第一篇：英語著名演講

Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate Ronald Reagan delivered 12 June 1987, West Berlin [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]

Thank you.Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F.Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall.Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin.And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom.But I must confess, we are drawn here by other things as well;by the feeling of history in this city--more than 500 years older than our own nation;by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten;most of all, by your courage and determination.Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents.You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: ?°Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin?± [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.] Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America.I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East.To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people.To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me.For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.[There is only one Berlin.] Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe.From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers.Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall.But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly;here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizs & auml;cker has said, “The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.” Well today--today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament.For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation.Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help.And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan.Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.” In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan.I was struck by a sign--the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt.I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city.The sign read simply: “The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.” A strong, free world in the West--that dream became real.Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant.Italy, France, Belgium--virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth;the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder.Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom.The German leaders--the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes.From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland.Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums.Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.1 From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth.Now the Soviets may have had other plans.But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze.[Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.2] In the 1950s--In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: “We will bury you.” But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history.In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food.Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself.After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity.Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace.Freedom is the victor.And now--now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, becoming to understand the importance of freedom.We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness.Some political prisoners have been released.Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed.Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness;for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty--the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr.Gorbachev--Mr.Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens.To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion.So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength.Yet we seek peace;so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe.The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment(unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution)--namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides.For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness.As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city;and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm.And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table.Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons.At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons.And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur.And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative--research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend;on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them.By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world.But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed;we are armed because we mistrust each other.And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty.When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled;Berlin was under siege.And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty.And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth.Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth.In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom.Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope.We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world.And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971.Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future.Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr.Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical.We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With--With our French--With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin.It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East.Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same.And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea--South Korea--has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North.International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city.And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city.You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade.Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall.What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage.But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment.No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions.Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says “yes” to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom.In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin--is “l(fā)ove.” Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West.The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship.The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz.Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind.Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross.There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner(quote): “This wall will fall.Beliefs become reality.” Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith;it cannot withstand truth.The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word.I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming.And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.Thank you.

第二篇：著名演講

馬丁路德金----我有一個夢想（演講稿原文）

I Have a Dream（Martin Luther King)我有一個夢想（馬丁 路德 金）

......I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.……今天，我對你們說，我的朋友們，盡管此時的困難與挫折，我們?nèi)匀挥袀€夢，這是深深扎根于美國夢中的夢。

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creedblack men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants-will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at last;thank God Almighty, we are free at last.” 當我們讓自由之聲響徹之時，當我們讓它從每一座村莊，從每一個州和每一座城市響起時，我們將能加速這一天的到來，那時，所有上帝的孩子們，黑人和白人，猶太人和異教徒們，基督徒和天主教徒們，將能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌詞高唱； “終于自由了！終于自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由了！”

======================= I Have a Dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize the shameful condition.In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are “insufficient funds” in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we’ve come to cash this check-a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American Dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners, will they be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream, that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream, that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character, I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low;the rough places will be made plain;and the crooked places will be made straight;and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside.Let freedom ring and when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at last, thank God almighty, we are free at last.” ================================

第三篇：希特勒著名演講

篇一：希特勒最著名的演講

希特勒最著名的演講----給中國的領(lǐng)導們上一課

今天，我們站在這里！站在德國的土地上！站在柏林，這塊我們祖先用鮮血和尊嚴澆灌的土地上！我的身后，是安德烈.柯里昂的雕像！他是全世界公認的自由斗士！他是全世界的光！我的面前，站著的是一個民族，一個在屈辱中呻吟的民族！那場戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束之后，我們這個民族的驕傲就沒有了！那些戰(zhàn)勝者們騎在我們的脖子上作威作福，他們隨意 踐踏我們的尊嚴，一個歐洲大陸上最高貴的民族的尊嚴！你們告訴我，你們是選擇像本杰明.馬丁一樣去做一個自由的斗士，還是一個奴隸？！

你們或許要說：希特勒先生，我需要一個工作，一塊面包。是的，你的說法很對，生命實在是太重要了。但是我要告訴你們，這世界上還有一種東西比生命更重要，那就是自由！那就是尊嚴！

只要阿爾薩斯和洛林上空一日還飄揚著法國的國旗，我們的尊嚴就不存在！只要那些法國人、英國人在我們的國土上橫行霸道，我們的尊嚴就不存在！只要在歐洲的 版圖上，這個叫德國的國家四分五裂積弱不堪，我們的尊嚴就不存在！只要其他國家的人，在聊天的時候說到德國這個字眼的時候會發(fā)出一聲輕蔑的笑聲，我們的尊 嚴就不存在！

我們需要的，不是一塊面包！而是一個生存空間！一個民族的生存空間！這生存空間，不是靠乞求和抗議來實現(xiàn)的，而是靠鐵和血來實現(xiàn)的！

別人欺辱我們，哪怕是最弱小的民族也來踐踏我們，我們只會叫著：我們表示強烈的憤慨和抗議，這樣的人，是沒有骨頭的！這樣的人，是低賤的！我們應該用大炮的震耳欲聾聲讓敵人顫抖！我們應該碾壓他們的尊嚴、生命，讓他們知道我們不是一群只知道抗議的懦夫！你們要記住，一個只懂得抗議的國家，是一個沒有骨頭的國家！一個只懂得抗議的政府，是一個沒有骨頭的政府！當我們地尊嚴、領(lǐng)土和生存的空間都遭受踐踏的時候，還不知羞恥地抗議地政府，我們是不需要的！你們最后也會拋棄它們的！

我很驕傲，在你們這些人中，這樣沒有骨頭的人，少之又少！我的面前，是一個留著千年不屈血液的軍團！這血液，曾經(jīng)在我們祖先的血管里面流淌過，他們沒有屈服過！現(xiàn)在，它們在我們的身體里面汩汩奔涌，你們告訴我，你們愿意它冷卻嗎??？

能夠團結(jié)人們的，有兩件東西：共同的理想和共同的敵人！我們有雕刻在德意志旗幟上面的偉大理想，我們會為這理想流盡我們的最后一滴血！在今天的柏林。沒有 任何東西能夠拯救我們的祖國，只有這理想！凡爾賽條約，是一個極大的恥辱！我們有拒絕執(zhí)行它的決心和理由！做你們想做的吧！就像本杰明.馬丁拿起槍，就像 他帶領(lǐng)著他的同胞們高舉著那面自由的大旗英勇殺敵一樣！假如你們期望戰(zhàn)斗，那就去戰(zhàn)斗吧！然后我就能夠看到你們是七千萬奴隸還是七千萬堅貞不屈的日耳曼 人！

如果有那么一天，我，阿道夫.希特勒，也會像本杰明.馬丁那樣，舉著屬于我們德意志的大旗沖在最前方！哪怕是戰(zhàn)死，我也會微笑著進入天堂！我會見到那些德 意志的榮耀的祖先們，我可以昂著頭顱走到偉大的腓特烈大帝跟前，我可以驕傲地對他說：我，你的子孫，沒有給你丟臉，我為偉大的德意志流盡了最后一滴血！

我們?yōu)椴槐慌鄱鴳?zhàn)！我們?yōu)樽杂啥鴳?zhàn)！我們不是機器，不是牛馬，我們是人！是從來沒有屈服過的日耳曼人！

我們以自由的名義團結(jié)起來！為一個新的、公平的世界而戰(zhàn)！我們?yōu)槿巳擞泄ぷ鞫鴳?zhàn)！為那些奴役我們的人滾出德國人的土地而戰(zhàn)！為我們不需要整天喊著抗議而 戰(zhàn)！為我們的尊嚴而戰(zhàn)！為我們的諾言而戰(zhàn)！為解放這個國家而戰(zhàn)！日耳曼人，我們?yōu)槲覀兊淖嫦鹊臉s耀而戰(zhàn)！為我們的子孫后代能夠驕傲地宣傳：我們是從來不屈 服的日耳曼人而戰(zhàn)！我的同胞們，德國和德國人民萬歲！自由，萬歲！篇二：希特勒著名的演講文本

im sorry but i dont want to be an emperori dont want to rule or conquer anyone.i should like to help everyone if possible, jew, gentile, black man, white.we all want to help one another, human beings are like that.we want to live by each others happiness, not by each others misery.we dont want to hate and despise one another.in this world there is room for everyone and the good earth is rich and can provide for everyone.the way of life can be free and beautiful.but we have lost the way.greed has poisoned mens soulsdont give yourselves to brutes, men who despise you, enslave youonly the unloved hatedont fight for slavery, fight for liberty!in the seventeenth chapter of saint luke it is written thekingdomofgodis within manbut in all menlet us all unite！!let us fight for a new world, a decent world that will give men a chance to work, that will give you the future and old age and security.by the promise of these things, brutes have risen to power, but they lie!they do not fulfil their promise, they never will!dictators free themselves but they enslave the people!now let us fight to fulfil that promise!let us fight to free the world, to do away with national barriers, to do away with greed, with hate and intolerance!let us fight for a world of reason, a world where science and progress will lead to all mens happiness.soldiersdont need other help-can win the war, they also invented several kind of means and methods to force them to surrender, we empire usaf remorseless fierce fried densely populated areas, and take the hunger tactics.although i warned them over and over again, ill take the hot air for three months, i have warned them in.but these warning was churchill in one ear and out the other.strange? the man did not spare others life? he only those culture and architecture? i promise, when i have time, if he gives us a bomb, bomb with a necessary when i return them, but still could not make him about his behavior is the man of god gongzhu.he claimed that he never depressed, even he assured us that, no matter how we fierce attacks, the british people will put him back in london stands array.in recent years, the fool in europe has been like a madman, jumping, hoping to find the opportunity to fire.unfortunately, he has repeatedly discovered the vampire has all the domestic put fire in them.his last winter disorderly check-kiting, big lie, make americans believe that by german empire, in the past several months of war, and now they were alive, he also know so, so he is necessary in europe, then a war.this plan in early 1939 he yijiusilingnian autumn and spring is reflected.at that time, britains situation that he can mobilize around a hundred division.but last may and june, we saw the british suddenly rout, make him seriously attempt this plan.but in the last autumn, winston churchill and want to begin to solve this problem.due to the army tanks and anti-tank weapons are obvious advantage, make war reversed, churchill believed north now is the best time for the war, he can be transferred from libya stage in greece.he ordered the therefore, it is also churchill in this war that the biggest strategic errors.i know a british dont intend to take in the balkans, more taken after the stronghold of the necessary steps.germany to the false gentleman trick is a more often, and raised the necessary force to hit him.german no consciousness in the balkans.instead, we use as far as possible, and the method of justice, of course, the greek settle disputes with these methods are in italy legislation hope.italian leaders agreed to support us and not to make peace with our goal of yugoslavia signing bilateral agreements.finally, the yugoslav government agreed to join the hegemony of convention, yugoslavia, what need not only for our obligation to borrow word is enough.so, this year march 26, we guarantee in vienna in future, yugoslavia, and external interference is not a guarantee of balkan peace.gentlemen, you believe or not, i will depart from the city of beautiful unexpectedly filled with happiness, not only because he is eight years of foreign policy, also because i believe from this moment, germany may need to reach the balkans.we were ruling group the news frightened, the news is a group of better-bribed rebel against convicted without authorization, also make the british prime minister with excitement testimony that he may have the good news for the first time across the uk.24.gentlemen, im sure you can understand, i heard the news, i immediately ordered against yugoslavia.german empire will never allow take years to other parties, signed the contract, but the beneficial overnight found one-sided, but they also destroyed insulted us ambassador to the imperial german, threatening the and god know i was peaceful.but thanks to god, it gave me the optional use means to defend germanys interests.i was very calm in the determination of underground.because i know that i shall not be moved to china in bulgarias loyalty to germany, and play a loyal hungarian knows it after the indignation.26 the battle was very special results.by signing a battle-hardened bell part can also cause intercontinental uneasy this fact, we immediately removed the danger, it is to eliminate the causes of the parent of many injuries tensions across europe.28 for moderate repair due to world war ii and infringement, the front of these places is not made in germany take unfair greed.at the political level, we are only the regional peace, protection and in economic terms, we hope to see the social order, in order to build up cargo, and to everyone.29.however, the use of justice should accord with the highest except outside, still must consider ethnography, history or economic conditions.30 i can guarantee to you, i for our future, also extremely confident.german empire and his allies, whether in power, military, economic, especially the moral aspect, more than any other in the world.to the federal the german army, if necessary, whenever they were not afraid challenge.the german confidence should always篇三：希特勒最著名的演講

希特勒最著名的演講----給中國的領(lǐng)導們上一課 來源： 華定平的日志

今天，我們站在這里！站在德國的土地上！站在柏林，這塊我們祖先用鮮血和尊嚴澆灌的土地上！我的身后，是安德烈.柯里昂的雕像！他是全世界公認的自由斗士！他是全世界的光！我的面前，站著的是一個民族，一個在屈辱中呻吟的民族！那場戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束之后，我們這個民族的驕傲就沒有了！那些戰(zhàn)勝者們騎在我們的脖子上作威作福，他們隨意 踐踏我們的尊嚴，一個歐洲大陸上最高貴的民族的尊嚴！你們告訴我，你們是選擇像本杰明.馬丁一樣去做一個自由的斗士，還是一個奴隸？！

你們或許要說：希特勒先生，我需要一個工作，一塊面包。是的，你的說法很對，生命實在是太重要了。但是我要告訴你們，這世界上還有一種東西比生命更重要，那就是自由！那就是尊嚴！

只要阿爾薩斯和洛林上空一日還飄揚著法國的國旗，我們的尊嚴就不存在！只要那些法國人、英國人在我們的國土上橫行霸道，我們的尊嚴就不存在！只要在歐洲的 版圖上，這個叫德國的國家四分五裂積弱不堪，我們的尊嚴就不存在！只要其他國家的人，在聊天的時候說到德國這個字眼的時候會發(fā)出一聲輕蔑的笑聲，我們的尊 嚴就不存在！

我們需要的，不是一塊面包！而是一個生存空間！一個民族的生存空間！這生存空間，不是靠乞求和抗議來實現(xiàn)的，而是靠鐵和血來實現(xiàn)的！

別人欺辱我們，哪怕是最弱小的民族也來踐踏我們，我們只會叫著：我們表示強烈的憤慨和抗議，這樣的人，是沒有骨頭的！這樣的人，是低賤的！我們應該用大炮的震耳欲聾聲讓敵人顫抖！我們應該碾壓他們的尊嚴、生命，讓他們知道我們不是一群只知道抗議的懦夫！你們要記住，一個只懂得抗議的國家，是一個沒有骨頭的國家！一個只懂得抗議的政府，是一個沒有骨頭的政府！當我們地尊嚴、領(lǐng)土和生存的空間都遭受踐踏的時候，還不知羞恥地抗議地政府，我們是不需要的！你們最后也會拋棄它們的！

我很驕傲，在你們這些人中，這樣沒有骨頭的人，少之又少！我的面前，是一個留著千年不屈血液的軍團！這血液，曾經(jīng)在我們祖先的血管里面流淌過，他們沒有屈服過！現(xiàn)在，它們在我們的身體里面汩汩奔涌，你們告訴我，你們愿意它冷卻嗎??？

能夠團結(jié)人們的，有兩件東西：共同的理想和共同的敵人！我們有雕刻在德意志旗幟上面的偉大理想，我們會為這理想流盡我們的最后一滴血！在今天的柏林。沒有 任何東西能夠拯救我們的祖國，只有這理想！凡爾賽條約，是一個極大的恥辱！我們有拒絕執(zhí)行它的決心和理由！做你們想做的吧！就像本杰明.馬丁拿起槍，就像 他帶領(lǐng)著他的同胞們高舉著那面自由的大旗英勇殺敵一樣！假如你們期望戰(zhàn)斗，那就去戰(zhàn)斗吧！然后我就能夠看到你們是七千萬奴隸還是七千萬堅貞不屈的日耳曼 人！

如果有那么一天，我，阿道夫.希特勒，也會像本杰明.馬丁那樣，舉著屬于我們德意志的大旗沖在最前方！哪怕是戰(zhàn)死，我也會微笑著進入天堂！我會見到那些德 意志的榮耀的祖先們，我可以昂著頭顱走到偉大的腓特烈大帝跟前，我可以驕傲地對他說：我，你的子孫，沒有給你丟臉，我為偉大的德意志流盡了最后一滴血！

我們?yōu)椴槐慌鄱鴳?zhàn)！我們?yōu)樽杂啥鴳?zhàn)！我們不是機器，不是牛馬，我們是人！是從來沒有屈服過的日耳曼人！

我們以自由的名義團結(jié)起來！為一個新的、公平的世界而戰(zhàn)！我們?yōu)槿巳擞泄ぷ鞫鴳?zhàn)！為那些奴役我們的人滾出德國人的土地而戰(zhàn)！為我們不需要整天喊著抗議而 戰(zhàn)！為我們的尊嚴而戰(zhàn)！為我們的諾言而戰(zhàn)！為解放這個國家而戰(zhàn)！日耳曼人，我們?yōu)槲覀兊淖嫦鹊臉s耀而戰(zhàn)！為我們的子孫后代能夠驕傲地宣傳：我們是從來不屈 服的日耳曼人而戰(zhàn)！我的同胞們，德國和德國人民萬歲！自由，萬歲！

第四篇：著名畢業(yè)典禮演講

世界十大最著名畢業(yè)典禮上的演講 1.david foster wallace，美國著名小說作家、評論家、幽默作家，代表作《無盡的玩笑》，入選《時代周刊》“百部最佳英文小說”。david foster wallace2008年9月13日患抑郁癥自殺家中，享年46歲。david foster wallace, kenyon, 2005 learning how to think really means learning how to exercise some control over how and what you think.it means being conscious and aware enough to choose what you pay attention to and to choose how you construct meaning from experience.because if you cannot exercise this kind of choice in adult life, you will be totally hosed.this address at kenyon was vintage wallace: a smart, occasionally meandering discussion of the issues that consumed him, from the banality of life to the meaning of consciousness.i know that this stuff probably doesnt sound fun and breezy and grandly inspirational, he concluded.what it is, so far as i can see, is the truth...the capital-t truth is about life before death.it is about making it to 30, or maybe 50, without wanting to shoot yourself in the head.all the reasons wallace didnt make it to 50 are apparent here;in hindsight, the speech reads like the first draft of a suicide note for an author who took his own life last year at age 46.while its a macabre read, theres tons thats worthwhile here: the speech crackles with wit and intelligence — and offers tricks for escaping the depression to which wallace ultimately succumbed。

2．steve jobs，蘋果電腦創(chuàng)始人，聲名顯赫的“計算機狂人” steve jobs, stanford, 2005 your time is limited, so dont waste it living someone elses life.dont be trapped by dogma — which is living with the results of other peoples thinking.dont let the noise of others opinions drown out your own inner voice.and most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition...stay hungry, stay foolish.3.conan obrien，美國著名脫口秀主持人。conan obrien, harvard(class day), 2000 i left the cocoon of harvard, i left the cocoon of saturday night live, i left the cocoon of the simpsons.and each time it was bruising and tumultuous.and yet, every failure was freeing, and today im as nostalgic for the bad as i am for the good。so, thats what i wish for all of you: the bad as well as the good.fall down, make a mess, break something occasionally.and remember that the story is never over.when conan obrien spoke at harvard universitys 2000 class day, he had a lot of things to say — many of them about harvard.obrien graduated from the prestigious university in 1985, and he took at few shots at his alma maters expense.the last time i was invited to harvard it cost me $110,000, he said, so youll forgive me if im a bit suspicious.he endured along the way.he discussed his bombed television pilot, embarrassingly bad reviews and what it was like to be 28 and unemployed in new york city, proving that no one, not even the man who would one day take over the tonight show, escapes disappointment and self-doubt.but despite his stumbles, obrien kept going.and he told harvards class of 2000 that they should too。4.russell baker，《紐約時報》專欄作家，1982年普利策獎獲得者。成名作為個人自傳《成長》。russell baker, connecticut college, 1995 listen once in a while.its amazing what you can hear.on a hot summer day in the country you can hear the corn growing, the crack of a tin roof buckling under the power of the sun.in a real old-fashioned parlor silence so deep you can hear the dust settling on the velveteen settee, you might hear the footsteps of something sinister gaining on you, or a heart-stoppingly beautiful phrase from mozart you havent heard since childhood, or the voice of somebody — now gone — whom you loved.or sometime when youre talking up a storm so brilliant, so charming that you can hardly believe how wonderful you are, pause just a moment and listen to yourself.its good for the soul to hear yourself as others hear you, and next time maybe, just maybe, you will not talk so much, so loudly, so brilliantly, so charmingly, so utterly shamelessly foolishly。

baker, a pulitzer prize–winning author and columnist, knows how to reach college kids.hes funny and engaging(the best advice i can give anybody about going out into the world is this: dont do it)without being cynical, and lands enough light jabs to remind his audience that his advice — from get married to sleep in the nude — is worth heeding。5．winston churchill，英國前首相。winston churchill, harrow school, 1941 never give in.never give in.never, never, never, never — in nothing, great or small, large or petty — never give in, except to convictions of honor and good sense.no leader in history, perhaps, matched churchills capacity for 6.george marshall，1880-1959，美國將軍、政治家，出任國務卿期間，推出歐洲復興計劃。篇二：十篇著名的大學畢業(yè)典禮演講 1.winston churchill(harrow school)memorable quote: never give in.never give in.never, never, never, never--in nothing, great or small, large or petty--never give in, except to convictions of honor and good sense.never yield to force.never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy.3.jon stewart(college of william and mary)memorable quote: im sure my fellow doctoral graduates--who have spent so long toiling in academia, sinking into debt, sacrificing god knows how many years of what, in truth, is a piece of parchment that, in truth, has been so devalued by our instant gratification culture as to have been rendered meaningless--will join in congratulating me.with jokes, but stewart also dished out valuable advice to graduates near the end, telling them to love what you do and get good at it.4.theodor geisel(lake forest college)memorable quote: as you partake of the worlds bill of fare, thats darned good advice to follow.do a lot of spitting out the hot air.and be careful what you swallow.in 1977, the beloved theodor geisel(a.k.a.dr.seuss)was chosen as the memorable quote: out of the many here assembled, it is the heart of he or she that i seek who looks at a life of vapid materialism, of capitalist excess, and finds it simply intolerable.it may be one hundred of you, or fifty, or even ten, or even one of you who makes that choice.i am here to honor and applaud that choice and to warn you that, though the suffering may indeed be great, it is nothing to the joy of doing the right thing.evergreen state college via audiotape.the speech was controversial because abu-jamal was a death row inmate convicted of murdering a police officer.students, law enforcement officers, the policemans widow, congressman tom delay and a number of others protested the schools choice of speakers, but abu-jamals speech was delivered 6.russell baker(connecticut college)memorable quote: the best advice i can give anybody about going out into the world is this: dont do it.i have been out there.it is a mess.american columnist, pulitzer prize-winning author and political satirist russell 7.will ferrell(harvard university)memorable quote: after months of secret negotiations, several hundred secret ballots, and a weekend retreat with vice president dick cheney in his secret mountain bunker, a class day speaker was chosen, and it was me.you obviously have made a grave error.but its too late now.so lets just go with it.love him or hate him, actor will ferrell is responsible for one of the funniest and memorable quote: i have two last pieces of advice.first, being pre-approved for a credit card does not mean you have to apply for it.and lastly, the best career advice i can give you is to get your own tv show.it pays well, the hours are good, and you are famous.candid advice for college grads.he also shows off his ability to ask for a mcdonalds happy meal in five different languages.9.david foster wallace(kenyon college)conscious and aware enough to choose what you pay attention to and to choose how you construct meaning from experience.because if you cannot exercise this kind of choice in adult life, you will be totally hosed.in 2005, a couple of years before his tragic suicide, influential postmodern author 10.j.k.rowling(harvard university)memorable quote: the knowledge that you have emerged wiser and stronger from setbacks means that you are, ever after, secure in your ability to survive.you will never truly know yourself, or the strength of your relationships, until both have been tested by adversity.such knowledge is a true gift, for all that it is painfully won, and it has been worth more than any qualification i ever earned.j.k.rowling may be one of the best-selling authors of all time, but before she published harry potter she was an unemployed single parent one step away from 10大最佳畢業(yè)典禮演講

what makes a great speech? persuasion.成就一場演講的是什么？說服力。

分析溝通技能公司quantified impressions的專家認為，這是與聽眾建立聯(lián)系的關(guān)鍵點——至少當聽眾是大學畢業(yè)生時是這樣的。

這家公司選出了31場被媒體稱為精彩難忘的畢業(yè)嘉賓演講，對照一般演講和日常對話數(shù)據(jù)庫進行了評估。分析涵蓋了80項不同的指標，結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn)，這31場演講最普遍的共性就是說服力指標或變量。and based on that, quantified impressions came up with a list of 10 best speeches.根據(jù)這項分析評估，quantified impressions評選出了十佳畢業(yè)典禮演講。these speeches are the best because the speakers persuade the audience to be emotionally moved, says noah zandan, quantified impressions president.“這些演講非常出色，演講者從情感上說服了聽眾，讓他們真心被打動，”quantified impressions的總裁諾阿?贊登說。turns out, the best speakers persuade by doing three key things.they explain their relevance(i was just like you).they give insight(heres what life will be like).and they use inclusive words:you, we, us, with, along.分析顯示，這些頂級的演講人做了三件關(guān)鍵的事情。與聽眾建立聯(lián)系（“當時我就像你們一樣”）。提供真知灼見（“我們來談談，未來生活將是什么樣子？”）。使用包容性的詞匯：你們、我們、和、與。

排在第一名的人不出意料是奧普拉?溫弗里。她五年前在斯坦福大學（stanford）做的那次演講事實上超出了她上周對哈佛（harvard）畢業(yè)生做的演講。the speech ranked no.3 below is particularly historic this week: its 50 years ago this month that john f.kennedy, in the midst of the cold war and on the heels of the cuban missile crisis, startled the soviets by offering unilateral nuclear restraint.排名第三的演講本周特別值得懷念：五十年前的6月，正值冷戰(zhàn)時期，古巴導彈危機（cuban missile crisis）剛剛發(fā)生，約翰?f.?肯尼迪提出的單邊核克制震動了蘇聯(lián)人。1.oprah winfrey2005, kenyon 2.大衛(wèi)?福斯特?華萊士——2005年, 肯尼恩學院（kenyon）3.john f.kennedy1977, university of california, riverside 4.瑪雅?安吉羅——1977年，加利福尼亞大學大學河濱分校（university of california, riverside）

5.winston churchill2013, smith 6.阿瑞安娜?赫芬頓——2013年，史密斯學院（smith）7.oprah winfrey2012, syracuse 8.阿倫?索爾金——2012年，雪城大學（syracuse）9.former yahoo(yhoo)ceo carol bartzmadison 9.前雅虎（yahoo）ceo卡羅爾?巴茨——2012年，威斯康辛大學麥迪遜分校(university of wisconsin機會從來不會主動敲門 這與財富無關(guān)，而是與成功有關(guān) 8.谷歌全球銷售高級副總裁奧米德·柯德斯塔尼(omid kordestani)，2007年，圣何塞州立大學 谷歌全球銷售高級副總裁奧米德〃柯德斯塔尼

精彩語錄：為了保持我的敏銳，我必須象移民一樣思考和行動，他們的樂觀和動力讓我受益匪淺。移民是天生的夢想家和斗士。9.1999-2005年惠普ceo卡莉·菲奧莉娜(carly fiorina)，2004年，加州理工學院 惠普ceo卡莉〃菲奧莉娜

精彩語錄：什么才能稱得上你們這一代的偉大之處？我認為是使用你們在這里所學的知識，不僅僅是找到與計算機連接的方式，而且找到與人的連接方式；不僅僅是架設橋梁填補技術(shù)間的鴻溝，更是架設文化間的橋梁；不僅僅是使用數(shù)字和公式創(chuàng)造，更是使用語言去引領(lǐng)。在這個過程中，填補愚昧與智慧間的差距。（有幾個人能明白這句話的意義？）10.通用電氣ceo杰夫·伊梅爾特(jeff immelt)，2007年，圣母大學 通用電氣ceo杰夫〃伊梅爾特 精彩語錄：通過你的決心讓自己脫穎而出，努力鍛煉自己的能力，為生活設定一個目的，你將定義你自己的目標。努力工作并實現(xiàn)你的夢想。

第五篇：英語的著名的演講 學習英語的好材料

葛底斯堡演講：

〔另譯〕：在八十七年前，我們的國父們在這塊土地上創(chuàng)建一個新的國家，乃基于對自由的堅信，并致力于所有男人皆生而平等的信念?！沧ⅲ篺ather 在此應避免有血緣的聯(lián)想。在當時的人，尤其是在政治上，沒有男女平等的觀念，men指的是男人，而且沒有說出來的還是白種男人而已。為求忠實，不應將其視 為人類的通稱。）

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.當下吾等被卷入一場偉大的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，以考驗是否此國度，或任何肇基于和奉獻于斯者，可永垂不朽。吾等現(xiàn)相逢于此戰(zhàn)中一處浩大戰(zhàn)場。而吾等將奉獻此戰(zhàn)場之部分，作為這群交付彼者生命讓那國度勉能生存的人們最后安息之處。此乃全然妥切且適當而為吾人應行之舉。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.但，于更大意義之上，吾等無法致力、無法奉上、無法成就此土之圣。這群勇者，無論生死，曾于斯奮戰(zhàn)到底，早已使其神圣，而遠超過吾人卑微之力所能增 減。這世間不曾絲毫留意，也不長久記得吾等于斯所言，但永不忘懷彼人于此所為。吾等生者，理應當然，獻身于此輩鞠躬盡瘁之未完大業(yè)。吾等在此責無旁貸獻身 于眼前之偉大使命：自光榮的亡者之處吾人肩起其終極之奉獻—吾等在此答應亡者之死當非徒然—此國度，于神佑之下，當享有自由之新生—民有、民治、民享之政府當免于凋零。

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.肯尼迪就職演講

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom.Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life.And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue [4] around the globe.The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth [5], from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay

any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty.This much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7].Divided there is little we can do.For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics [8] south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off [9] the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.就職演講

－－約翰·肯尼迪

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結(jié)束，也象征著一個開端；意味著延續(xù)也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170年前擬定的莊嚴誓言。

現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了。人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是人的權(quán)利并非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落一為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負擔，應付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無往不勝：我們?nèi)绻制鐚αⅲ蜁皇聼o成——因為我們不敢在爭吵不休、四分五裂時迎接強大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們恪守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強地維護自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，終必葬身虎口。

對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間——之所以這樣做，并不是因為共產(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為這樣做是正確的。自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法挽救少數(shù)富人。

對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證——在爭取進行的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?，幫助自由人們和自由的政府擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區(qū)進行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

Emotional Speech Unit selection techniques will provide synthesizers with the quality of the database they are built from.Thus we can synthesized various emotions if we record database of the appropriate type.However, before we give some examples of this direction, it is worth better defining what is meant by emotional speech, and more importantly how we might actually use such synthesizers in applications.Traditionally emotional speech is split in four groups: neutral, happy, sad, and angry(hot and/or cold anger).Various studies show that listeners can fairly reliably distinguish between happy and sad, though may confuse these with hot anger and cold anger in ambiguous situations.Testing output quality is hard, studies usually use lexically neutral statements so just the spectral and prosodic properties vary, while in real life situations, lexical issues and context probably are a bigger clue to the emotional state of the speaker.The following experiment highlights how lexical choice influences human perception of voice characteristics.In developing a child voice synthesizer, we specifically required a gender neutral voice.Our recordings were based on an adult voice-over actress with experience in performing child voices.When we first tested recordings from her with a group of potential users we found most people identified the voice as an adult pretending to be a child.However we noted that the sentence contents, designed for phonetic and metrical coverage are not typical sentences that would be spoken by children.It is difficult to imagine situations where a child might say.A sense of psychological certainty is no proof in itself of epistimelogical validity.Thus on later tests we synthesized child specific utterances to test the perceived view of the voice.Are we there yet?

Please read me my a story.Can't I do it tomorrow?...We also synthesized girl specific sentences, and boy specific sentences Can I go to the Mall with Kimmy? I like to go shopping for new clothes.When I grow up I want to help animals....Last weekend my Dad took me to a ball game.I'm starving, is there anything to eat?

My Mom says I'm not old enough to watch Wrestling....We played these utterances to parents, not familiar with synthesis, and rather than ask them the gender of the speaker, asked them to give us a suitable name and suggest the age of the speaker.Overwhelmingly all listeners give boy names when listing to the ``boy'' sentences, and girl names for ``girl'' sentences.However in general the listeners did consider the boy younger than the girl.These informal tests show that people's perception of voice type is subtle, and content can easily overwhelm prosodic and spectral qualities of voices.In our experience in building speech synthesis systems, these standard definitions of emotion are actually rarely requested by users.Though much more subtle notions of emotion and style are needed.著名英文演講：奧巴馬競選宣言

DECLARATION OF CANDIDACY

February 10, 2007 | Springfield, Illinois

Let me begin by saying thanks to all of you who’ve traveled, from far and wide, to brave the cold today.We all made this journey for a reason.It’s humbling, but in my heart I know you didn’t come here just for me;you came here because you believe in what this country can be.In the face of war, you believe there can be peace.In the face of despair, you believe there can be hope.In the face of a politics that’s shut you out, that’s told you to settle, that’s divided us for too long, you believe we can be one people, reaching for what’s possible, building that more perfect union.That’s the journey we’re on today.But let me tell you how I came to be here.As most of you know, I am not a native of this great state.I moved to Illinois over two decades ago.I was a young man then, just a year out of college;I knew no one in Chicago, was without money or family connections.But a group of churches had offered me a job as a community organizer for $13,000 a year.And I accepted the job, sight unseen, motivated then by a single, simple, powerful idea—that I might play a small part in building a better America.My work took me to some of Chicago’s poorest neighborhoods.I joined with pastor s and laypeople to deal with communities that had been ravaged by plant closings.I saw that the problems people faced weren’t simply local in nature— that the decision to close a steel mill was made by distant executives;that the lack of textbooks and computers in schools could be traced to the skewed priorities of politicians a thousand miles away;and that when a child turns to violence, there’s a hole in his heart no government alone can fill.It was in these neighborhoods that I received the best education I ever had, and where I learned the true meaning of my Christian faith.After three years of this work, I went to law school , because I wanted to understand how the law should work for those in need.I became a civil rights lawyer and taught constitutional law, and after a time, I came to understand that our cherished rights of liberty and equality depend on the active participation of an

awakened electorate.It was with these ideas in mind that I arrived in this capital city as a State Senator.It was here, in Springfield, where I saw all that is America converge—farmers and teachers, businessmen and laborers, all of them with a story to tell, all of them seeking a seat at the table, all of them clamoring to be heard.I made lasting friendships here—friends that I see in the audience today.It was here we learned to disagree without being disagreeable— that it’s possible to compromise so long as you know those principles that can never be compromised;and that so long as we’re willing to listen to each other, we can assume the best in people instead of the worst.That’s why we were able to reform a death penalty system that was broken.That’s why we were able to give health insurance to children in need.That’s why we made the tax system more fair and just for working families, and that’s why we passed ethics reforms that the cynics said could never, ever be passed.It was here, in Springfield, where north, south, east, and west come together that I was reminded of the essential decency of the American people—where I came to believe that through this decency, we can build a more hopeful America.And that is why, in the shadow of the Old State Capitol , where Lincoln once called on a divided house to stand together, where common hopes and common dreams still live, I stand before you today to announce my candidacy for President of the United States.I recognize there is a certain presumptuousness —a certain audacity —to this announcement.I know I haven’t spent a lot of time learning the ways of Washington.But I’ve been there long enough to know that the ways of Washington must change.The genius of our founders is that they designed a system of government that can be changed.And we should take heart , because we’ve changed this country before.In the face of tyranny , a band of patriots brought an empire to its knees.In the face of secession , we unified a nation and set the captives free.In the face of Depression , we put people back to work and lifted millions out of poverty.We welcomed immigrants to our shores, we opened railroads to the west, we landed a man on the moon, and we heard a King ’s call to let justice roll down like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.Each and every time, a new generation has risen up and done what’s needed to be done.Today we are called once more—and it is time for our generation to answer that call.For that is our unyielding faith —that in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it.That’s what Abraham Lincoln understood.He had his doubts.He had his defeats.He had his setbacks.But through his will and his words, he moved a nation and helped free a people.It is because of the millions who rallied to his cause that we are no longer divided, North and South, slave and free.It is because men and women of every race, from every walk of life , continued to march for freedom long after Lincoln was laid to rest , that today we have the chance to face the challenges of this millennium together, as one people— as Americans.All of us know what those challenges are today—a war with no end, a dependence on oil that threatens our future, schools where too many children aren’t learning, and families struggling paycheck to paycheck despite working as hard as they can.We know the challenges.We’ve heard them.We’ve talked about them for years.What’s stopped us from meeting these challenges is not the absence of sound policies and sensible plans.What’s stopped us is the failure of leadership, the smallness of our politics—the ease with which we’re distracted by the petty and trivial , our chronic avoidance of tough decisions , our preference for scoring cheap political points instead of rolling up our sleeves and building a working consensus to tackle big problems.For the last six years we’ve been told that our mounting debts don’t matter, we’ve been told that the anxiety Americans feel about rising health care costs and stagnant wages are an illusion , we’ve been told that climate change is a hoax ，and that tough talk and an ill-conceived war can replace diplomacy, and strategy, and foresight.And when all else fails, when Katrina happens, or the death toll in Iraq mounts, we’ve been told that our crises are somebody else’s fault.We’re distracted from our real failures and told to blame the other party, or gay people, or immigrants.And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration , we know what’s filled the void.The cynics, and the lobbyists , and the special interests who’ve turned our government into a game only they can afford to play.They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter, they think they own this government, but we’re here today to take it back.The time for that politics is over.It’s time to turn the page.We’ve made some progress already.I was proud to help lead the fight in Congress that led to the most sweeping ethics reform s ince Watergate.