第一篇：肯尼迪登月演講《We choose to go to the moon》英文原文

President Pitzer, Mr.Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr.Webb, Mr.Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen: I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance.The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century.Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them.Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter.Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels.Christianity began less than two years ago.The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power.Newton explored the meaning of gravity.Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available.Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers.Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them.This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred.The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space.We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it.For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace.We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first.In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people.For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own.Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war.I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet.Its hazards are hostile to us all.Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation may never come again.But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas? We choose to go to the moon.We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history.We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor.We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48-storey structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth.Some 40 of them were made in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science.The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course.Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them.And they may be less public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight.But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school.Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs.Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, and this region, will share greatly in this growth.What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community.During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year;to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities;and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this center in this city.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money.This year's space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined.That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year.Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us.But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid.I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job.And this will be done in the decade of the Sixties.It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university.It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform.But it will be done.And it will be done before the end of this decade.And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it.He said, “Because it is there.” Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there.And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.

第二篇：肯尼迪總統(tǒng)為美登月計(jì)劃發(fā)表演講

肯尼迪總統(tǒng)為美登月計(jì)劃發(fā)表演講

We choose to go to the Moon

In this 1962 speech given at Rice University in Houston, Texas, President John F.Kennedy reaffirmed America's commitment to landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s.The President spoke in philosophical terms about the need to solve the mysteries of space and also defended the enormous expense of the space program.President Pitzer, Mr.Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr.Webb, Mr.Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance.The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century.Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them.Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter.Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels.Christianity began less than two years ago.The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power.Newton explored the meaning of gravity.Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available.Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers.Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them.This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred.The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space.We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it.For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace.We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first.In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people.For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own.Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war.I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet.Its hazards are hostile to us all.Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again.But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?

We choose to go to the moon.We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history.We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor.We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth.Some 40 of them were made in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science.The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course.Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them.And they may be less public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight.But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school.Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs.Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, and this region, will share greatly in this growth.What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community.During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year;to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities;and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this center in this city.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money.This year's space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined.That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year.Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us.But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.[laughter]

However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid.I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job.And this will be done in the decade of the Sixties.It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university.It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform.But it will be done.And it will be done before the end of this decade.And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it.He said, “Because it is there.”

Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there.And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.Thank you.

第三篇：肯尼迪演講

就職演說(shuō)

今天我們歡慶的不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一個(gè)自由的盛典；它象征著結(jié)束，也象征著開(kāi)始；意味著改良，也意味著革新。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲埃x了我們祖先在將近一又四分之三世紀(jì)以前所擬定的那同一份莊嚴(yán)的誓言?，F(xiàn)今世界已經(jīng)很不同了，因?yàn)槿嗽谧约貉庵|的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類貧窮和一切形式的人類生命的力量?？墒俏覀冏嫦葕^斗不息所維護(hù)的革命信念，在世界各地仍處于爭(zhēng)論之中。那信念確認(rèn)，人權(quán)并非來(lái)自政府的慷慨施予，而是上帝所賜。我們至今不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承者。讓我從此時(shí)此地告訴我們的朋友，也告訴我們的敵人，這革命的火炬已傳遞給新一代的美國(guó)人，他們出生在本世紀(jì)，經(jīng)歷過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的鍛煉，受過(guò)嚴(yán)酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶，以我們的古代傳統(tǒng)自豪，而且不愿目睹或容許人權(quán)逐步被褫奪。對(duì)于這些人權(quán)我國(guó)一向堅(jiān)貞不移，當(dāng)前在國(guó)內(nèi)和全世界我們也是對(duì)之力加維護(hù)的。讓每一個(gè)國(guó)家——不管它希望我們好或希望我們壞——知道，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，忍受任何重負(fù)，應(yīng)付任何艱辛，支持任何朋友，反對(duì)任何敵人，以確保自由的存在與實(shí)現(xiàn)。這是我們矢志不移的事－－而且還不止此。

對(duì)于那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神起源的老盟邦，我們保證待之以摯友之誠(chéng)。在我們面臨風(fēng)險(xiǎn)的共同事業(yè)中，只要團(tuán)結(jié)，我們將所向披靡；倘若分裂，則將一事無(wú)成——因?yàn)樵谝庖?jiàn)分歧、四分五裂的情況下，我們將怯于應(yīng)對(duì)強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。對(duì)于那些我們歡迎其加入自由國(guó)家行列的新國(guó)家，我們要提出保證，在一種形式的殖民統(tǒng)治消失之后，絕不允許簡(jiǎn)單地代之以另一種遠(yuǎn)為冷酷的暴政。我們不應(yīng)總是期望他們支持我們的觀點(diǎn)，我們卻始終希望他們能強(qiáng)有力地維護(hù)他們自身的自由，讓我們牢記，過(guò)去那些愚蠢地追求權(quán)力的人們、那些騎在虎背上狐假虎威的人，最終卻被老虎所吞噬。

對(duì)于那些布滿半個(gè)地球，居住在茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村中，力求打破普遍貧困的桎梏的人們，我們保證盡最大努力助其自救，不管需要多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間。這并非因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨人會(huì)那樣做，也不是由于我們要求他們的選票，而是由于那樣做是正確的。

自由社會(huì)若不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就不能保全那少數(shù)的富人。對(duì)于我國(guó)邊界以南的各姐妹共和國(guó)，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證：要把我們的美好諾言化作行動(dòng)：在謀求發(fā)展的新聯(lián)盟中，援助自由的人們和自由的政府來(lái)擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種為實(shí)現(xiàn)自身愿望而進(jìn)行的和平革命不應(yīng)成為敵對(duì)勢(shì)力的俎上魚肉。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們聯(lián)合起來(lái)，抵御對(duì)美洲任何地區(qū)的侵略或顛覆。讓所有其它勢(shì)力都知道，西半球的人民決定自己當(dāng)家作主。

對(duì)于各主權(quán)國(guó)家的世界性議會(huì)——聯(lián)合國(guó)，這個(gè)在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)手段遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過(guò)和平手段的時(shí)代里我們最后的最美好的希望，我們?cè)钢厣晡覀兊闹С种Z言：不讓它變成僅供謾罵的講壇，強(qiáng)化其對(duì)于新國(guó)弱國(guó)的保護(hù)，擴(kuò)大其權(quán)力運(yùn)用的領(lǐng)域。

最后，對(duì)于那些與我們?yōu)閿车膰?guó)家，我們提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新著手尋求和平，不要等到科學(xué)所釋出的毀滅性的黑暗力量在有意或無(wú)意中以人們自我毀滅的方式吞噬了全人類。

我們不敢以軟弱去誘惑他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們的武力無(wú)可置疑地強(qiáng)大時(shí)，我們才能對(duì)其不被使用確信無(wú)疑。

然而這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的國(guó)家集團(tuán)，誰(shuí)也不能對(duì)當(dāng)前的趨勢(shì)放心 －－雙方都因現(xiàn)代武器的高昂造價(jià)而不勝重負(fù)，雙方都因致命的原子力量穩(wěn)步發(fā)展而產(chǎn)生理所當(dāng)然的驚駭，可是雙方又都在競(jìng)爭(zhēng)以圖改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖的均衡，而正是這種均衡暫時(shí)阻止了人類的末日之戰(zhàn)。因此，讓我們重新開(kāi)始。雙方都應(yīng)記住，謙恭并不象征懦弱，而誠(chéng)意則終須驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不因畏懼而談判。但讓我們決不畏懼談判。

讓雙方探究那使我們團(tuán)結(jié)在一起的因素，而不是糾纏于那使我們分裂的問(wèn)題。讓雙方第一次制訂有關(guān)檢查和管制武器的嚴(yán)肅而確切的計(jì)劃，并且把那足以毀滅其它國(guó)家的無(wú)限制的力量置于所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)管制之下。

讓雙方都謀求激發(fā)科學(xué)的神奇力量而不是它的恐怖因素。讓我們一道去探索星球，治理沙漠，根除疾病，開(kāi)發(fā)深海資源，鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商務(wù)。讓雙方攜手在世界各個(gè)角落遵循以賽亞的命令，去“卸下沉重的負(fù)擔(dān)??讓被壓迫者得到自由?！?/p>

如果一個(gè)合作的灘頭堡壘能夠逼退猜疑的叢林，那么，讓雙方聯(lián)合作一次新的努力吧，不是追求新的權(quán)力均衡，而是建立一個(gè)新的法治世界——在那里，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。

凡此種種不會(huì)在最初的一百天中完成，不會(huì)在最初的一千天中完成，不會(huì)在本政府任期中完成，甚至也不能在我們活在這星球上的一生中完成。但讓我們開(kāi)始。我的公民伙伴們，我們事業(yè)的最后成敗的關(guān)鍵，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你們手中。自從這個(gè)國(guó)家締造之日起，每一代的美國(guó)人都曾應(yīng)召以驗(yàn)證其對(duì)國(guó)家的忠誠(chéng)。響應(yīng)此項(xiàng)召喚而服軍役的美國(guó)青年人的墳瑩遍布全球。

現(xiàn)在那召喚我們的號(hào)角又再度響起——不是號(hào)召我們拿起武器，盡管我們需要武器；不是號(hào)召我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，盡管我們已嚴(yán)陣以待；那是號(hào)召我們肩負(fù)起持久和戰(zhàn)線模糊的斗爭(zhēng)。年復(fù)一年地，在希望中歡欣，在憂患中忍耐，這是一場(chǎng)反抗人類共同的敵人——暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身——的斗爭(zhēng)。

我們能否結(jié)成一個(gè)遍及東西南北的全球性的偉大聯(lián)盟以對(duì)付這些敵人，以確保全人類享有更為富裕的生活?你們是否愿意參與這歷史性的努力? 在世界的漫長(zhǎng)歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人被賦予這種在自由遭遇最大危機(jī)時(shí)保衛(wèi)自由的使命。我決不在這使命之前退縮；我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間有任何人會(huì)愿意跟別人及別的時(shí)代交換位置。我們?cè)谶@個(gè)努力中所貢獻(xiàn)的精力、信念與犧牲，將點(diǎn)燃我們的國(guó)家以及所有為她服務(wù)的人，而這火焰放射的光輝必將照亮整個(gè)世界。

所以，我的美國(guó)同胞們，不要問(wèn)你的國(guó)家能為你做些什么，而要問(wèn)你能為國(guó)家做些什么。全世界的公民伙伴們，不要問(wèn)美國(guó)能為你們做些什么，而要問(wèn)我們?cè)谝黄鹉転槿祟惖淖杂勺鲂┦裁础Ｗ詈?，不管你是美?guó)的公民或世界它國(guó)的公民，請(qǐng)將我們所要求于你們的有關(guān)力量與犧牲的同樣高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)拿來(lái)要求我們。憑著正直的良心——我們唯一可靠的酬勞，憑著歷史——我們行為的最后裁判者，讓我們挺身而出領(lǐng)導(dǎo)我們所摯愛(ài)的國(guó)家，祈求上帝的庇佑與扶攜；同時(shí)確信，上帝在這塵世的任務(wù)，必然就是我們自己所應(yīng)肩負(fù)的任務(wù)。

在柏林墻的演講

二千年以前，最自豪的夸耀是Civitas Romanus sum（拉丁語(yǔ)，意為：我是一個(gè)羅馬公民），今天，自由世界最自豪的夸耀是Ich bin ein Berliner（德語(yǔ)，意為：我是一個(gè)柏林人）。

世界上有許多人確實(shí)不懂，或者說(shuō)他們不明白什么是自由世界和共產(chǎn)主義世界的根本分歧。讓他們來(lái)柏林吧。有些人說(shuō)，共產(chǎn)主義是未來(lái)的潮流。讓他們來(lái)柏林吧。有些人說(shuō)，我們能在歐洲或其他地方與共產(chǎn)黨人合作。讓他們來(lái)柏林吧。甚至有那么幾個(gè)人說(shuō)，共產(chǎn)主義確是一種邪惡的制度，但它可以使我們?nèi)〉媒?jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展?！癓asst sie nach Berlin kommen.”（德語(yǔ)，意為：讓他們到柏林看看）

自由有許多困難，民主亦非完美，然而我們從未建造一堵墻把我們的人民關(guān)在里面，不準(zhǔn)他們離開(kāi)我們。我愿意我的同胞們——他們與你們遠(yuǎn)隔千里住在大西洋彼岸——說(shuō)，他們?yōu)槟茉谶h(yuǎn)方與你們共有過(guò)去十八年的經(jīng)歷感到莫大的驕傲。我不知道還有哪一個(gè)城鎮(zhèn)或都市被圍困十八年仍葆有西柏林的這種生機(jī)、力量、希望和決心。全世界都看到，柏林墻最生動(dòng)最明顯地表現(xiàn)出一種失敗。但我們對(duì)此并不感到稱心如意，因?yàn)榘亓謮仁菍?duì)歷史也是對(duì)人性的冒犯，它拆散家庭，造成妻離子散骨肉分離，把希冀統(tǒng)一的一個(gè)民族分成兩半。

這個(gè)城市的事實(shí)也用于整個(gè)德國(guó)——只要四個(gè)德國(guó)人中有一個(gè)被剝奪了自由人的基本權(quán)利，即自由選擇的權(quán)利，那么歐洲真正持久的和平便絕無(wú)可能實(shí)現(xiàn)。經(jīng)過(guò)保持和平與善意的十八年，這一代德國(guó)人終于贏得自由的權(quán)利，包括在持久和平中善所有的人民，實(shí)現(xiàn)家庭團(tuán)聚和民族統(tǒng)一的權(quán)利。你們住在受到保護(hù)的一座自由之島上，但你們的生活是大海的一部分。因此讓我在結(jié)束講話時(shí)請(qǐng)求你們抬起目光，超越今日的危險(xiǎn)看到明天的希望；超越這道墻看到正義的生平來(lái)臨的一天；超越你們自己和我們自己看到全人類。

自由是不可分割的，只要一人被奴役，所有的人都不自由。當(dāng)所有的人都自由了，那時(shí)我們便能期待這一天的到來(lái)：在和平與希望的光輝中這座城市獲得統(tǒng)一，這個(gè)國(guó)家獲得統(tǒng)一，歐洲大陸獲得統(tǒng)一。當(dāng)這一天最終來(lái)臨---它必將來(lái)臨---時(shí)，西柏林人民將能對(duì)這一點(diǎn)感到欣慰：幾乎二十年時(shí)間里他們站在第一線。

一切自由人，不論他們住在何方，皆是柏林市民，所以作為一個(gè)自由人，我為“Ich bin ein Berliner”這句話感到自豪。

第四篇：肯尼迪就職演講

肯尼迪就職演講

約翰·肯尼迪自幼受到良好的教育，最后就讀了哈佛大學(xué)和斯坦福大學(xué)，1940年畢業(yè)。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)中肯尼迪加入美國(guó)海軍，在對(duì)日作戰(zhàn)中負(fù)傷。戰(zhàn)后，肯尼迪29歲即當(dāng)選為議員，后三次連任。他在1953 年9月12 日與杰奎琳·布維爾結(jié)婚，生有二子一女。

1960年肯尼迪參加總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選。他提出“新邊疆”的競(jìng)選口號(hào)，倡導(dǎo)在科學(xué)技術(shù)、經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展、戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)與和平等各個(gè)領(lǐng)域開(kāi)拓新天地。1961年，肯尼迪在選民投票過(guò)程中以極小的差距贏得總統(tǒng)的位置，擊敗了共和黨人尼克松，成為美國(guó)歷史上最年輕的總統(tǒng)，也是第一個(gè)羅馬天主教總統(tǒng)。

在肯尼迪的就職演說(shuō)中說(shuō)道：“不要問(wèn)你的國(guó)家能為你做什么？而要問(wèn)你能為你的國(guó)家做什么?！弊鳛榭偨y(tǒng)，他開(kāi)始履行他的競(jìng)選承諾再次使美國(guó)運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)起來(lái)。他上臺(tái)后并非一切如愿。任職開(kāi)始就遇到了美國(guó)入侵古巴慘敗的事實(shí)。他為了尋得平等的權(quán)利采取有力措施，要求新公民權(quán)利立法。他給予民族文化的質(zhì)量和藝術(shù)在一起至關(guān)重要的社會(huì)中心角色。他希望美國(guó)恢復(fù)老的任務(wù)作為致力于人權(quán)的革命的最早的民族。由于發(fā)展和和平小組的聯(lián)盟，他對(duì)發(fā)展中國(guó)家的幫助為美國(guó)人帶來(lái)理想主義。1963年，正當(dāng)肯尼迪躊躇滿志要進(jìn)一步干一番事業(yè)的時(shí)候，他遇刺身亡。

we observe today not a victory of party，but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end，as well as a beginning--signifying renewal，as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state，but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place，to friend and foe alike，that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century，tempered by war，disciplined by a hard and bitter peace，proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed，and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know，whether it wishes us well or ill，that we shall pay any price，bear any burden，meet any hardship，support any friend，oppose any foe，in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share，we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United，there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided，there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free，we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that，in the past，those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery，we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves，for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it，not because we seek their votes，but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor，it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border，we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states，the United Nations，our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace，we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally，to those nations who would make themselves our adversary，we offer not a pledge but a request： that both sides begin anew the quest for peace，before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons，both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom，yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness，and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides，for the first time，formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars，conquer the deserts，eradicate disease，tap the ocean depths，and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens.。and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion，let both sides join in creating a new endeavor，not a new balance of power，but a new world of law，where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1，000 days，nor in the life of this Administration，nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands，my fellow citizens，more than in mine，will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded，each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms，though arms we need； not as a call to battle，though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle，year in and year out，“rejoicing in hope，patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man： tyranny，poverty，disease，and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance，North and South，East and West，that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind？ Will you join in that historic effort？

In the long history of the world，only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy，the faith，the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so，my fellow Americans： ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world： ask not what America will do for you，but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally，whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world，ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward，with history the final judge of our deeds，let us go forth to lead the land we love，asking His blessing and His help，but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.朝氣蓬勃的約翰．菲茨杰拉德．肯尼迪是美國(guó)口才最好的總統(tǒng)之一，他于一九六三年十一月三十三日在得克薩斯州達(dá)拉斯城被暗殺，事業(yè)悲慘以終。一九六一年一月二十日在就職演講詞中，他呼吁以果斷與犧牲的精神來(lái)應(yīng)付當(dāng)前的許多挑戰(zhàn)。這一演講詞重新肯定了杰佛遜與威爾遜的第一任就職演講詞所立下的原則。

我們今天慶祝的并不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一次自由的慶典；它象征著結(jié)束，也象征著開(kāi)始；意味著更新，也意味著變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲?，作了跟我們祖先將近一又四分之三世紀(jì)以前所擬定的相同的莊嚴(yán)誓言?，F(xiàn)今世界已經(jīng)很不同了，因?yàn)槿嗽谧约貉庵|的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命的力量?？墒俏覀冏嫦葕^斗不息所維護(hù)的革命信念，在世界各地仍處于爭(zhēng)論之中。那信念就是注定人權(quán)并非來(lái)自政府的慷慨施與，而是上帝所賜。

我們今天不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承人，讓我從此時(shí)此地告訴我們的朋友，并且也告訴我們的敵人，這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國(guó)人，他們出生在本世紀(jì)，經(jīng)歷過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的鍛煉，受過(guò)嚴(yán)酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶，以我們的古代傳統(tǒng)自豪，而且不愿目睹或容許人權(quán)逐步被褫奪。對(duì)于這些人權(quán)我國(guó)一向堅(jiān)貞不移，當(dāng)前在國(guó)內(nèi)和全世界我們也是對(duì)此力加維護(hù)的。

讓每一個(gè)國(guó)家知道，不管它盼我們好或盼我們壞，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，忍受任何重負(fù)，應(yīng)付任何艱辛，支持任何朋友，反對(duì)任何敵人，以確保自由的存在與實(shí)現(xiàn)。

這是我們矢志不移的事－－而且還不止此。

對(duì)于那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神傳統(tǒng)的老盟邦，我們保證以摯友之誠(chéng)相待。只要團(tuán)結(jié)，則在許多合作事業(yè)中幾乎沒(méi)有什么是辦不到的。倘若分裂，我們則無(wú)可作為，因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)谝庖?jiàn)分歧、各行其是的情況下，是不敢應(yīng)付強(qiáng)大挑戰(zhàn)的。

對(duì)于那些我們歡迎其參與自由國(guó)家行列的新國(guó)家，我們要提出保證，絕不讓一種形成的殖民統(tǒng)治消失后，卻代之以另一種遠(yuǎn)為殘酷的暴政。我們不能老是期望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)，但我們卻一直希望他們能堅(jiān)決維護(hù)他們自身的自由，并應(yīng)記取，在過(guò)去，那些愚蠢得要騎在虎背上以壯聲勢(shì)的人，結(jié)果卻被虎所吞噬。

對(duì)于那些住在布滿半個(gè)地球的茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村中、力求打破普遍貧困的桎梏的人們，我們保證盡最大努力助其自救，不管需要多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間。這并非因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨會(huì)那樣做，也不是由于我們要求他們的選票，而是由于那樣做是正確的。自由社會(huì)若不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就不能保全那少數(shù)的富人。

對(duì)于我國(guó)邊界以內(nèi)的各姐妹共和國(guó)，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證：要把我們的美好諾言化作善行，在爭(zhēng)取進(jìn)步的新聯(lián)盟中援助自由人和自由政府來(lái)擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種為實(shí)現(xiàn)本身愿望而進(jìn)行的和平革命不應(yīng)成為不懷好意的國(guó)家的俎上肉。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們聯(lián)合抵御對(duì)美洲任何地區(qū)的侵略或顛覆。讓其它國(guó)家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己會(huì)管。

至于聯(lián)合國(guó)這個(gè)各主權(quán)國(guó)家的世界性議會(huì)，在今天這個(gè)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)工具的發(fā)展速度超過(guò)和平工具的時(shí)代中，它是我們最后的、最美好的希望。我們?cè)钢厣晡覀兊闹С种Z言；不讓它變成僅供謾罵的講壇，加強(qiáng)其對(duì)于新國(guó)弱國(guó)的保護(hù)，并擴(kuò)大其權(quán)力所能運(yùn)用的領(lǐng)域。

最后，對(duì)于那些與我們?yōu)閿车膰?guó)家，我們所要提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新著手尋求和平，不要等到科學(xué)所釋出的危險(xiǎn)破壞力量在有意或無(wú)意中使全人類淪于自我毀滅。

我們不敢以示弱去誘惑他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們的武力無(wú)可置疑地壯大時(shí)，我們才能毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)使用武力。

可是這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的國(guó)家集團(tuán)，誰(shuí)也不能對(duì)當(dāng)前的趨勢(shì)放心－－雙方都因現(xiàn)代武器的代價(jià)而感到不勝負(fù)擔(dān)，雙方都對(duì)于致命的原子力量不斷發(fā)展而產(chǎn)生應(yīng)有的驚駭，可是雙方都在競(jìng)謀改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均衡，而此種均衡卻可以暫時(shí)阻止人類最后從事戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

因此讓我們重新開(kāi)始，雙方都應(yīng)記住，謙恭并非懦弱的征象，而誠(chéng)意則永遠(yuǎn)須要驗(yàn)證。讓我們永不因畏懼而談判。但讓我們永不要畏懼談判。

讓雙方探究能使我們團(tuán)結(jié)在一起的是什么問(wèn)題，而不要虛耗心力于使我們分裂的問(wèn)題。

讓雙方首次制訂有關(guān)視察和管制武器的真誠(chéng)而確切的建議，并且把那足以毀滅其它國(guó)家的漫無(wú)限制的力量置于所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)管制之下。

讓雙方都謀求激發(fā)科學(xué)的神奇力量而不是科學(xué)的恐怖因素。讓我們聯(lián)合起來(lái)去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，開(kāi)發(fā)海洋深處，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商務(wù)。

讓雙方攜手在世界各個(gè)角落遵循以賽亞的命令，去「卸下沉重的負(fù)擔(dān)??(并)讓被壓迫者得自由?！?/p>

如果建立合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，那么，讓雙方聯(lián)合作一次新的努力吧，這不是追求新的權(quán)力均衡，而是建立一個(gè)新的法治世界，在那世界上強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。

凡此種種不會(huì)在最初的一百天中完成，不會(huì)在最初的一千天中完成，不會(huì)在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我們活在地球上的畢生期間完成。但讓我們開(kāi)始。

同胞們，我們事業(yè)的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你們手中。自從我國(guó)建立以來(lái)，每一代的美國(guó)人都曾應(yīng)召以驗(yàn)證其對(duì)國(guó)家的忠誠(chéng)。響應(yīng)此項(xiàng)召喚而服軍役的美國(guó)青年人的墳?zāi)贡椴既蚋魈帯?/p>

現(xiàn)在那號(hào)角又再度召喚我們－－不是號(hào)召我們肩起武器，雖然武器是我們所需要的；不是號(hào)召我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們準(zhǔn)備應(yīng)戰(zhàn)；那是號(hào)召我們年復(fù)一年肩負(fù)起持久和勝敗未分的斗爭(zhēng)，「在希望中歡樂(lè)，在患難中忍耐」；這是一場(chǎng)對(duì)抗人類公敵－－暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身－－的斗爭(zhēng)。

我們能否結(jié)成一個(gè)遍及東西南北的全球性偉大聯(lián)盟來(lái)對(duì)付這些敵人，來(lái)確保全人類享有更為富裕的生活?你們是否愿意參與這歷史性的努力? 在世界的悠久歷史中，只有很少幾個(gè)世代的人賦有這種在自由遭遇最大危機(jī)時(shí)保衛(wèi)自由的任務(wù)。我決不在這責(zé)任之前退縮；我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間會(huì)有人愿意跟別人及別的世代交換地位。我們?cè)谶@場(chǎng)努力中所獻(xiàn)出的精力、信念與虔誠(chéng)、將照亮我們的國(guó)家以及所有為國(guó)家服務(wù)的人，而從這一火焰所聚出的光輝必能照明全世界。所以，同胞們：不要問(wèn)你們的國(guó)家能為你們做些什么，而要問(wèn)你們能為國(guó)家做些什么。

全世界的公民：不要問(wèn)美國(guó)愿為你們做些什么，而應(yīng)問(wèn)我們?cè)谝黄鹉転槿祟惖淖杂勺鲂┦裁础?/p>

最后，不管你是美國(guó)的公民或世界它國(guó)的公民，請(qǐng)將我們所要求于你們的有關(guān)力量與犧牲的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)拿來(lái)要求我們。我們唯一可靠的報(bào)酬是問(wèn)心無(wú)愧，我們行為的最后裁判者是歷史，讓我們向前引導(dǎo)我們所摯愛(ài)的國(guó)土，企求上帝的保佑與扶攜，但我們知道，在這個(gè)世界上，上帝的任務(wù)肯定就是我們自己所應(yīng)肩負(fù)的任務(wù)。

第五篇：肯尼迪就職演講

全世界最著名的十大演講稿排行-第十名

肯尼迪就職演講 約翰.F.肯尼迪，1961 今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)開(kāi)端;意味著延續(xù)也意味著變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲?，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。

現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了。人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭(zhēng)論。這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利并非來(lái)自國(guó)家的慷慨，而是來(lái)自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽(tīng)見(jiàn)我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國(guó)人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中受過(guò)鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和丅平時(shí)期受過(guò)陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈?guó)悠久的傳統(tǒng)感到自豪--他們不愿目睹或聽(tīng)任我國(guó)一向保證的、今天仍在國(guó)內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個(gè)國(guó)家都知道--不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落--為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證--而且還有更多的保證。

對(duì)那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友、我們保證待以誠(chéng)實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠(chéng)。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無(wú)往不勝;我們?nèi)绻制鐚?duì)立，就會(huì)一事無(wú)成--因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔?zhēng)吵不休、四分五裂時(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對(duì)那些我們歡迎其加入到自由丅行列中來(lái)的新國(guó)家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的XX來(lái)取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由--而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，終必葬身虎口。

對(duì)世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村、為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭(zhēng)的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間--之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣瞾B產(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的。自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無(wú)法挽救少數(shù)富人。

對(duì)我國(guó)南面的姐妹共和國(guó)，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證--在爭(zhēng)取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由的人們和自由的政丅府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和丅平革命決不可以成為敵對(duì)國(guó)家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國(guó)都知道，我們將和他們?cè)谝黄?，反?duì)在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國(guó)家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

對(duì)聯(lián)合國(guó)，主丅權(quán)國(guó)家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，我們?cè)趹?zhàn)爭(zhēng)手段大大超過(guò)和丅平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我們重申予以支持：防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場(chǎng)所;加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新生國(guó)家和弱小國(guó)家的保護(hù);擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對(duì)那些與我們作對(duì)的國(guó)家，我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷入預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開(kāi)始尋求和丅平。

我們不敢以怯弱來(lái)引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭?，我們才能毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國(guó)家集團(tuán)都無(wú)法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰--發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過(guò)重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻爭(zhēng)著改變那制止人類發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均勢(shì)。

因此，讓我們雙方重新開(kāi)始--雙方都要牢記，禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠(chéng)意永遠(yuǎn)有待于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來(lái)探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)的問(wèn)題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問(wèn)題。讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國(guó)的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開(kāi)發(fā)深海，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)，在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽(tīng)以賽亞的訓(xùn)令--“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由?！?注：《圣經(jīng)?舊約全書?以塞亞書》第58章6節(jié)。)如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力;不是建立一種新的均勢(shì)，而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界，在這個(gè)世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全、和丅平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切不可能在今后一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本屆政丅府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開(kāi)始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說(shuō)掌握在我手中，不如說(shuō)掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國(guó)建立以來(lái)，每一代美國(guó)人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對(duì)國(guó)家的忠誠(chéng)。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國(guó)青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號(hào)角已再次吹響--不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器;不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長(zhǎng)斗爭(zhēng)的重任，年復(fù)一年，從希望中得到歡樂(lè)，在磨難中保持耐性，對(duì)付人類共同的敵人--專制、社團(tuán)、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身。

為反對(duì)這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎?你們?cè)敢鈪⒓舆@一歷史性的努力嗎? 在漫長(zhǎng)的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠(chéng)，將照亮我們的國(guó)家和所有為國(guó)效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國(guó)同胞們，不要問(wèn)國(guó)家能為你們做些什么，而要問(wèn)你們能為國(guó)家做些什么。全世界的公民們，不要問(wèn)美國(guó)將為你們做些什么，而要問(wèn)我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國(guó)公民還是其他國(guó)家的公民，你們應(yīng)要求我們獻(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問(wèn)心無(wú)愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞，歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所熱愛(ài)的國(guó)家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切地說(shuō)，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

@肖稀君 整理