)在這里。在我看來(lái)政府應(yīng)該采取強(qiáng)硬的手段制止這種現(xiàn)象的發(fā)生，必須每個(gè)中國(guó)國(guó)民都要接受接受九年義務(wù)教育，同時(shí)加大計(jì)劃生育的實(shí)行。

收入應(yīng)重新分配，當(dāng)然控制人口也是當(dāng)務(wù)之急。解決了“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題，貧富差距就會(huì)隨著減小或消失。政府應(yīng)大力支持溫鐵軍的實(shí)驗(yàn)，在全國(guó)推廣，并解決農(nóng)民的后顧之憂。全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)，重點(diǎn)在農(nóng)村，難點(diǎn)在農(nóng)村，希望也在農(nóng)村?！叭r(nóng)”問(wèn)題不解決好，國(guó)家的糧食安全就沒(méi)有保證。只有加快農(nóng)業(yè)和農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展，增加農(nóng)民的收入，解決農(nóng)民的生活問(wèn)題，農(nóng)村社會(huì)穩(wěn)定才能有堅(jiān)實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)，國(guó)家的長(zhǎng)治久安也才能有可靠地保障。解決“三農(nóng)”問(wèn)題刻不容緩。