第一篇：對(duì)羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)就職演講的批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析

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對(duì)羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)就職演講的批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析 作者：白意良

來(lái)源：《現(xiàn)代交際》2012年第06期

［摘要］批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析作為一種較新的語(yǔ)言研究方法，常常用于分析政治語(yǔ)篇。本文將以系統(tǒng)功能語(yǔ)法為基礎(chǔ)，批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析為框架，從詞匯、及物性及情態(tài)三個(gè)方面對(duì)羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)第一次就職演講進(jìn)行分析，將語(yǔ)篇分析理論與當(dāng)時(shí)美國(guó)所面臨的重大經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)問(wèn)題相結(jié)合，綜合考量羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)的就職演講中語(yǔ)言特色和不同之處，找出其廣受歡迎、大獲成功的原因。［關(guān)鍵詞］批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析 詞匯 物性 情態(tài)

［中圖分類(lèi)號(hào)］H052 ［文獻(xiàn)標(biāo)識(shí)碼］A ［文章編號(hào)］1009-5349（2012）06－0039－02引言

批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析（Critical Discourse Analysis）作為一種較新的語(yǔ)言研究方法最早由N.Fowler等人在《語(yǔ)言和控制》（Language and Control）一書(shū)中提出。批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析也被稱(chēng)為批評(píng)語(yǔ)言學(xué)或批評(píng)語(yǔ)篇分析，是一門(mén)多學(xué)科的研究，涉及了心理學(xué)、語(yǔ)言學(xué)、社會(huì)學(xué)、傳媒學(xué)等多個(gè)學(xué)科。其理論基礎(chǔ)是韓禮德的系統(tǒng)功能語(yǔ)言學(xué)，起源于西方馬克思主義，旨在透過(guò)語(yǔ)言表面的形式，從多個(gè)維度揭示話語(yǔ)、權(quán)力及意識(shí)形態(tài)之間的關(guān)系。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)前，一些批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析的原則已經(jīng)在法蘭克福學(xué)派的相關(guān)理論中得到體現(xiàn)。

自誕生之日起，批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析就展現(xiàn)了強(qiáng)大的生命力，上世紀(jì)末在歐洲國(guó)家得到大力的推廣和發(fā)展。隨著幾位主流語(yǔ)言學(xué)家Fairclough，Wodak，van Dijk和Fowler對(duì)該領(lǐng)域?qū)W術(shù)研究的不斷深入，越來(lái)越多的專(zhuān)家、學(xué)者投入到研究和實(shí)踐的隊(duì)伍中，相關(guān)學(xué)術(shù)著作不斷增多，國(guó)際性合作項(xiàng)目不斷出現(xiàn)，逐步形成了一股世界性的研究熱潮。隨著1991年阿姆斯特丹批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析專(zhuān)題研討會(huì)的召開(kāi)、《語(yǔ)言與權(quán)力》（Fairclough 1989）和《語(yǔ)言、權(quán)力與意識(shí)形態(tài)》（Wodak 1989）等幾本重要著作的出版，標(biāo)志著批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析開(kāi)始形成一個(gè)系統(tǒng)的網(wǎng)絡(luò)逐步走向成熟。近幾年來(lái)，國(guó)內(nèi)很多研究者也對(duì)該學(xué)術(shù)領(lǐng)域產(chǎn)生了濃厚的興趣。辛斌、戴煒華、葉起昌、紀(jì)玉華等學(xué)者對(duì)批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析在國(guó)內(nèi)的引進(jìn)、傳播和發(fā)展作出了突出貢獻(xiàn)。

一、分析框架

辛斌（2005：24）指出目前批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析還未構(gòu)成一套完整的方法論，因此只能在方法上采取拿來(lái)主義。批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析旨在揭示話語(yǔ)、權(quán)力及意識(shí)形態(tài)三者之間的關(guān)系。語(yǔ)篇，尤其政治語(yǔ)篇是多維度的和多功能的，因此對(duì)于語(yǔ)篇的分析不僅僅要研究語(yǔ)言本身，更為重要的是需著眼于話語(yǔ)的實(shí)踐過(guò)程及其發(fā)生的社會(huì)語(yǔ)境分析。批評(píng)語(yǔ)言學(xué)認(rèn)為語(yǔ)言是一個(gè)多功能的系統(tǒng)，因此Halliday的系統(tǒng)功能語(yǔ)言學(xué)自然就成為了它的理論依據(jù)和方法來(lái)源。

二、語(yǔ)料分析

富蘭克林?羅斯福，美國(guó)歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)之一，于1933年以絕對(duì)優(yōu)勢(shì)擊敗前任胡佛，成為美國(guó)第32屆總統(tǒng)。羅斯福在1933年3月4日發(fā)表的演講《我們唯一害怕的就是害怕本身》則成為了經(jīng)典，下文作者將以這篇演講為語(yǔ)料，以系統(tǒng)功能語(yǔ)法中的三大純理功能為理論依據(jù)，從詞匯、及物性和情態(tài)系統(tǒng)三個(gè)方面進(jìn)行分析。

（一）詞匯

語(yǔ)言是一種人類(lèi)對(duì)世界體驗(yàn)的反映，其中涉及的詞匯包含物質(zhì)、關(guān)系、概念的系統(tǒng)和信息傳遞的過(guò)程。詞匯是人們用來(lái)表達(dá)世界的重要工具，而在政治語(yǔ)篇尤其是總統(tǒng)發(fā)表的演說(shuō)中，詞匯充當(dāng)著演講者向受眾傳遞信息的工具，同時(shí)演講中蘊(yùn)含的觀點(diǎn)和意識(shí)形態(tài)也會(huì)通過(guò)演講者所選擇的詞匯體現(xiàn)出來(lái)。羅斯福在第一次就職演講中通過(guò)選擇不同的詞匯鮮明地亮出了自己的觀點(diǎn)，實(shí)現(xiàn)了自己的政治目的。

羅斯福運(yùn)用多種具有不同感情色彩的詞語(yǔ)以適應(yīng)不同語(yǔ)境、不同政治需求。例如，使用terror、retreat、dark、difficulties、curtailment、withered leaves等具有消極感情色彩的詞匯，揭示整個(gè)國(guó)家面臨的嚴(yán)重問(wèn)題；當(dāng)作者嚴(yán)詞譴責(zé)那些貪婪的商人、無(wú)能的政客和部分自私幼稚的美國(guó)人沒(méi)有為自己的國(guó)家作出應(yīng)有的貢獻(xiàn)時(shí)，選用了stubbornness、incompetence、failure、unscrupulous、indicted等詞語(yǔ)。與之相反，當(dāng)談及人民的信心、民眾的支持以及國(guó)家的未來(lái)時(shí)，羅斯福頻繁使用candor、decision、firm、belief、support、revive、prosper等具有積極感情色彩的詞匯?？傊?，演講者會(huì)根據(jù)不同的語(yǔ)言環(huán)境和特定的政治意圖選擇使用不同詞匯和表達(dá)方式。

（二）及物性分析

在傳統(tǒng)語(yǔ)法中，及物性是一種能夠根據(jù)是否接續(xù)賓語(yǔ)而區(qū)分動(dòng)詞間差別的研究工具。若一個(gè)動(dòng)詞后可以接賓語(yǔ)，那么它就是及物動(dòng)詞，反之就是非及物動(dòng)詞。然而在系統(tǒng)功能語(yǔ)法中，及物性系統(tǒng)卻是一個(gè)語(yǔ)意系統(tǒng)，旨在把人類(lèi)經(jīng)驗(yàn)世界中的感官和行為分成容易操作的一組過(guò)程，并表明各種過(guò)程的參與者和環(huán)境成分。及物系統(tǒng)中主要有六種過(guò)程：物質(zhì)過(guò)程、心理過(guò)程、關(guān)系過(guò)程、言語(yǔ)過(guò)程和存在過(guò)程。作者根據(jù)羅斯福此篇演講的特點(diǎn)，將分別對(duì)語(yǔ)篇中出現(xiàn)的三種主要過(guò)程進(jìn)行及物性分析。物質(zhì)過(guò)程、心理過(guò)程、關(guān)系過(guò)程在此篇演講中出現(xiàn)的次數(shù)和所占比例統(tǒng)計(jì)如下：

我們不難看出，物質(zhì)過(guò)程占用的篇幅最大，其次是心理過(guò)程和關(guān)系過(guò)程，三種過(guò)程加起來(lái)占所有過(guò)程的88.7%。

1.物質(zhì)過(guò)程。物質(zhì)過(guò)程（material process）是表示做某件事的過(guò)程，涉及兩個(gè)參與者：動(dòng)作者（actor）和目標(biāo)（goal），通常借助動(dòng)詞來(lái)表現(xiàn)。下面將選取兩句加以分析：“We must act and act quickly”和“I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time”當(dāng)羅斯福談到新一屆政府即將采取的措施以及自己堅(jiān)定不移的信念和決心時(shí)，使用物質(zhì)過(guò)程，增強(qiáng)了演講的煽動(dòng)力和感染力，突出了政治語(yǔ)篇的威嚴(yán)和莊重。此外，兩個(gè)過(guò)程中的動(dòng)作者分別選用了we和

I。前者因?yàn)榱_斯福需要號(hào)召全體美國(guó)人民行動(dòng)起來(lái)，共同對(duì)抗危機(jī)；后者由于他必須以堅(jiān)決、鐵腕的形象示人。

2.心理過(guò)程。心理過(guò)程（mental process）是感覺(jué)、反應(yīng)和認(rèn)知的過(guò)程，例如想象、思考、感受等等。其中涉及兩個(gè)參與者：一是人類(lèi)或擬人化的感覺(jué)者（sensor），另一個(gè)是被感知、思考或看見(jiàn)的對(duì)象（phenomenon），即心理活動(dòng)的客體。作者多次使用心理過(guò)程，例如“…we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population”，“we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other”等。眾所周知，1933年的美國(guó)深陷經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)，經(jīng)濟(jì)蕭條，民生凋敝，羅斯福繼任美國(guó)總統(tǒng)后的首要任務(wù)就是出臺(tái)有力政策，復(fù)興美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)。而要想使這些措施得以順利推行，他需要把自己對(duì)此次危機(jī)的認(rèn)知表達(dá)出來(lái)，以期得到美國(guó)人民的認(rèn)同及支持。在及物系統(tǒng)的6種主要過(guò)程中，心理過(guò)程恰恰迎合了演講者的此種需求，因此占用了較多的篇幅。

3.關(guān)系過(guò)程。關(guān)系過(guò)程（relational process）是指反映事物之間處于何種關(guān)系的過(guò)程，可分為歸屬性（attributive）關(guān)系過(guò)程和識(shí)別性（identifying）關(guān)系過(guò)程，前者對(duì)事物進(jìn)行描述，以載體（carrier）和屬性（attribute）為參與者；而后者則對(duì)事物進(jìn)行限定，以識(shí)別者

（identified）和被識(shí)別者（identifier）為參與者。當(dāng)羅斯福談及當(dāng)時(shí)的形勢(shì)時(shí)，對(duì)美國(guó)糟糕的金融、貿(mào)易等經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況直言不諱，因此歸屬性關(guān)系過(guò)程是最佳的選擇。例如：“…the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade…the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.”而當(dāng)為了消除大蕭條給美國(guó)人帶來(lái)對(duì)未來(lái)前景的巨大恐懼和不安時(shí)，羅斯福說(shuō)出了那句名言：“the only thing we have to fear is fear itself”。通過(guò)使用關(guān)系過(guò)程可以增強(qiáng)界定和評(píng)價(jià)的客觀性，有助于使美國(guó)人民相信，只有戰(zhàn)勝恐懼才能擺脫危機(jī)。

（三）情態(tài)系統(tǒng)

情態(tài)系統(tǒng)可以借助人稱(chēng)代詞、時(shí)態(tài)、情態(tài)動(dòng)詞、情態(tài)形容詞、情態(tài)副詞等來(lái)表達(dá)人際功能。由于篇幅所限，作者僅對(duì)其中的幾項(xiàng)進(jìn)行分析。

1.人稱(chēng)代詞。人稱(chēng)代詞能夠反映人們之間的社會(huì)地位、親疏程度及權(quán)力關(guān)系。英語(yǔ)中“we”“our”“us”可根據(jù)是否包含聽(tīng)話者分為外排性（exclusive）和內(nèi)包性（inclusive）。前者將聽(tīng)話者排除在外，易使聽(tīng)者產(chǎn)生厭惡和反感。例如：“We all hate you”；后者則意在拉近與對(duì)方的距離，例如：“Let us read it together”。為了贏得更多美國(guó)人的支持，羅斯福大量地使用內(nèi)包性第一人稱(chēng)復(fù)數(shù)代詞“we”和“our”，囊括了所有的美國(guó)人，旨在使大家團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)，休戚與共，果斷、迅速地采取各種行動(dòng)，挽救危機(jī)中的美國(guó)。而對(duì)大蕭條的始作俑者，自私、固執(zhí)地掌握人類(lèi)物品交換的統(tǒng)治者，作者使用了人稱(chēng)代詞“they”和“their”，表達(dá)了對(duì)其卑劣行徑的憎惡和不滿。

2.時(shí)態(tài)。英語(yǔ)中的時(shí)態(tài)可以表達(dá)除時(shí)間概念以外的很多功能，尤其現(xiàn)在時(shí)的運(yùn)用在批評(píng)語(yǔ)篇分析中具有很高的研究?jī)r(jià)值，它能夠表示始終存續(xù)的狀態(tài)、一般性的真理、習(xí)慣性的動(dòng)作和行為等。

羅斯福第一次就職演講幾乎通篇使用現(xiàn)在時(shí)，如：“Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money;it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.”為了使人們能夠重新振作起來(lái)，羅斯福道出了幸福不僅來(lái)源于擁有錢(qián)財(cái)，更來(lái)自有所成就后的快感這一真理。他鼓勵(lì)美國(guó)人民改變?cè)械牡赖掠^念，增強(qiáng)榮譽(yù)感和責(zé)任心，辛勤勞動(dòng)，自強(qiáng)不息；同時(shí)還告誡人們不要過(guò)于沉溺于追求物質(zhì)財(cái)富。

3.情態(tài)動(dòng)詞。情態(tài)動(dòng)詞本身有詞義，表示說(shuō)話人的預(yù)期或情態(tài)，但詞義不完全并且無(wú)法單獨(dú)作為謂語(yǔ)動(dòng)詞使用，通常只能與動(dòng)詞原形一同組成謂語(yǔ)動(dòng)詞。語(yǔ)料中主要情態(tài)動(dòng)詞出現(xiàn)頻率如下：

此篇演講中，使用頻度最高的情態(tài)動(dòng)詞是“can”，在文中共出現(xiàn)13次。在政治演講中的肯定句里使用“can”表示有能力或有機(jī)會(huì)完成某事。當(dāng)羅斯福發(fā)表第一次就職演講時(shí)，正處于非常時(shí)期的美國(guó)爆發(fā)了人類(lèi)有史以來(lái)的最大一次經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)，遇到了前所未有的政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)難題。作為美國(guó)的新任總統(tǒng)，羅斯福必須為他的國(guó)家和人民打氣，使他們相信自己的國(guó)家能夠通過(guò)推行一系列政策和措施，消除危機(jī)帶來(lái)的負(fù)面影響?！癿ust”語(yǔ)氣最強(qiáng)，在文中共出現(xiàn)9次，一方面突出了總統(tǒng)羅斯福作為美國(guó)元首的權(quán)威地位，另一方面表明了羅斯福要與美國(guó)人民同舟共濟(jì)、共同戰(zhàn)勝危機(jī)的決心。

三、結(jié)語(yǔ)

本文通過(guò)羅斯福的第一次就職演講淺析批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析的理論基礎(chǔ)、分析框架及其應(yīng)用，發(fā)現(xiàn)演講者可以通過(guò)使用特殊的詞匯、及物性系統(tǒng)和情態(tài)等工具達(dá)到自己的目的：感染和說(shuō)服民眾，使民眾在經(jīng)過(guò)精心設(shè)計(jì)的強(qiáng)大語(yǔ)言攻勢(shì)下，與總統(tǒng)的思維達(dá)成一致。總之批評(píng)話語(yǔ)分析為語(yǔ)篇分析提供了新的分析工具和視角，能夠?qū)⒄卧捳Z(yǔ)中的意識(shí)形態(tài)與語(yǔ)言間的隱性關(guān)系展現(xiàn)給讀者，使其知曉語(yǔ)篇作者如何利用語(yǔ)言策略及技巧達(dá)到自己的目的。

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

[1]Halliday,M.A.K.An Introduction to Functional Grammar[M].Beijing：Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press,1994.[2]Fowler,R.Hodge B.Kress G.& Trew,T.Language and Control[C].London:Routledge and Kegan Paul,1979.[3]Vail Dijk,T.A.Critical discourse analysis[A].Tannen.(ed.)Handbook of Discourse Analysis

[C].Oxford:Blackwell,1998．

[4]辛斌.批評(píng)語(yǔ)言學(xué)：理論與應(yīng)用[M].上海:上海外語(yǔ)教育出版社,2005.[5]辛斌.批評(píng)性語(yǔ)篇分析方法論[J].外國(guó)語(yǔ),2002.[6]辛斌.批評(píng)性語(yǔ)篇分析：?jiǎn)栴}與討論[J].外國(guó)語(yǔ),2004.[7]楊玉晨.語(yǔ)篇分析：理論與實(shí)踐[M].長(zhǎng)春:東北師范大學(xué)出版社,2004.

第二篇：羅斯福就職演講

羅斯福全名：富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt)(1882—1945)18歲時(shí)考入哈佛大學(xué)，攻讀政治，歷史和新聞專(zhuān)業(yè)，又在哥倫比亞大學(xué)攻讀法律。后來(lái)從政，先后任過(guò)紐約州參議員和州長(zhǎng)。中年時(shí)，他因患 脊髓灰質(zhì)炎(Poliomyelitis、Polio)，雙腿癱瘓，只能以輪椅代步。他任美國(guó)總統(tǒng)期間，實(shí)行新政，維護(hù)了美國(guó)資本主義制度，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)美國(guó)參加世界人民反法西斯戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，并取得勝利。

President Hoover, Mr Chief Justice, my friends: this is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the presidency, I will address them with a candour and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is pre-eminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itselfnarrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of Americabroad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication-in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

第三篇：羅斯福就職演講

羅斯福就職演講

胡佛總統(tǒng)，首席法官先生，朋友們： 今天，對(duì)我們的國(guó)家來(lái)說(shuō)，是一個(gè)神圣的日子．我肯定，同胞們都期待我在 就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，會(huì)像我國(guó)目前形勢(shì)所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話．現(xiàn)在 正是坦白、勇敢地說(shuō)出實(shí)話，說(shuō)出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻．我們不必畏首畏尾，不 老老實(shí)實(shí)面對(duì)我國(guó)今天的情況．這個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家會(huì)一如既往地堅(jiān)持下去，它會(huì)復(fù) 興和繁榮起來(lái)．因此，讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是 害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無(wú)根據(jù)的恐懼，它把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需 的種種努力化為泡影．凡在我國(guó)生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻，坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得 到過(guò)人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件．我相信，在目前危 急時(shí)刻，大家會(huì)再次給予同樣的支持． 我和你們都要以這種精神，來(lái)面對(duì)我們共同的困難．感謝上帝，這些困難只 是物質(zhì)方面的．價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了；我們的支付能力下降了； 各級(jí)政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿(mào)易過(guò)程中遭到了凍結(jié)；工業(yè)企業(yè) 枯萎的落葉到處可見(jiàn)； 農(nóng)場(chǎng)主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷(xiāo)路； 千家萬(wàn)戶多年的積蓄付之東流． 更重要的是，大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問(wèn)題，還有大批公民正以艱辛 的勞動(dòng)換取微薄的報(bào)酬．只有愚蠢的樂(lè)天派會(huì)否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)． 但是，我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)槿狈ξ镔Y．我們沒(méi)有遭到什么蝗蟲(chóng)的災(zāi)害．我 們的先輩曾以信念和無(wú)畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安，比起他們經(jīng)歷過(guò)的險(xiǎn)阻，我們?nèi)源罂?感到欣慰．大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類(lèi)的努力已使之倍增．富足的情景近在 咫尺，但就在我們見(jiàn)到這種 情景的時(shí)候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去．這主要是因 為主宰人類(lèi)物資交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了，他們固執(zhí)己見(jiàn)而又無(wú)能為力，因而已經(jīng) 認(rèn)定失敗了，并撒手不管了．貪得無(wú)厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑．將受到輿論法 庭的起訴，將受到人類(lèi)心靈理智的唾棄． 是的，他們是努力過(guò)，然而他們用的是一種完全過(guò)時(shí)的方法．面對(duì)信貸的失 敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢(qián)．沒(méi)有了當(dāng)誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯(cuò)誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo) 的金錢(qián)，他們只得求助于講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心．他們只知自我 追求者們的處世規(guī)則．他們沒(méi)有眼光，而沒(méi)有眼光的人是要滅亡的． 如今，貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃．我們要以千古不變的 真理來(lái)重建這座廟宇． 衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現(xiàn)比金錢(qián)利益更高尚的社會(huì)價(jià) 值的程度． 幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢(qián)；幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創(chuàng)造努 力時(shí)
的激情．務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來(lái)的喜悅和激勵(lì)，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即
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逝的利潤(rùn)．如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們真正的天命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍 奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù)，那么，我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的． 認(rèn)識(shí)到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的，我們就會(huì)拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè) 人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，來(lái)衡量公職和高級(jí)政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念；我們必須制止銀行 界和企業(yè)界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無(wú)情和自私的不正當(dāng)行 為．難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠(chéng)實(shí)、信譽(yù)、忠心維護(hù)和無(wú)私履行職責(zé)．而 沒(méi)有這些，就不可能有信心． 但是，復(fù)興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念．這個(gè)國(guó)家要求行動(dòng)起來(lái)，現(xiàn)在就行動(dòng) 起來(lái)． 我們最大、最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作．只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個(gè)問(wèn)題就可以解決．這可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象對(duì)待臨戰(zhàn)的緊要關(guān) 頭一樣，但同時(shí)，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源 的工程． 我們齊心協(xié)力，但必須坦白地承認(rèn)工業(yè)中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國(guó)范 圍內(nèi)重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發(fā)表?yè)]更大作用． 明確地為提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)值并以此購(gòu)買(mǎi)城市產(chǎn)品所做的努力，會(huì)有助于任務(wù)的 完成．避免許多小家庭業(yè)、農(nóng)場(chǎng)業(yè)被取消贖取抵押品的權(quán)利的悲劇也有助于任務(wù) 的完成． 聯(lián)邦、各地政府立即行動(dòng)回應(yīng)要求降價(jià)的呼聲，州、有助于任務(wù)的完成． 將 現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)、不平等的救濟(jì)活動(dòng)統(tǒng)一起來(lái)有助于任務(wù)的完成．對(duì)所有 公共交通運(yùn)輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設(shè)施作全國(guó)性的計(jì)劃及監(jiān)督有助于任 務(wù)的完成．許多事情都有助于任務(wù)完成，但這些決不包括空談．我們必須行動(dòng)，立即行動(dòng)． 最后，為了重新開(kāi)始工作，我們需要兩手防御，來(lái)抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來(lái)； 一定要有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)、信貸及投資的機(jī)制：一定要杜絕投機(jī)；一定要有充足 而健康的貨幣供應(yīng)． 以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針．我要在特別會(huì)議上敦促新國(guó)會(huì)給予詳細(xì) 實(shí)施方案，并且，我要向 18 個(gè)州請(qǐng)求立即的援助． 通過(guò)行動(dòng)，我們將予以我們自己一個(gè)有秩序的國(guó)家大廈，使收入大于支出． 我 們的國(guó)際貿(mào)易，雖然很重要，但現(xiàn)在在時(shí)間和必要性上，次于對(duì)本國(guó)健康經(jīng)濟(jì)的 建立．我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務(wù)先行．雖然我將不遺余力通過(guò)國(guó)際經(jīng) 濟(jì)重新協(xié)調(diào)所來(lái)恢復(fù)國(guó)際貿(mào)易，但我認(rèn)為國(guó)內(nèi)的緊急情況無(wú)法等待這重新協(xié)調(diào)的 完成． 指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國(guó)性復(fù)蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國(guó)家主義． 我首先考慮的 是堅(jiān)持美國(guó)這一整體

體中各部分的相互依賴(lài)性--這是對(duì)美國(guó)式的開(kāi)拓精神的古老 而永恒的證明的體現(xiàn)． 這才是復(fù)蘇之路，是即時(shí)之路，是保證復(fù)蘇功效持久之路．
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在國(guó)際政策方面，我將使美國(guó)采取睦鄰友好的政策．做一個(gè)決心自重，因此 而尊重鄰國(guó)的國(guó)家．做一個(gè)履行義務(wù)，尊重與他國(guó)協(xié)約的國(guó)家． 如果我對(duì)人民的心情的了解正確的話，我想我們已認(rèn)識(shí)到了我們從未認(rèn)識(shí)的 問(wèn)題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻(xiàn)．我們前進(jìn)時(shí)，必須象一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠(chéng)的軍隊(duì)，愿意為共同的原則而獻(xiàn)身，因?yàn)?，沒(méi)有這些 原則，就無(wú)法取得進(jìn)步，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能得力．我們都已做好準(zhǔn)備，并愿意為此原 則獻(xiàn)出生命和財(cái)產(chǎn)，因?yàn)檫@將使志在建設(shè)更美好社會(huì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)成為可能．我倡議，為了更偉大的目標(biāo)，我們所有的人，以一致的職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)．這是神圣的義 務(wù)，非戰(zhàn)亂，不停止． 有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)偉大人民大軍的任務(wù)，致力于對(duì) 我們普遍問(wèn)題的強(qiáng)攻．這樣的行動(dòng)，這樣的目標(biāo)，在我們從祖先手中接過(guò)的政府 中是可行的．我們的憲法如此簡(jiǎn)單，實(shí)在．它隨時(shí)可以應(yīng)付特殊情況，只需對(duì)重 點(diǎn)和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因?yàn)槿绱?，我們的憲法體制已自證為是 最有適應(yīng)性的政治體制．它已應(yīng)付過(guò)巨大的國(guó)土擴(kuò)張、外戰(zhàn)、內(nèi)亂及國(guó)際關(guān)系所 帶來(lái)的壓力． 而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地?fù)?dān)負(fù)前所未有的任 務(wù)．但現(xiàn)在前所未有的對(duì)緊急行動(dòng)的需要要求國(guó)民暫時(shí)丟棄平常生活節(jié)奏，緊迫 起來(lái)． 讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月，懷著舉國(guó)一致給我們帶來(lái)的熱情和勇氣，懷著 尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識(shí)，懷著老老少少都能通過(guò)克盡職守而得 到的問(wèn)心無(wú)愧的滿足．我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國(guó)民生活的圓滿和長(zhǎng)治久安． 我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來(lái)．合眾國(guó)人民并沒(méi)有失?。麄?cè)诶щy中 表達(dá)了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動(dòng)．他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方 向．他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具．我接受這份厚贈(zèng)．

在此舉國(guó)奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請(qǐng)求上帝賜福．愿上帝保信我們大家和每一 個(gè)人，愿上帝在未來(lái)的日子里指引我．

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第四篇：羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)的演講

英文原版一個(gè)遺臭萬(wàn)年的日子羅斯福

Yesterday, Dec.7, 1941the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in

conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese

government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.Very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Headlines-WarJapan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec.7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

第五篇：富蘭克林羅斯福就職演講

PresidentHoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americansexpectthat on my inductioninto the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision whichthe present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor needwe shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure,as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief thatthe only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts toconvert retreatinto advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigorhas met with that understanding and support of the people themselves whichis essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will againgive that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thankGod, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels.taxes have risen.our abilityto pay has fallen.government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income.themeans of exchange are frozenin the currents of trade.the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side.farmers find no markets for their produce.and the savings ofmany years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizensface the grim problem of existence, and an equally greatnumber toil with little return.Only afoolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague oflocusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have stillmuch to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty andhuman efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,through their own stubbornness and their ownincompetence, have admitted their failure, and haveabdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of publicopinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True,they have tried.But their efforts havebeen cast in the pattern of an outworntradition.Faced by failure of credit, they haveproposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by whichto induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfullyfor restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.Wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in theextent to which we apply social values more noble thanmere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money.it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescentprofits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but tominister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in handwith the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to bevalued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit.and there mustbe an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too oftenhas given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for itthrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, andon unselfish performance.withoutthem it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is toput people to work.This is nounsolvable problem if we face itwisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by theGovernment itself, treating the task as we would treatthe emergency of a war, but at thesame time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatlyneeded projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our greatnatural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to providea better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventingrealistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our smallhomes and ourfarms.It can be helped by insistence thatthe Federal, the State, and the local governmentsact forthwith on the demand thattheir cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by theunifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,uneconomical, unequal.It can behelped by national planning for and supervisionof all forms of transportation and ofcommunications and other utilities thathave a definitely public character.There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it cannever be helped by merely talking aboutit.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require twosafeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments.There must be anend to speculation with other people's money.Andthere must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress inspecial session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shallseek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, thoughvastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary tothe establishment of a sound national economy.Ifavor, as a practical policy, the putting of firstthings first.I shall spare no effort torestore world trade by international economic readjustment.but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thoughtthat guides these specific means of national recovery is notnationally narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a firstconsideration, upon the interdependenceof the various elements in and parts of the United States of America arecognition of the old and permanently importantmanifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the wayto recovery.It is the immediate way.Itis the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nationto the policy of the good neighbor: theneighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights ofothers.the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreementsin and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,our interdependence on each other.that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to goforward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice forthe good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,because it makes possible a leadership which aims atthe larger good.This, I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind uponus, bind upon us all as a sacred obligationwith a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which wehave inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is sosimple, so practicalthat it is possible always tomeet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss ofessential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superblyenduring political mechanism the modern worldhas ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislativeauthority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meetthe unprecedented task before us.But it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelayed actionmay call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty torecommend the measures that a strickennation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measuresas the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within myconstitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall failto take one of these two courses, in the eventthat the national emergency is still critical, I shallnot evade the clear course of duty that will thenconfront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisisbroad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power thatwould be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befitthe time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days thatlie before us in the warm courage of nationalunity.with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moralvalues.with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance ofa rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy.The people of the United Stateshave not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate thatthey want direct, vigorousaction.They have asked for discipline and directionunder leadership.They have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes.Inthe spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication Inthis dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.