第一篇：另辟蹊徑的好選擇開羅大學(xué)考試成績要求匯總

另辟蹊徑的好選擇 開羅大學(xué)考試成績要求匯總

開羅大學(xué)考試要求

醫(yī)學(xué)，法律，理科學(xué)

開羅大學(xué)本科課程

法學(xué)院：法律系(英語授課)

學(xué)費(fèi)：第一年1500英鎊第二到第四年1500英鎊

注冊費(fèi)：1500英鎊(大一之后沒有)

書本費(fèi)：500埃鎊/年

雜費(fèi)：500埃鎊/年

注：如果選擇阿語授課則無雜費(fèi)，學(xué)費(fèi)及注冊費(fèi)統(tǒng)一為1000英鎊。

選擇英語授課則為半阿語半英語，無純英語授課，每個(gè)年級可重讀三年，既可留級兩次，也可申請轉(zhuǎn)學(xué)院。

高中成績必須達(dá)到92.5%。

商學(xué)院：

會計(jì)保險(xiǎn)工商管理(托福成績450不要雅思)英語授課班(教師為歐洲人)

學(xué)費(fèi)：第一年—第四年1000英鎊

注冊費(fèi)：1000英鎊(大一之后沒有)

學(xué)院費(fèi)：300美金/年

書本費(fèi)：2500埃鎊/年

資料費(fèi)：150—200埃鎊/年

阿語授課班

學(xué)費(fèi)：第一年---第四年1000—1200英鎊

注冊費(fèi)：1000—1200英鎊(大一之后沒有)

注：如果選擇阿語授課高中成績須到達(dá)90%

文學(xué)院：

阿語系

學(xué)費(fèi)：1000埃鎊/年

注冊費(fèi)：1000埃鎊

其他：100美金

英語系

學(xué)費(fèi)根據(jù)人數(shù)定，若人多則和阿語系一樣，人少加200英鎊

英語老師為阿拉伯人。

注：埃及國立大學(xué)一般都為第一年10—12門課，第二年12—14門課，第三年12—14門課，第四年8—12門課。每年第一學(xué)期考試課大概占課程總量的30%--40%，剩余的課程劃定到第二學(xué)期考試范圍。

國立大學(xué)的本科考試每門課必須及格。

不及格科目達(dá)到三門以上須留級，三門以內(nèi)參加補(bǔ)考。

開羅大學(xué)軍訓(xùn)傳統(tǒng)

1973年的關(guān)關(guān)條文規(guī)定：軍訓(xùn)是學(xué)生學(xué)習(xí)的一項(xiàng)基本內(nèi)容和學(xué)生升級的基本條件之一。其目的是在青年中增強(qiáng)軍事意識，一旦需要，可為國家提供軍事服務(wù)。軍訓(xùn)的內(nèi)容包括：武器訓(xùn)練、格斗、軍事傳統(tǒng)與文化教育、有關(guān)軍事工程的知識和訓(xùn)練、武術(shù)、埃及國家史和軍事傳統(tǒng)與文化教育、有關(guān)軍事工程的知識和訓(xùn)練、武術(shù)、埃及國家史和軍事史等10余種活動。

訓(xùn)練時(shí)間一般為3周或108小時(shí)，之后，進(jìn)行射擊比賽，成績優(yōu)異者給予獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。軍訓(xùn)結(jié)束時(shí)，送給每個(gè)學(xué)生一套軍服，包括衣褲、襯衫、帽子和一雙黑鞋。受訓(xùn)時(shí)間一般是在學(xué)生預(yù)考前或一年級，多安排在暑期。

第二篇：申請美國大學(xué)另辟蹊徑

申請美帝大學(xué)也有些奇葩方法...腦洞實(shí)在太大_(:з」∠)_

隨著中國留學(xué)生大軍的隊(duì)伍越來越強(qiáng)大，中國父母們望子成龍，望女成鳳的心情也越來越迫切，北美洲數(shù)一數(shù)二的大學(xué)就成了他們的Target，“不是世界排名前十的大學(xué)不去！” 有些家長和同學(xué)們甚至這樣說道。那么，除了用過硬的托福雅思和SAT成績來沖名牌大學(xué)的同學(xué)之外，其他人又有什么奇思妙想或者“高招”來吸引到招生官的眼球呢？下面我們就來看看這些來自全國各地的奇葩例子，來看看他們又有什么“過人之處”吧。

奇葩一：“我就是要學(xué)你聽都沒聽過的樂器！”

當(dāng)我第一次聽到我一個(gè)做留學(xué)中介工作的朋友說起，她有一個(gè)學(xué)生的家長為了幫學(xué)術(shù)成績較差的孩子申請到美國前50的大學(xué)，而幫孩子找了個(gè)老師教他吹竽。當(dāng)時(shí)我一聽到“吹竽”，一下子就蒙了，就問了一下我的朋友：“請問一下…什么是吹竽？” 朋友翻了個(gè)白眼，嘆了口氣說：“你也不知道了吧，就是什么濫竽充數(shù)典故里面那個(gè)樂器！我問家長為什么要讓學(xué)生去學(xué)這些冷門而且沒什么實(shí)際用途的樂器，你猜她怎么回答的？” “怎么回答？”

朋友模仿著那個(gè)家長的語氣嚴(yán)肅地說：“要是把這項(xiàng)東西寫上了申請美國大學(xué)的簡歷上，別人考官一看，哎這孩子不錯(cuò)，這么冷門的樂器都感興趣而且這又是我們中國的傳統(tǒng)文化，肯定會把咱們家小孩錄進(jìn)去的！做家長的我們也商量了好久，也勸說了孩子好久他才肯去學(xué)！唉沒辦法了，孩子學(xué)習(xí)成績又不行?！?/p>

學(xué)偏門樂器這種方法近些年來特別得人心，似乎已經(jīng)成為了留學(xué)軍團(tuán)里小部分家長的“錦囊妙計(jì)”。不錯(cuò)，一項(xiàng)樂器特長的確能夠?yàn)楹啔v那張平庸的白紙?jiān)鎏聿簧偕?，但是若是把能否進(jìn)名校的賭注全部壓在單單一項(xiàng)的樂器特長上，那恐怕還是會被拒之門外的。如果逼迫學(xué)生去學(xué)一些他們根本不感興趣或是完全沒有了解的樂器，效果說不定還適得其反噢。(那個(gè)學(xué)吹竽的可憐孩子后來說是被家長逼得無計(jì)可施，連托福和SAT都不好好學(xué)了....。引以為鑒啊各位)奇葩二：“我就不信我有錢也進(jìn)不了名牌大學(xué)！”

有一種家長屬于死纏爛打的類型，這種家長往往是令中介或各種留學(xué)機(jī)構(gòu)最頭疼的case?！敖欢嗌馘X都可以，只要孩子能去哈佛斯坦福?！?這一類的家長往往誤解了讓自己的孩子在外國留學(xué)的真正意義，拿到一紙外國名牌大學(xué)的文憑和滿足他們的虛榮心就成為了他們的目的，并不是抱著讓學(xué)生們在高等學(xué)堂里學(xué)習(xí)到更多體驗(yàn)到更多的愿望。我很清楚地記得，我朋友的阿姨曾經(jīng)對我說過這樣一番話：“我兒子想去加拿大讀大學(xué)，聽說多倫多大學(xué)是個(gè)很有名的大學(xué)。那所大學(xué)交多少錢才可以進(jìn)去??？我兒子成績不怎么樣的，我怕別人不收他?！?后來阿姨又補(bǔ)了一句：“ 你們外國大學(xué)也是這樣的吧，就是中國那樣，考不好了交點(diǎn)錢搞搞關(guān)系吃頓飯，那總行了吧。”

阿姨啊，這種方法也許在以前的中國能行得通，現(xiàn)在也未必可以，但是可以告訴像這樣把錢作為敲門磚的家長，申請像多倫多大學(xué)這樣的綜合排名世界前20的名校來說，是！不！可！以！的！其實(shí)稍微想遠(yuǎn)一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)就知道，倘若那些大名鼎鼎牛逼哄哄的外國大學(xué)能夠收那些成績完全不能看，而因?yàn)殄X就可以讀名校的學(xué)生的話，它們就不會是現(xiàn)在的頂級大學(xué)了！而且！在這里真心想說的是！那些名校真的不缺那點(diǎn)錢！

奇葩三：“反正閑著也是閑著，孩子你去破項(xiàng)吉尼斯紀(jì)錄吧！”

“我媽真是想我進(jìn)名牌大學(xué)想瘋了，那天她很認(rèn)真地跟我說讓我去破吉尼斯紀(jì)錄！” 那天和同學(xué)去吃飯，他告訴了我關(guān)于他媽媽讓他去破吉尼斯紀(jì)錄的事。當(dāng)時(shí)聽到這消息的我差點(diǎn)把嘴里的食物噴出來而哈哈大笑。同學(xué)說，他的媽媽和身邊的大叔大嬸都覺得吉尼斯紀(jì)錄是特別厲害的東西，要是能破個(gè)記錄拿個(gè)證書，還怕名牌大學(xué)不收自己嗎。我問他：“那你媽媽打算讓你破什么紀(jì)錄？” 他嘲諷地說道：“我媽說什么記錄沒關(guān)系，還不是一樣吉尼斯，你看人家把驢子養(yǎng)成全世界最大的驢子也能拿個(gè)吉尼斯，也能出名！” 哈哈哈哈我已經(jīng)蜷縮在椅子上笑得不成樣子了....。

一開始我也有點(diǎn)懷疑吉尼斯紀(jì)錄是否可以成為名校錄取的優(yōu)勢，后來向?qū)崴辜o(jì)錄了解的人詢問了一下，才開始明白吉尼斯紀(jì)錄是什么樣子的。我們常常聽到的吉尼斯紀(jì)錄，都是像“世界上最什么的什么”這樣的格式。其實(shí)我充分相信，一項(xiàng)吉尼斯紀(jì)錄能夠?yàn)槟愕暮啔v增添不少色彩，也能吸引更多招生官的眼球。但是，還是實(shí)際點(diǎn)好，要是會讓人那么輕易就破的話就不是吉尼斯紀(jì)錄了！你可以去試，當(dāng)做興趣，但養(yǎng)驢子的話還是不要了....。

奇葩四：“做社區(qū)服務(wù)就夠了！”

每個(gè)周末，每一次放假，我都會問我一個(gè)朋友：“今天出來聚聚吧？” 不過他總是回答同一句話：“我沒時(shí)間啊，做義工去了?！?我這個(gè)朋友學(xué)習(xí)成績還過得去，但還沒到可以申請那些數(shù)一數(shù)二的大學(xué)的水平。于是他就開始了他的一條“不歸路”——做社區(qū)服務(wù)。他每個(gè)周末每一次放假都會去做義工，只要不用上課只要一逮到時(shí)間就會去，為的是希望用自己的這種“熱心”打動招生官。我問他，那你為什么不把這些時(shí)間用去復(fù)習(xí)考試呢。他聳聳肩笑著回答，那多累啊，你看去做義工在街上給路人指指路就有一張證明了！我再問他，那你是真心真意想來幫助別人的嗎。他說，Absolutely not！我傻呀我?，F(xiàn)在我這個(gè)朋友放假了，他的所有時(shí)間都拿去做社區(qū)服務(wù)了，看見他在義工服務(wù)站那里懶懶散散，游手好閑，真的不知道再怎么勸說他了....。

不少同學(xué)和家長在國內(nèi)就常常聽說，國外的名?？吹牟粌H僅是成績，還有社區(qū)服務(wù)證明(通常是40個(gè)小時(shí)或以上)。于是有些人就會走上偏激的道路，例如上面提到的朋友。我個(gè)人建議吧，如果不是真心想去幫助別人回饋社會(估計(jì)也沒多少)的話，那就把基本的做夠就可以了，40個(gè)小時(shí)很容易就積滿的，每個(gè)周末做4個(gè)小時(shí)，放長假的時(shí)候隔天去做幾個(gè)小時(shí)，可以去教堂，學(xué)校，你住的neighbourhood找社區(qū)服務(wù)來做，很多學(xué)校都會把社區(qū)服務(wù)的時(shí)間表和地點(diǎn)貼在宣傳欄里的。說實(shí)話吧，我對我那個(gè)朋友申請名校還是有點(diǎn)信心的，因?yàn)樗煽冞€可以，又有特長，而且還有那一大摞的社區(qū)服務(wù)時(shí)數(shù)證明。(但我個(gè)人不推薦這種做法......)這幾個(gè)奇葩讓我想起了前不久微博流行的一個(gè)新聞：福州某一高三男生嘗遍亞洲泡面被美國名校錄取。這位被人稱為“泡面哥”的男生因喜歡吃泡面而把所有泡面都嘗過，他把這項(xiàng)經(jīng)歷寫進(jìn)了申請大學(xué)的簡歷當(dāng)中，而把“Miliora“(沒有最好只有更好)作為校訓(xùn)的羅徹斯特大學(xué)就錄取了泡面哥。羅徹斯特大學(xué)鼓勵(lì)學(xué)子們不斷超越不斷進(jìn)取，而泡面哥的這種精神就恰好對上了。另外，泡面哥的成績是他被錄取的基本和主要原因，他的SAT成績最好的一次接近2300分(2400滿分)。所以想要進(jìn)入高等學(xué)府享受一流教育的話，還是踏踏實(shí)實(shí)地學(xué)習(xí)吧，招生官最喜歡招的學(xué)生莫過于那些成績優(yōu)秀且穩(wěn)定，博覽群書，有創(chuàng)意有遠(yuǎn)見的學(xué)生了。如果學(xué)術(shù)成績杠杠的，簡歷上的奇怪或者所謂特色的經(jīng)歷也不過是起到了錦上添花的作用罷了。

“我見過了很多希望靠與眾不同的經(jīng)歷搏得名校青睞的家長和學(xué)生，他們申請學(xué)校之前都有一個(gè)共同特點(diǎn)，那就是對名校的熱切期盼而又看不過去的成績；至于他們申請學(xué)校之后呢也有一個(gè)共同特點(diǎn)，那就是大學(xué)的無情的rejection。我給這些孩子的建議就是，先踏實(shí)地把成績搞上去，托福雅思SAT甚至爭取提前批的ACT還有各種各樣的AP課，成績好了，你的簡歷含金量自然就高。再加上自己的小特長或者是社區(qū)服務(wù)的證明，名校之門就會為你打開。只要腳踏實(shí)地，對未來抱著無限的熱誠，去名牌大學(xué)也并非難事?！?從事留學(xué)教育近十年，為不少中國學(xué)子成功申請美國大學(xué)的劉老師這樣說道。

第三篇：神秘非洲大陸的古老大學(xué)開羅大學(xué)成績要求

神秘非洲大陸的古老大學(xué) 開羅大學(xué)成績要求

開羅大學(xué)申請要求

醫(yī)學(xué)，法律，理科學(xué)

開羅大學(xué)本科課程

法學(xué)院：法律系(英語授課)

選擇英語授課則為半阿語半英語，無純英語授課，每個(gè)年級可重讀三年，既可留級兩次，也可申請轉(zhuǎn)學(xué)院。

高中成績必須達(dá)到92.5%。

商學(xué)院：

會計(jì)保險(xiǎn)工商管理(托福成績450不要雅思)

英語授課班(教師為歐洲人)

阿語授課班(如果選擇阿語授課高中成績須到達(dá)90%)

文學(xué)院：

阿語系

英語系(英語老師為阿拉伯人)

注：埃及國立大學(xué)一般都為第一年10—12門課，第二年12—14門課，第三年12—14門課，第四年8—12門課。每年第一學(xué)期考試課大概占課程總量的30%--40%，剩余的課程劃定到第二學(xué)期考試范圍。

國立大學(xué)的本科考試每門課必須及格。

不及格科目達(dá)到三門以上須留級，三門以內(nèi)參加補(bǔ)考。

開羅大學(xué)申請材料

開羅大學(xué)生入學(xué)基本條件為：

1、具有高中畢業(yè)文憑或同等學(xué)歷者;

2、身體健康，必須符合大學(xué)最高委員會和學(xué)院委員會提出的健康標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化，如未患傳染性疾病等;

3、政府職員和部分時(shí)制學(xué)生入學(xué)前必須提交單位允許入學(xué)的證明書;

4、必須品行端正;

5、必須按時(shí)交納學(xué)費(fèi)、醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)費(fèi);

6、國籍、宗教信仰、出生日期和部隊(duì)服役情況證明等。

開羅大學(xué)院系設(shè)置

目前開羅大學(xué)設(shè)有27個(gè)院系機(jī)構(gòu)。

工程學(xué)院，醫(yī)學(xué)院，計(jì)算與信息學(xué)院，藥學(xué)院，理學(xué)院，農(nóng)學(xué)院，政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)學(xué)院，新聞學(xué)院，考古學(xué)院，文學(xué)院

商學(xué)院，特殊教育學(xué)院，護(hù)理學(xué)院，法學(xué)院，物理治療學(xué)院，牙醫(yī)學(xué)院，獸醫(yī)學(xué)院，阿拉伯語言文學(xué)與伊斯蘭研究學(xué)院

幼兒教育學(xué)院，統(tǒng)計(jì)研究院，非洲研究學(xué)院，國家癌癥研究所，城市與區(qū)域規(guī)劃學(xué)院，教育研究研究所

全國激光科學(xué)研究所，開放教育中心，開羅大學(xué)阿拉伯語語言文化中心

開羅大學(xué)歷史發(fā)展

1925年，埃及私立大學(xué)改為埃及國立大學(xué)的文學(xué)院，新成立的埃及國立大學(xué)在文學(xué)院的基礎(chǔ)上，增設(shè)了法學(xué)院、理學(xué)院、醫(yī)學(xué)院。后來又增添了工學(xué)院、農(nóng)學(xué)院、商學(xué)院、獸醫(yī)學(xué)院等學(xué)院。

1940年，埃及國立大學(xué)改名為福阿德一世大學(xué)。福阿德一世是當(dāng)時(shí)埃及國王，曾任埃及大學(xué)的第一任董事長。

1952年，埃及人民推翻了封建王朝統(tǒng)治，建立埃及共和國。次年，福阿德一世大學(xué)改名為開羅大學(xué)至今。

以上是小編為大家介紹的開羅大學(xué)專業(yè)設(shè)置及專業(yè)要求，更多有關(guān)開羅大學(xué)的費(fèi)用攻略和備考技巧，請關(guān)注小站教育留學(xué)頻道!

第四篇：奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講全文

奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講全文

一、我來此地，就是要在美國和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種全新的開端。我很榮幸來到開羅這座永恒的城市，并受到兩所卓越的院校的款待。過去一千年來，阿茲哈爾（Al-Azhar）就是伊斯蘭教義傳播過程中的一盞明燈；過去一個(gè)世紀(jì)，開羅大學(xué)則是埃及前進(jìn)的動力。你們一起展現(xiàn)了傳統(tǒng)與發(fā)展之間的和諧。我對你們和埃及人民的盛情表示感激。我也很驕傲的帶來了美國人民的善意，以及美國穆斯林對你們的問候：assalaamu alaykum（愿安拉賜您平安）。我們于此刻相會，正值美國和全世界穆斯林的關(guān)系緊張，這種氣氛根植于歷史，與現(xiàn)在的政策爭論毫無關(guān)系。伊斯蘭與西方世界共存與合作已長達(dá)幾個(gè)世紀(jì)，同時(shí)也存在沖突甚至宗教戰(zhàn)爭。就在最近，這種緊張關(guān)系得以升級，罪魁禍?zhǔn)装ǚ裾J(rèn)許多穆斯林擁有的權(quán)利和機(jī)會的殖民主義，以及政治冷戰(zhàn)。在冷戰(zhàn)中，穆斯林國家經(jīng)常被認(rèn)為是某些勢力的代理人，而自己的渴望卻被忽視。此外，由現(xiàn)代化和全球化帶來的巨大變化，也令許多穆斯林認(rèn)為西方對伊斯蘭傳統(tǒng)懷有敵意。

暴力極端主義者已經(jīng)在數(shù)目小但卻力量大的穆斯林中制造出了緊張局勢。2001年9月11日的襲擊以及極端主義者對平民那接連不斷的攻擊，這一切使我的國民不單單把穆斯林視作對美國和西方社會的威脅，也把穆斯林被視作是對人權(quán)的威脅。

但凡我們的關(guān)系是由彼此的所差異決定，我們就會縱容那些播種仇恨而非和平的人，那些挑起沖突而非平復(fù)沖突的人，然而，正是那些平復(fù)沖突的人才能夠使我們的人民達(dá)到正義和繁榮。這個(gè)猜疑和混亂的圈子必須得到終結(jié)。我來此地，就是要在美國和穆斯林世界之間尋求一種全新的開端；這種開端建立在彼此的利益和相互的尊敬之上；建立在美國和穆斯林并非只能存一，不需要相互競爭的觀點(diǎn)之上。恰恰相反，美國和穆斯林世界是相互交疊的，遵循著共同的價(jià)值觀：正義和發(fā)展的價(jià)值觀；以及寬容和人類尊嚴(yán)的價(jià)值觀。誠然，我知道變革不是在一夜之間發(fā)生的。沒有什么演說可以消除多年的猜疑，同時(shí)，此時(shí)此刻的我也不能醫(yī)治在這一點(diǎn)上所有的沉疴。但是我已經(jīng)證明了一點(diǎn)：為了前進(jìn)，我們必須說出自己的心里話，那些常常是在彼此在背后才會說的話。我們必須學(xué)會傾聽彼此、互相學(xué)習(xí)、相互尊重；我們必須尋求共識。正如《可蘭經(jīng)》中所說的，“感受安拉的存在，永遠(yuǎn)誠實(shí)。”這也是我一直在試著做到的一點(diǎn)——盡我所能地說實(shí)話，謙恭地面對我們眼前的工作，牢牢地守住我的信念，相信這樣一點(diǎn)：作為人類之間我們共享的利益遠(yuǎn)比那些把我們分開的力量要強(qiáng)大得多。

此信仰部分根植于我自己的經(jīng)歷。我是個(gè)基督教徒，而我的父親來自一個(gè)肯尼亞家庭，世代都是穆斯林信徒。小時(shí)候，我在印度尼西亞生活過幾年，在黎明和黃昏都聽到azaan的呼喚。年輕時(shí)，我在芝加哥社區(qū)工作，在那里，許多人都從他們的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊嚴(yán)和平靜。

作為歷史專業(yè)的學(xué)生，我也知道文明對伊斯蘭教犯下的罪孽。是伊斯蘭教——在像艾資哈爾大學(xué)這樣的地方——展開幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的學(xué)習(xí)，為歐洲的文藝復(fù)興和啟蒙運(yùn)動鋪平了道路。是穆斯林社區(qū)的創(chuàng)新開發(fā)了數(shù)學(xué)秩序；磁羅盤和航海工具；鋼筆和印刷技藝；使我們了解疾病如何傳播，又該如何治療。伊斯蘭文化為我們提供了宏偉的拱門和直插云霄的尖頂；永恒的詩歌和珍貴的音樂；優(yōu)雅的書法和平靜思考的地方?？v觀整個(gè)歷史，伊斯蘭已經(jīng)通過文字和實(shí)際行動證明，宗教寬容和種族平等的可能性。

我知道，伊斯蘭也一直是美國歷史的一部分。第一個(gè)承認(rèn)我國的國家就是摩洛哥。1796年，我國第二任總統(tǒng)約翰·亞當(dāng)斯在簽署《黎波里條約》中寫道，“美國本身沒有反對法律、宗教或穆斯林寧靜的敵意性質(zhì)。”建國以來，伊斯蘭信徒為美國的富裕做出了貢獻(xiàn)。他們在我們的戰(zhàn)爭中戰(zhàn)斗；為政府工作；主張公民權(quán)利；開創(chuàng)企業(yè)；在大學(xué)教書；在我們的競技場表現(xiàn)突出；贏得諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)；建造我們最高的建筑，還點(diǎn)燃了奧運(yùn)火炬。最近第一位穆斯林-美國人被選入國會時(shí)，他宣誓捍衛(wèi)我們憲法所用的神圣《古蘭經(jīng)》，是我們的一位建國之父托馬斯·杰斐遜保存在自己私人圖書館中的。

在來到伊斯蘭教的發(fā)源地之前，我已經(jīng)在三個(gè)大洲上接觸過它。過去的經(jīng)歷使我堅(jiān)信，美國和伊斯蘭世界國家之間的合作關(guān)系必須建立在求同存異的基礎(chǔ)上。作為美利堅(jiān)合眾國的總統(tǒng)，我覺得我有責(zé)任消除人們心中對伊斯蘭教存有的成見。

但同樣的原則也適用于穆斯林對美國的看法上。正如穆斯林并不粗魯一樣，美國也并非一個(gè)自私自利的國家。在人類所取得的所有進(jìn)步中，美國的貢獻(xiàn)是非常之大的。我們也是通過抗?fàn)幉炮A得了獨(dú)立。我們的建國理念是人人生而平等，數(shù)個(gè)世紀(jì)以來，我們一直在為實(shí)現(xiàn)理想而斗爭，也為之拋灑過熱血——無論是在國內(nèi)，還是在全世界范圍內(nèi)。美國包容著多元的文化、吸引著來自世界各地的人，這一切都只為了實(shí)現(xiàn)一個(gè)簡單的理念：合眾為一：“眾人戮力，只為一心”（E pluribus unum: “Out of many, one.”）。

過去的一切已經(jīng)證明，一個(gè)名叫巴拉克·侯賽因·奧巴馬的非裔美國人也能被選為美國總統(tǒng)。但我個(gè)人的經(jīng)歷并沒有那么獨(dú)特。雖然并非每個(gè)在美國的人都能實(shí)現(xiàn)心中理想，但對于每個(gè)踏上美國土地的人來說，他們的夢想都會得到尊重——現(xiàn)在，包括近700萬在美國的穆斯林在內(nèi)的人都享受著比普通人更高的收入、更好的教育。

此外，美國的自由與實(shí)現(xiàn)宗教信仰自由密不可分。這就是美利堅(jiān)合眾國的每一個(gè)州都有一所清真寺的原因，我們國土上有1200多所清真寺。這同樣也是美國政府致力于保護(hù)婦女和少女有權(quán)戴穆斯林頭巾的原因，誰要是阻撓必將受到處罰。因此毫無疑問：伊斯蘭教是美國的一部分。我相信在美國這片土地堅(jiān)持真理，無論是什么人種、什么宗教或生活在何處，我們所有人都有共同的愿望——我們想要和平安寧的生活；我們想要接受教育和有尊嚴(yán)地工作；我們熱愛我們的家庭、社會和我們的神。這就是我們的共性。這就是我們?nèi)祟惖脑竿?/p>

當(dāng)然，認(rèn)識到人類的共性只是我們?nèi)蝿?wù)的開端。僅僅靠耍嘴皮子并不能滿足我們?nèi)嗣竦男枨?。只有?dāng)我們在接下來的幾年里大刀闊斧地行動；只有當(dāng)我們懂得面對的是人類共同的挑戰(zhàn)、認(rèn)識到無法滿足這些需求就是損害是我們?nèi)w利益的時(shí)候，人民的需求才能得以滿足。

二、我們需要共同面對的問題。

最近我們吸取到的經(jīng)驗(yàn)是，當(dāng)一個(gè)國家的金融體系削弱時(shí)，各地的繁榮也將受到打擊。當(dāng)一種新型流感感染了一個(gè)人，那么所有人都有危險(xiǎn)。當(dāng)一個(gè)國家推行核武器，那么所有國家遭到核武器襲擊的危險(xiǎn)性就提高了。當(dāng)極端分子在一片綿延的山區(qū)活動，那么大洋彼岸的人也會陷入危險(xiǎn)之中。而無辜的波斯尼亞和達(dá)爾富爾人被屠殺，成為我們公德心上的污點(diǎn)。這就是在21世紀(jì)共享同一個(gè)世界的含義。這是作為人類我們對彼此的責(zé)任。

這是一個(gè)很難履行的責(zé)任。人類歷史經(jīng)常記錄著民族和部落為了實(shí)現(xiàn)他們自己的利益而相互斗爭?？墒窃谶@個(gè)新的世紀(jì)，這種做法會弄巧成拙。因?yàn)槲覀兪窍嗷ヒ蕾嚨?，所以任何那一個(gè)國家或者組織的成員凌駕于其他人之上的行為必將失敗。因此，不管我們怎么看待過去，我們都不要束縛其中。我們的問題必須通過合作解決，必須共同進(jìn)步。

那不意味著我們會忽略緊張局勢源頭。實(shí)際正好相反：我們必須正視這些緊張事件。因此，在這種精神指引下，讓我對一些具體的問題盡可能清楚和明白的做出解釋，那就是，我相信我們最終必將共同面對。

我們必須面對的第一個(gè)問題是各種形式的暴力極端主義。

我曾在安卡拉明確表示，美國目前沒有，也不會和伊斯蘭世界開戰(zhàn)。然而，我們對那些給我們的安全造成極大威脅的暴力極端主義分子不會手軟。這是因?yàn)槲覀儾粴g迎那些全世界各種信仰的人民都不歡迎的事情：濫殺無辜的男女和兒童。作為總統(tǒng)我有義務(wù)保護(hù)美國人民。

目前阿富汗的局勢表明了美國的目標(biāo)，我們需要為此共同努力。七年前，美國對抗基地組織和塔利班的行動得到了國際社會的廣泛支持。在有些事情上面我們別無選擇，只能做出必要的行動。我知道有些人對9/11事件有疑問。但首先讓我們明確一點(diǎn)，基地組織在那一天殺死了大約3000人。這些受害者包括美國和其他國家的男女和兒童，這些無辜的人沒有做過任何傷害他人的事情。然而，基地組織選擇無情地殺害這些人，借此攻擊事件宣傳自己，即使現(xiàn)在仍堅(jiān)持大規(guī)模殺戮的理念。他們在各國都有分支機(jī)構(gòu)，并且正試圖擴(kuò)大勢力范圍。這些不是可以辯論的觀點(diǎn)，而是不容爭辯應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫教幚淼氖聦?shí)。不犯錯(cuò)誤：我們不想讓我們的軍隊(duì)駐扎在阿富汗。我們不想在那里有軍事基地。失去美國的年輕人對我們來說是痛苦難忍的。繼續(xù)這樣子的沖突代價(jià)太大，政治上也阻力重重。如果我們能夠自信的說，阿富汗和巴基斯坦沒有堅(jiān)決要?dú)⑺辣M可能多的美國人的暴力極端主義分子，那我們將非常樂意將軍隊(duì)里面的每一個(gè)人帶回家。但是現(xiàn)在，還不行。

所以我們會參加46個(gè)國家的聯(lián)合部隊(duì)。盡管付出了代價(jià)，美國的承諾不會變?nèi)酢Ｕ娴?，我們中的任何一個(gè)都不應(yīng)該容忍這些極端分子。他們在那么多國家殺人。他們殺死了不同信仰的人們，而其中最多的就是穆斯林。他們的行為對于人權(quán)，國家的進(jìn)步，還有伊斯蘭都是難以想象的?！豆盘m經(jīng)》教導(dǎo)說：如果殺了一個(gè)無辜者，那就好像殺死了全人類，而如果拯救了一個(gè)人，那就好像拯救了全人類。10億多人的持久的信念要比一部分人的狹隘的仇恨強(qiáng)大的多。與暴力極端主義分子的戰(zhàn)斗中，伊斯蘭不是其中的問題的一部分，而是促進(jìn)和平的重要的一部分。

我們也知道，單單就軍事力量是不能解決在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的問題的。所以我們計(jì)劃在未來的五年之內(nèi)，每年投資15億美元與巴基斯坦人們一起建造學(xué)校，醫(yī)院，道路，還有商業(yè)，還將投資數(shù)千萬來幫助流離失所的人們。所以我們會提供28億多美元來幫助阿富汗發(fā)展他們的經(jīng)濟(jì)和輸送人們?nèi)粘Ｐ枰脑O(shè)施。同時(shí)我也想談?wù)勔晾说膯栴}。與阿富汗不同，對伊拉克的戰(zhàn)爭是個(gè)可選項(xiàng)，是否應(yīng)當(dāng)開戰(zhàn)在我國和全球各地都有巨大分歧。雖然我相信，伊拉克人民在擺脫薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因的暴政統(tǒng)治后比以前過的好，但是我也相信，伊拉克事件提醒美國在有可能的情況下，應(yīng)選擇通過外交手段和建立國際共識的方式解決我們的問題。在此我想引用托馬斯·杰佛遜的話： “我希望我們的智慧可伴隨著我們的力量一起成長，并同時(shí)教導(dǎo)我們，使用的力量越少意味著我們越強(qiáng)?！? 今天，美國肩負(fù)著雙重責(zé)任：一是幫助伊拉克建立一個(gè)更美好的未來，二是把伊拉克交還給伊拉克人民。我已經(jīng)明確向伊拉克人民承諾，我們不會在伊拉克保留軍事基地，也不會爭奪其領(lǐng)土和資源。伊拉克是具有獨(dú)立主權(quán)的。這就是我下令在明年8月前撤走我們的作戰(zhàn)旅的原因。這也是我們履行我們和伊拉克民選政府的的協(xié)議。將于7月把作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)撤離主要城市，并且在2012年全部撤軍的原因。我們將幫助伊拉克建立自己的安全部隊(duì)并發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)。但是，我們只將作為維護(hù)伊拉克安全和統(tǒng)一的伙伴，并不會成為它的靠山。

最后，正如美國絕不容忍暴力極端主義分子，我們絕不會改變我們的原則。9/11對我國是一個(gè)巨大的創(chuàng)傷。由此引發(fā)的(對伊斯蘭世界的)恐懼和憤怒是可以理解的。但在某些情況下，這使我們的行為違背了我們的理想。我們正在采取切實(shí)行動轉(zhuǎn)變方向。我已經(jīng)明確禁止美國政府使用酷刑，并已經(jīng)下令在明年初關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄。

因此美國在保護(hù)自己的時(shí)候，會尊重其他國家的主權(quán)和法規(guī)。而且我們將和也遭受威脅的穆斯林共同體一起這么做。極端分子越早被穆斯林世界孤立和拒絕，我們大家就會越早得到安全。我們必須探討的第二個(gè)導(dǎo)致緊張局勢的主要源頭是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之間的情況。

眾所周知美國和以色列的緊密結(jié)合。這種結(jié)合是牢不可破的。它是基于文化和歷史的粘連，還有公認(rèn)的對猶太人家園的渴望，它根植在猶太民族悲慘的歷史里，不容否定。

全世界的猶太人被欺壓了幾千年，歐洲的反猶主義在一場空前的大屠殺中達(dá)到極致。明天我將訪問布赫瓦爾德集中營，它是猶太人被第三帝國奴役、折磨、射殺和關(guān)毒氣室屠殺的眾多集中營里的一個(gè)。600萬猶太人被屠殺－－比今天以色列國猶太人總?cè)丝谶€多。否定這些事實(shí)是毫無根據(jù)的、無知的、可惡的。以毀滅的言辭或重復(fù)關(guān)于猶太人的卑鄙的陳詞濫調(diào)來威脅以色列，是極端錯(cuò)誤的，而且只會喚起以色列人最慘痛的回憶，這將妨礙這個(gè)地區(qū)的人民得到本應(yīng)享有的和平。

另一方面，不可否認(rèn)，巴勒斯坦人民——穆斯林信徒和基督教徒——在尋求家園的過程中遭受了磨難。他們?nèi)淌芰肆嗄甑耐纯嗪?*。許多人在西方的難民營、在加沙以及周邊地區(qū)等待著他們從未享受過的和平安全的生活。他們每天都忍受著大大小小來自占領(lǐng)軍的屈辱。因此，毫無疑問，巴勒斯坦人民的處境是難以忍受的。美國不會背棄巴勒斯坦人尋求尊嚴(yán)、機(jī)會和自己國家的合法愿望。幾十年來，出現(xiàn)了一種僵局：兩國人民都有合法的愿望，每一個(gè)都飽含著痛苦的歷史，使得折中的希望渺茫。指指點(diǎn)點(diǎn)很容易——對巴勒斯坦人來說，你可以指出其流離失所是以色列建國所致；而對以色列人來說，你可以指出在其整個(gè)歷史中，它們在境內(nèi)外不斷受到敵視和攻擊。如果我們只從單方面來看待這個(gè)沖突，我們就會迷失真理：唯一的解決辦法是滿足兩國雙方的愿望，即以色列人和巴勒斯坦人各自和平安全地生活。

這是符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美國的利益，也符合世界的利益。正因?yàn)槿绱耍以敢飧冻鲞@項(xiàng)任務(wù)所需要的全部耐心，身體力行地追求這一結(jié)果。當(dāng)事雙方已經(jīng)同意執(zhí)行路線圖的義務(wù)是明確的。為了和平的到來，他們以及我們大家該履行我們的責(zé)任了。

巴勒斯坦人必須放棄暴力。通過暴力和殺戮進(jìn)行抵抗是錯(cuò)誤的，也不會成功。作為奴隸的美國黑人遭受幾個(gè)世紀(jì)鞭笞和隔離羞辱。但是，并不是通過暴力贏得了全面平等的權(quán)力。美國建國的中心就是堅(jiān)持和平和堅(jiān)定的理想。從南非到南亞，從東歐到印度尼西亞的人們都能講述同樣的故事。這是含有一個(gè)簡單真理的故事：暴力是一條走不通的死路。向熟睡的孩子發(fā)射火箭，或在公交車上炸死一位老婦人，既不是勇敢，也不是力量的象征。這不是道德權(quán)威所提倡的，而是道德權(quán)威所摒棄的。

現(xiàn)在是時(shí)候讓巴勒斯坦人把精力集中在他們所能創(chuàng)立的事情上了。巴勒斯坦當(dāng)局必須發(fā)展其管理的能力，要建立服務(wù)于人民的體系。一些巴勒斯坦人確實(shí)支持哈馬斯，而他們也有自己的職責(zé)。要想發(fā)揮自己的作用，實(shí)現(xiàn)巴基斯坦人的愿望，哈馬斯必須結(jié)束暴力、承認(rèn)過去的協(xié)議、承認(rèn)以色列的生存權(quán)。與此同時(shí)，以色列人也必須承認(rèn)，正如以色列的生存權(quán)不可否認(rèn)一樣，巴勒斯坦人的生存權(quán)同樣不可否認(rèn)。美國不承認(rèn)繼續(xù)建設(shè)以色列定居點(diǎn)的合法性。這項(xiàng)建設(shè)違反了以前的協(xié)定，破壞了實(shí)現(xiàn)和平的努力?，F(xiàn)在是這些定居點(diǎn)停建的時(shí)候了。

以色列同樣必須履行它的義務(wù)確保巴勒斯坦人民能夠生活、工作并發(fā)展自己的社會體制。就像加沙地帶摧毀巴勒斯坦居住區(qū)這樣的人道主義危機(jī)并不能保證以色列的安全；同時(shí)巴勒斯坦西岸地區(qū)也不會永遠(yuǎn)沒有和平的機(jī)會。改善巴勒斯坦人民的日常生活肯定是走向和平的必經(jīng)之路，而且以色列必須采取具體的行動作出這種改善。

最后，阿拉伯國家必須認(rèn)識到“阿拉伯和平倡議”是一個(gè)重要的開端，而不是結(jié)束他們的責(zé)任。阿拉伯和以色列間的沖突不應(yīng)該再成為阿拉伯人民關(guān)注的焦點(diǎn)。相反，它必定會引發(fā)一場行動幫助巴勒斯坦人民建立起維護(hù)他們國家的體制，這個(gè)行動也將使以色列得到合法承認(rèn)；這個(gè)行動選擇的是發(fā)展，從而結(jié)束了過去那種適得其反的糾纏。

美國將調(diào)整與尋求和平國家之間的外交政策，并且會公開和以色列、巴勒斯坦以及阿拉伯國家私下里的談話內(nèi)容。我們不會強(qiáng)求和平。但是私下里，許多穆斯林都認(rèn)識到以色列不會消失。同樣，許多以色列人也認(rèn)識到需要有一個(gè)巴勒斯坦國的存在。眾所周知，現(xiàn)在使我們真正采取行動的時(shí)候了。

人民流過的太多的眼淚，付出了太多的鮮血。我們大家為了目標(biāo)都有責(zé)任付出，為那一天，以色列和巴勒斯坦的母親們可以看著自己的孩子在免收恐懼的環(huán)境下長大;為那一天，三個(gè)偉大信仰的共同圣地成為上帝希望的和平之地；為那一天，耶路撒冷成為安全之地，成為猶太人，基督徒和穆斯林共同永久的家園，亞伯拉罕的子孫能如伊斯拉的故事中描述的一般聚集一處和平生活，摩西、耶穌和默罕默德(保佑他們)能夠一同參與祈禱。

第三個(gè)造成緊張局勢的原因是我們在核武問題上各國權(quán)利和責(zé)任的共同關(guān)注。

這一問題是美國和伊朗伊斯蘭共和國緊張局勢的根源。多年來，伊朗已經(jīng)明確表示反對我國，而且事實(shí)上我們之前的確有動蕩的過去。在冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期的中段，美國在推翻民選的伊朗政府上扮演了重要角色。伊朗伊斯蘭革命以來，伊朗持續(xù)劫持美國軍人和平民，并對他們使用暴力。這段歷史是眾所周知的。我已清楚地告訴伊朗的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和其人民，與其繼續(xù)陷于過去，不如向前邁進(jìn)，我的國家已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備好了。現(xiàn)在的問題不是伊朗反對什么，而是未來應(yīng)當(dāng)如何建設(shè)。

要克服幾十年的猜疑和不信任是困難的，但我們將憑借勇氣、正直和決心繼續(xù)前行。我們兩個(gè)國家之間會有很多議題需要探討，而且我們也原意在互相尊重的基礎(chǔ)上不附帶任何條件地推進(jìn)兩國的交流。然而對很顯然大家都關(guān)心的議題，比如核武器，我們已處在一個(gè)決定性時(shí)刻。這不只是簡單地關(guān)系到美國的利益。它關(guān)系到防止在中東地區(qū)展開核軍備競賽，那將導(dǎo)致這個(gè)地區(qū)以及全世界走向危險(xiǎn)之路。我理解有人抗議有些國家有核武器有些沒有。沒有單獨(dú)哪一個(gè)國家有權(quán)挑選和指定那些國家可以擁有核武器。這也是我為何著重重申美國的義務(wù)，尋求一個(gè)無核的世界。而且任何國家，包括伊朗，如果他們遵照自己在核不擴(kuò)散條約下應(yīng)負(fù)的責(zé)任，就應(yīng)該有權(quán)使用以和平為目的的核能。這個(gè)義務(wù)是條約的核心所在，而且所有完全遵守條約的國家必須保持下去。我希望這個(gè)地區(qū)所有的國家都能共享這個(gè)目標(biāo)。

我要談的第四個(gè)議題是民主。

我知道，近幾年曾有關(guān)于發(fā)揚(yáng)民主政治的爭論，其中大多數(shù)都與伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭有關(guān)。在這里允許我澄清一下：一個(gè)國家不能也不應(yīng)該將一種政治系統(tǒng)強(qiáng)加于另一個(gè)國家。

然而，這并不能削弱我的承諾：政府應(yīng)該代表人民的意愿。每個(gè)國家以自己的方式致力于這一準(zhǔn)則，不同的方式又以國家傳統(tǒng)為基礎(chǔ)。美國并不認(rèn)為自己通曉對所有人都有利的方式，就像我們不能預(yù)知一場順利的選舉的結(jié)果一樣。但是我有一個(gè)非常堅(jiān)定的信念，人民在渴望某種東西：可以表達(dá)思想的能力，以及評論自己如何被統(tǒng)治的能力；對于法律中的信心，以及相應(yīng)的對于正義的貫徹；透明的、并且不會被奪走的政府；選擇生活的自由。這些不僅僅是美國人的想法，而是人權(quán)，也是我們不管在哪里都支持它的原因。

實(shí)現(xiàn)諾言的道路并不平坦，但非常清晰：保護(hù)這些權(quán)利的政府更加穩(wěn)固、成功和安全。鎮(zhèn)壓思想的方法絕不會讓思想消失。美國尊重所有愛好和平并合法的聲音響徹全球，即便我們可能不同意這些想法。而且，我們歡迎所有民選的、愛好和平的政府——倘若他們也受到自己人民的愛戴。

最后這一點(diǎn)很重要，因?yàn)橛行┤酥挥性诓徽莆諜?quán)力的時(shí)候才鼓吹民主，一旦上了臺，他們就毫不留情地壓制別人的權(quán)利。無論在何處，民治與民有的政府為所有掌權(quán)者設(shè)立一條單一的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)：你必須籍由贊成而非威壓而保有權(quán)利；你必須尊重少數(shù)群體的權(quán)利，并懷著寬容與妥協(xié)的精神參與其中；你必須將人民的利益和政治過程的合法決議置于自己的政黨之上。沒有這些內(nèi)容，單靠選舉無法帶來真正的民主。

我們需要共同討論的第五個(gè)問題是宗教自由。

伊斯蘭教有著傲人的寬容傳統(tǒng)。在宗教裁判所時(shí)代，我們在安達(dá)盧西亞和科多巴（Andalusia and Cordoba）的歷史中可以看到這一點(diǎn)；當(dāng)我童年在印度尼西亞的時(shí)候，親眼看到這一點(diǎn)，在那里，在一個(gè)穆斯林占絕大多數(shù)的國家，虔誠的基督教徒可以自由地做禮拜。這是今天我們所需要的精神，每個(gè)國家的人民都應(yīng)當(dāng)可以自由地基于自己內(nèi)心和靈魂的信念選擇并堅(jiān)持自己的信仰。這種寬容對于宗教的興旺發(fā)達(dá)必不可少，但如今卻正受到多方挑戰(zhàn)。

在某些穆斯林當(dāng)中，有一種令人不安的傾向，那就是通過拒絕他人的信仰來衡量自己信仰的堅(jiān)定程度。我們必須支持豐富的宗教多樣性-無論是黎巴嫩的馬龍教派還是埃及的科普特教派。穆斯林當(dāng)中的錯(cuò)誤傾向也必須停止，我們看到，尤其在伊拉克，遜尼派和什葉派的分歧已經(jīng)導(dǎo)致了悲劇性的暴力沖突。宗教信仰自由是人們能在一起生活的核心問題，我們要永遠(yuǎn)對這一點(diǎn)保持關(guān)注。比如在美國，法規(guī)使得穆斯林很難履行自己的宗教義務(wù)。這就是為何我會承諾與美國的穆斯林一同工作，以來確保他們可以完成自己的扎卡特（天課）。同樣，還有一點(diǎn)很重要，西方國家應(yīng)避免僅憑自身好惡妨而礙到穆斯林民眾的宗教修行，比如，討論穆斯林婦女應(yīng)有的穿著。我們不能假借自由之名來掩飾自己的敵意，對宗教進(jìn)行攻擊。的確，信任會將我們帶到一起。這就是我們在美國建立將基督教、伊斯蘭教和猶太教的信徒帶到一起的公共機(jī)構(gòu)工程的原因所在。我們歡迎像沙特阿拉伯國王易卜拉欣的不同宗教間的對話，我們歡迎像土耳其領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層的不同文明聯(lián)盟。在全球領(lǐng)域，我們可以把對話轉(zhuǎn)在不同信仰之間的機(jī)構(gòu)內(nèi)進(jìn)行，因此這種橋梁才能讓不同信仰的人們沖破彼此的隔膜。--不論是對非洲的抵抗瘧疾行動還是在對自然災(zāi)害后提供的援助上。

我要說的第六點(diǎn)是關(guān)于婦女的權(quán)利。

現(xiàn)在讓我澄清一下：女性平等問題絕不僅僅是伊斯蘭世界的問題。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉國和印度尼西亞，我們已經(jīng)看到這些穆斯林占多數(shù)的國家選出了女性領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。同時(shí)，在美國生活的很多方面，以及在全球各國，爭取女性平等的斗爭還在繼續(xù)。

我們的女兒也能像我們的兒子那樣為社會做出同樣的貢獻(xiàn)，并且允許所有人（男人和女人）發(fā)揮自己最大的潛力，將會推動我們的共同繁榮。我不認(rèn)為女性為了平等必須做出和男性一樣的選擇，并且我尊重那些生活中選擇傳統(tǒng)角色的女性。但是這應(yīng)該由女性自己決定。正因?yàn)槿绱?，美國將和所有穆斯林占多?shù)的國家一道，幫助減少女孩文盲，并且通過小額貸款幫助人們實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的夢想，幫助年輕女性追求自己的職業(yè)生涯。

最后，我想談?wù)劷?jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展和機(jī)會。

在教育方面，我們將擴(kuò)大互換學(xué)生項(xiàng)目，并且增加獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，就像當(dāng)年把家父帶到美國的那筆獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金，同時(shí)鼓勵(lì)更多美國人來穆斯林地區(qū)學(xué)習(xí)。而且我們還將為有前途的穆斯林學(xué)生安排在美國的實(shí)習(xí)機(jī)會；為全世界的教師和學(xué)生投資聯(lián)網(wǎng)在線學(xué)習(xí)項(xiàng)目；創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的在線網(wǎng)絡(luò)，以便一個(gè)遠(yuǎn)在堪薩斯州的孩子能和身處開羅的同齡人即時(shí)通訊。

在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展方面，我們將創(chuàng)立一種新的商業(yè)志愿者團(tuán)體，和以穆斯林為主體的國家的商業(yè)組織合作。而且我還將在今年召開企業(yè)家峰會，來確定我們將如何加深美國、穆斯林國家和全世界范圍內(nèi)的商業(yè)領(lǐng)袖、創(chuàng)業(yè)者和企業(yè)家之間的紐帶關(guān)系。在科學(xué)和技術(shù)方面，我們將在以穆斯林為主的國家推行一個(gè)新的基金來支持他們的科技發(fā)展，并幫助把科技理念轉(zhuǎn)化到市場上去，以便創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機(jī)會。我們還將在非洲、中東和東南亞開設(shè)優(yōu)秀科技中心，并任命新的科學(xué)特使來合作開展項(xiàng)目，包括發(fā)展新能源、創(chuàng)造環(huán)保的工作崗位、數(shù)字化唱片、清潔飲用水和引入新農(nóng)作物。今天我還宣布了一項(xiàng)新的全球性措施，計(jì)劃和伊斯蘭會議組織共同努力消除腦灰質(zhì)炎疾病。我們還將拓展和穆斯林團(tuán)體的合作來促進(jìn)兒童和孕婦的健康。

三、讓美國與穆斯林世界攜手前進(jìn)。

所有這些事情都必須通過合作完成。美國人民已經(jīng)準(zhǔn)備好了，在全球范圍內(nèi)與其他市民、政府一起，與社區(qū)組織、宗教領(lǐng)袖一起，與穆斯林世界的企業(yè)一起，幫助人民追求更好的生活。

我所描述的問題并不是很容易能解決的。但是，為了我們尋求的世界，我們有責(zé)任攜起手來，使得在這個(gè)世界上，極端分子不再威脅我們的人民，美國的士兵們都回到家鄉(xiāng)；使得在這個(gè)世界上，以色列和巴勒斯坦的人民都可以在自己的土地上安全生活，核能源都被和平的使用；使得在這個(gè)世界上，政府為人民服務(wù)，諸神的子孫的權(quán)利都得到尊重。這些是我們的共同利益。這是我們所尋求的世界。但是，只有我們一起努力才能做到。

我知道有很多人，既有穆斯林也有非穆斯林，對我們有疑問，質(zhì)疑我們是否能夠建立新的開端。一些急性子的人點(diǎn)燃了怒火阻擋了我們前進(jìn)的道路。有人告訴我們，這樣的努力并不值得，人民注定會有反對的聲音，文明之間注定會發(fā)生沖突。有更多的人只是懷疑是否真能產(chǎn)生變化。有如此多的擔(dān)心，如此多的不信任。但是，如果選擇被過去束縛，我們將永遠(yuǎn)無法向前邁進(jìn)。我尤其要強(qiáng)調(diào)的是，各國各信仰的年輕人們，你們比其他任何人都有能力來改變這個(gè)世界。我們每個(gè)人都只能在這世界上停留一瞬。在這有限的時(shí)間里，我們到底是要彼此排斥，還是要共同努力、不停地尋求共識，為了我們子孫的未來和全體人類的尊嚴(yán)而奮斗。

發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭比結(jié)束它們更容易；責(zé)備他人比審視自我更容易；挑剔別人比尋求共識更容易。但我們不僅要去做容易做到的事，更要去做正確的事。每種宗教都遵守著同樣一條原則——己所不欲，勿施于人。這一真理超越了國界和種族——它自古就存在著；它也不為黑人、白人抑或褐色人種所獨(dú)有；它更不是基督徒、穆斯林或猶太人的專利。它是自文明之始就跳動著的信仰，至今仍存在于億萬人的心中。是它讓人們對他人充滿了信心，今天，也正是它把我?guī)У搅诉@里。我們有能力改造世界，但在我們立志要開創(chuàng)一項(xiàng)事業(yè)的同時(shí)，也必須銘記我們所受過的教誨。

《古蘭經(jīng)》上說：“眾人啊！我確已從一男一女創(chuàng)造你們，我使你們成為許多民族和宗族，以便你們互相認(rèn)識?！? 《猶太法典》上說：“所有教律都是為了促進(jìn)和平?！?/p>

《圣經(jīng)》上說：“使人和睦的人有福了，因?yàn)樗麄儽胤Q為神的兒子。” 世界上的人們必能和睦相處。這是上帝的遠(yuǎn)見。所以現(xiàn)在，也必須由我們?yōu)橹?。謝謝你們。愿上帝賜和平于汝。

第五篇：奧巴馬開羅大學(xué)演講（范文模版）

Good afternoon.I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.For over a thousand years, Al—Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning;and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world — tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate.The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim—majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims.The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights.All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity.And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.Instead, they overlap, and share common principles — principles of justice and progress;tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors.There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other;to learn from each other;to respect one another;and to seek common ground.As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.” That is what I will try to do today — to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience.I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims.As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.It was Islam — at places like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment.It was innovation in Muslim communities — it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra;our magnetic compass and tools of navigation;our mastery of pens and printing;our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires;timeless poetry and cherished music;elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims.” And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers — Thomas Jefferson — kept in his personal library.So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed.That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.We were born out of revolution against an empire.We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words — within our borders, and around the world.We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum — “Out of many, one.” Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.But my personal story is not so unique.The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores — and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations — to live in peace and security;to get an education and to work with dignity;to love our families, our communities, and our God.These things we share.This is the hope of all humanity.Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people.These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead;and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean.When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century.That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes — and, yes, religions — subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail.So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it.Our problems must be dealt with through partnership;our progress must be shared.Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension.Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely.And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.In Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at war with Islam.We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security — because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children.And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together.Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support.We did not go by choice;we went because of necessity.I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody.And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale.They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.These are not opinions to be debated;these are facts to be dealt with.Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan.We see no military — we seek no military bases there.It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women.It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can.But that is not yet the case.And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists.They have killed in many countries.They have killed people of different faiths — but more than any other, they have killed Muslims.Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as — it is as if he has killed all mankind.And the Holy Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism — it is an important part of promoting peace.Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.Let me also address the issue of Iraq.Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: “I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.” Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future — and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.Iraq's sovereignty is its own.And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy.But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles.Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.We are taking concrete actions to change course.I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.This bond is unbreakable.It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.Six million Jews were killed — more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful.Threatening Israel with destruction — or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews —is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people — Muslims and Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation.Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.They endure the daily humiliations — large and small — that come with occupation.So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.It's easy to point fingers — for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires.The obligations — the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear.For peace to come, it is time for them — and all of us — to live up to our responsibilities.Palestinians must abandon violence.Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia;from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end.It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.That's not how moral authority is claimed;that's how it is surrendered.Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people.Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities.To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.It is time for these settlements to stop.And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security;neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.The Arab—Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.We cannot impose peace.But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.Too many tears have been shed.Too much blood has been shed.All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government.Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage—taking and violence against U.S.troops and civilians.This history is well known.Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve.There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.This is not simply about America's interests.It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.And any nation — including Iran — should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people;the freedom to live as you choose.These are not just American ideas;they are human rights.And that is why we will support them everywhere.Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments — provided they govern with respect for all their people.This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power;once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion;you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition.I saw it first-hand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.That is the spirit we need today.People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.The richness of religious diversity must be upheld — whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit — for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.In fact, faith should bring us together.And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations.Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action — whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.I know, I know — and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue.I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim—majority countries elect a woman to lead.Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity — men and women — to reach their full potential.I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles.But it should be their choice.And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim—majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro—financing that helps people live their dreams.Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities.In all nations – including America – this change can bring fear.Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.There need not be contradiction between development and tradition.Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures.The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim—majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development.But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas.I am emphasizing such investment within my country.And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to his part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities.And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America;invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world;and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim—majority countries.And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim—majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs.We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops.Today, I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio.And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.All these things must be done in partnership.Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments, community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home;a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes;a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.Those are mutual interests.That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together.I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning.Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash.Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur.There is so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years.But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.It's easier to start wars than to end them.It's easier to blame others than to look inward.It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new;that isn't black or white or brown;that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew.It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.The Holy Quran tells us, “O mankind!We have created you male and a female;and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.” The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.” The Holy Bible tells us, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.” The people of the world can live together in peace.We know that is God's vision.Now, that must be our work here on Earth.Thank you.And may God's peace be upon you.Thank you very much.Thank you.