第一篇：二戰(zhàn)后美國歷屆總統(tǒng)對(duì)內(nèi)政策

二戰(zhàn)后美國歷屆總統(tǒng)對(duì)內(nèi)政策

杜魯門：公平施政

軍隊(duì)復(fù)員，軍事訂單大批縮減，實(shí)業(yè)人數(shù)增加，房荒問題嚴(yán)重，通貨膨脹加劇，工人罷工運(yùn)動(dòng)高漲。為保持經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮，避免大規(guī)模失業(yè)，緩和國內(nèi)矛盾，杜魯門政府提出一系列社會(huì)改革方案。

1946年9月6日，杜魯門第一次向國會(huì)提交內(nèi)政問題的綜合性咨文。后又陸續(xù)提出一些。內(nèi)容包括：幫助工業(yè)盡快從軍需生產(chǎn)調(diào)整為民用生產(chǎn)；為退伍軍人的就業(yè)訓(xùn)練、大學(xué)教育、失業(yè)補(bǔ)助、購買農(nóng)場(chǎng)和住宅提供資金和貸款；制定充分就業(yè)法；成立總統(tǒng)民權(quán)委員會(huì)。

1949年1月5日，杜魯門在提交國會(huì)的年度咨文中正式提出“公平施政”綱領(lǐng)，把過去的各種建議合并起來，形成一個(gè)更廣泛、更系統(tǒng)、更具體的計(jì)劃?；緝?nèi)容包括：擴(kuò)大社會(huì)保障范圍，提高最低工資額；建造廉價(jià)公共住宅；繼續(xù)維持農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)格支持計(jì)劃；推進(jìn)保障民權(quán)立法；擴(kuò)大聯(lián)邦政府對(duì)教育的援助；保護(hù)和開發(fā)自然資源。成效：國會(huì)1949年通過了建筑廉價(jià)公共住房和清除貧民窟的法案；1950年《公平勞動(dòng)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)法》修正案，提高工人最低工資；1950年通過有關(guān)社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)制度的改革法案。其他改革目標(biāo)，如保障民權(quán)的法律、廢除塔夫脫-哈特萊法的努力、支持農(nóng)業(yè)的布蘭南計(jì)劃等都失敗。原因：時(shí)代背景；黨派分歧；個(gè)人因素。

艾森豪威爾：現(xiàn)代共和黨主義（能動(dòng)的保守主義）

走介于羅斯福新政和20年代傳統(tǒng)共和黨主義之間的“中間道路”，既要爭(zhēng)取共和黨傳統(tǒng)的目標(biāo)即削減政府開支和實(shí)行自由企業(yè)制度等，又要繼續(xù)社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)改革。表現(xiàn)為一系列社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)政策上的二重性。稱“能動(dòng)的保守主義”。

? ? 二戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)的繁榮使改革緊迫性削弱，新政以來國家干預(yù)造成的大政府、“大勞工”、高赤字和高稅收等，又使壟斷資產(chǎn)階級(jí)深感不安。

新政以來美國社會(huì)全面走向國家壟斷資本主義的趨勢(shì)是無法逆轉(zhuǎn)的。

內(nèi)容：（1）試圖改變凱恩斯主義赤字財(cái)政政策的發(fā)展趨勢(shì)，計(jì)劃減少聯(lián)邦預(yù)算，但無效。艾森豪威爾執(zhí)政的大部分財(cái)政年度里，實(shí)行的其實(shí)是凱恩斯的赤字財(cái)政政策，聯(lián)邦開支不斷攀升。(2)大規(guī)模出售戰(zhàn)時(shí)積累的國家財(cái)產(chǎn)和國有企業(yè)，拒絕聯(lián)邦政府修建水電站的要求，但不得不承擔(dān)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)大、利潤低的工程，如1954年圣勞倫斯航道法和1956年的聯(lián)邦援助公路法；（3）艾森豪威爾本人早年對(duì)社會(huì)保障法持保守態(tài)度，但入主白宮后不得不從緩和階級(jí)矛盾的政治需要和擴(kuò)大有效需有的經(jīng)濟(jì)效應(yīng)出發(fā)，支持福利改革計(jì)劃，擴(kuò)大保障范圍，并進(jìn)一步提高最低工資額。然而，在社會(huì)福利問題上，他還是希望州和地方政府甚至私人機(jī)構(gòu)承擔(dān)更多責(zé)任，在政策上表現(xiàn)出一定的保守性。

肯尼迪：新邊疆

在接受民主黨總統(tǒng)候選人提名的演說中，肯尼迪提出了新邊疆的口號(hào)：“不論我們是不是在尋求?新邊疆?，?新邊疆?已是既成事實(shí)……未知的科學(xué)與空間領(lǐng)域，未解決的和平與戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)問題，尚未征服的無知與偏見的孤立地帶，尚無答案的貧困與過剩的課題?！碑?dāng)選總統(tǒng)后，組織專家研究，向國會(huì)提交了總統(tǒng)咨文，準(zhǔn)備了277項(xiàng)立法建議，形成新邊疆施政綱領(lǐng)。內(nèi)容廣泛，涉及稅收改革、聯(lián)邦援助教育和農(nóng)場(chǎng)主、改善老年人醫(yī)療問題、改進(jìn)城市、結(jié)束種族歧視、抑制經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退等領(lǐng)域?；臼抢^承原有改革方案。

改革取得一些成效。1961年的《住房法》授權(quán)花費(fèi)49億美元，實(shí)施為期4年的地方城市改造計(jì)劃。同年通過提高最低工資的法律，將最低工資從每小時(shí)1美元提高到每小時(shí)1.25美元。1961年的《蕭條地區(qū)重新開發(fā)法》和1962年的《人力開發(fā)和訓(xùn)練法》為新興工業(yè)和“蕭條地區(qū)”重新培訓(xùn)工人，幫助因自動(dòng)化而受到失業(yè)威脅的工人。1962年通過一系列刺激經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的法案，如《貿(mào)易擴(kuò)大法》和加速折舊、延期納稅和投資稅優(yōu)惠等。南方民主黨人與共和黨人結(jié)成保守主義聯(lián)盟，阻礙改革立法。聯(lián)邦援助教育計(jì)劃、給老年人提供醫(yī)療的計(jì)劃、援助失業(yè)青年和流動(dòng)勞工等法案都未能通過。肯尼迪提出《民權(quán)法案》，遇刺前仍未通過，普遍減稅法案也未通過。

特納：《邊疆在美國歷史上的重要性》

約翰遜：偉大社會(huì)

約翰遜繼續(xù)執(zhí)行肯尼迪的“新邊疆”改革計(jì)劃，聲稱要使美國走向“一個(gè)偉大的社會(huì)”?！皞ゴ笊鐣?huì)”因此成為約翰遜內(nèi)政標(biāo)志。

利用肯尼迪死后的聲望和本人的努力，約翰遜使肯尼迪遺留的52項(xiàng)立法提案的大部分（45項(xiàng)）獲得通過,其中比較重要的是減稅法和民權(quán)法。

1965年1月，約翰遜又在國情咨文中提出“偉大社會(huì)”立法計(jì)劃，要求國會(huì)在教育、醫(yī)療、環(huán)境保護(hù)、住房、消除貧困和民權(quán)等領(lǐng)域采取廣泛的立法行動(dòng)。約翰遜的“偉大社會(huì)”計(jì)劃取得很大成功，通過《中小學(xué)教育法》、《高等教育法》、《醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)法》、《選舉權(quán)法》、《住房和城市發(fā)展法》等一系列法律。但是，“偉大社會(huì)”在立法上的成功并不等于“偉大社會(huì)”目標(biāo)的實(shí)現(xiàn)。1966年后，因中期選舉中保守派聯(lián)盟重新抬頭，“偉大社會(huì)”在立法上也由盛而衰。

尼克松：“新經(jīng)濟(jì)政策”與“新聯(lián)邦主義”

尼克松上臺(tái)時(shí)，通貨膨脹嚴(yán)重，他的經(jīng)濟(jì)顧問認(rèn)為這是由“偉大社會(huì)”的龐大開支造成的。尼克松政府于是采取共和黨傳統(tǒng)的保守政策，如削減聯(lián)邦開支，緊縮貨幣和信貸。但造成經(jīng)濟(jì)急劇下滑，失業(yè)人數(shù)增加，出現(xiàn)通貨膨脹和經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退并發(fā)的“滯漲”現(xiàn)象。1971年1月，不得已重拾凱恩斯主義，實(shí)行赤字財(cái)政。同時(shí)他又把通貨膨脹歸咎于工人工資過高，把經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退歸咎于國外的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。為此，尼克松在1971年8月向全國宣布實(shí)行新經(jīng)濟(jì)政策，主要內(nèi)容為：凍結(jié)工資、物價(jià)、房租和紅利90天，要求國會(huì)削減聯(lián)邦開支，停止外國中央銀行用美元向美國兌換黃金，對(duì)進(jìn)口商品增收10%的附加稅。新經(jīng)濟(jì)政策在1972年上半年造成暫時(shí)的經(jīng)濟(jì)回升，但沒能從根本上解決滯漲問題。

尼克松還把美國面臨的問題歸咎為聯(lián)邦權(quán)利的過分集中，因此提出了“還權(quán)于州”、“還政于民”的“新聯(lián)邦主義”政策。主要措施是歲入分享。1972年10月，尼克松簽署《分享歲入法》，計(jì)劃在5年內(nèi)由聯(lián)邦政府與州政府和地方政府分享300億美元的聯(lián)邦歲入，目的是限制聯(lián)邦權(quán)力，擴(kuò)大州和地方政府的職權(quán)和干預(yù)經(jīng)濟(jì)的作用，將國家干預(yù)經(jīng)濟(jì)的部分責(zé)任轉(zhuǎn)移到州和地方政府，降低或減少聯(lián)邦政府財(cái)政赤字，借以克服“滯漲”型危機(jī)。但效果不大，在解決新政式國家壟斷資本主義的發(fā)展帶來的政府間關(guān)系失調(diào)的問題上，未取得多大進(jìn)展。

競(jìng)爭(zhēng)聯(lián)邦主義，二元聯(lián)邦主義，合作聯(lián)邦主義, 新聯(lián)邦主義 第一條第八款

國會(huì)有權(quán)：

〔一〕規(guī)定并征收直接稅、間接稅、關(guān)稅與國產(chǎn)稅，以償付國債和規(guī)劃合眾國共同防務(wù)與公共福利，但所征各種稅收、關(guān)稅與國產(chǎn)稅應(yīng)全國統(tǒng)一；

〔二〕以合眾國之信用借款；

〔三〕管理同外國的、各州之間的和同各印第安部落的貿(mào)易；

〔四〕制定合眾國全國統(tǒng)一的歸化條例和破產(chǎn)法；

〔五〕鑄造貨幣，厘定本國貨幣和外國貨幣的價(jià)值，并確定度量衡的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)；

〔六〕規(guī)定有關(guān)偽造合眾國證券和通行貨幣的懲罰條例；

〔七〕設(shè)立郵政局和修建郵政道路；

〔八〕保障著作家和發(fā)明家對(duì)各自著作和發(fā)明在一定期限內(nèi)的專有權(quán)利，以促進(jìn)科學(xué)和實(shí)用技藝之進(jìn)步；

〔九〕設(shè)立最高法院之下的各級(jí)法院；

〔十〕界定和懲罰海盜罪和在公海上所犯的重罪以及違反國際法的犯罪行為；

〔十一〕宣戰(zhàn)，頒發(fā)捕獲敵船許可狀，制定關(guān)于陸上和水上俘獲物的條例；

〔十二〕招募陸軍并供給軍需，但此項(xiàng)用途的撥款期限不得超過兩年；

〔十三〕建立和維持一支海軍；

〔十四〕制定統(tǒng)轄和管理陸海軍的條例；

〔十五〕規(guī)定征召民兵，以執(zhí)行聯(lián)邦法律、鎮(zhèn)壓叛亂和擊退入侵；

〔十六〕規(guī)定民兵的組織、裝備和紀(jì)律，規(guī)定用來為合眾國服役的那些民兵的統(tǒng)轄事宜，但民兵軍官的任命和按國會(huì)規(guī)定紀(jì)律訓(xùn)練民兵的權(quán)力，由各州保留；

〔十七〕對(duì)于由某些州讓與合眾國、經(jīng)國會(huì)接受而成為合眾國政府所在地的地區(qū)（不得超過10平方英里），在一切事項(xiàng)中都行使專有立法權(quán)；對(duì)于經(jīng)州議會(huì)同意，由合眾國在該州購買的用于建造要塞、彈藥庫、兵工廠、船場(chǎng)和其他必要建筑物的一切地方，亦行使同樣的權(quán)力；

〔十八〕制定為執(zhí)行上述各項(xiàng)權(quán)力和由本憲法授予合眾國政府或其任何部門或官員的一切其他權(quán)力所必要而適當(dāng)?shù)母黜?xiàng)法律。

第十條修正案〔1804〕

本憲法未授予合眾國、也未禁止各州行使的權(quán)力，保留給各州行使，或保留給人民行使之。

1887年《州際貿(mào)易法》和1890年《謝爾曼反托拉斯法》，聯(lián)邦政府開始插手經(jīng)濟(jì)領(lǐng)域。羅斯福新政、公平施政、新邊疆、偉大社會(huì)

民主黨、共和黨對(duì)內(nèi)政策的特點(diǎn) 對(duì)外政策

杜魯門：杜魯門主義，第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃，軍援法

杜魯門主義：希臘、土耳其問題；喬治?凱南8000字電報(bào)。1947年3月12日，杜魯門在國會(huì)發(fā)表咨文，宣稱希臘遭到恐怖主義活動(dòng)的威脅，一旦希臘作為獨(dú)立國家隕落，將危及土耳其和整個(gè)中東地區(qū)，并給歐洲乃至世界帶來災(zāi)難。呼吁國會(huì)出資援助希臘和土耳其，并要求選派文職和軍事人員前往增援。杜魯門在解釋咨文時(shí)說，“這就是美國對(duì)共產(chǎn)主義暴君擴(kuò)張浪潮的回答”，“是向全世界說明，美國在這個(gè)新的極權(quán)主義的挑戰(zhàn)面前的立場(chǎng)”，“這是美國外交政策的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)，它現(xiàn)在宣布，不論什么地方，不論直接或間接侵略威脅了和平，都與美國的安全有關(guān)?！倍鹏旈T的這項(xiàng)政策聲明很快便被稱之為“杜魯門主義”。

第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃：1949年1月20日，杜魯門在就職演說中提出了美國外交方面的四點(diǎn)原則：（1）支持聯(lián)合國；(2)繼續(xù)推行世界經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興計(jì)劃（馬歇爾計(jì)劃）；(3)加強(qiáng)與愛好自由國家的合作，反對(duì)侵略威脅；（4）技術(shù)援助不發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)。前三點(diǎn)都是美國戰(zhàn)后已經(jīng)或正在推行的措施，而第四點(diǎn)是新提出來，后來稱“第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃”。起初國會(huì)沒采取行動(dòng)。1949年6月24日，杜魯門為推行該計(jì)劃向國會(huì)提交一份特別咨文，要求迅速采取行動(dòng)。他說，亞非拉地區(qū)的人民已經(jīng)騷動(dòng)和蘇醒，如果美國不支持和援助他們，他們就會(huì)落入“同人類自由敵對(duì)的哲學(xué)控制之下”。1949年新中國的成立使杜魯門認(rèn)為推行第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃刻不容緩。1950年6月5日，美國國會(huì)通過“對(duì)外經(jīng)濟(jì)援助法案”，第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃列入該法案的第四節(jié)“國際開發(fā)法案”。杜魯門當(dāng)天簽署生效。“國際開發(fā)法案”規(guī)定：美國的政策是，援助經(jīng)濟(jì)不發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)各國人民開發(fā)本國資源和改善當(dāng)?shù)貏趧?dòng)、生活狀況，其辦法是鼓勵(lì)交換技術(shù)知識(shí)和技能，向這些國家輸出資本。法案強(qiáng)調(diào)要把私人投資和技術(shù)援助結(jié)合起來，鼓勵(lì)私人對(duì)外投資，并保證私人投資者的人身和財(cái)產(chǎn)安全。

軍援法：即“共同防御援助法”。杜魯門于1949年10月6日正式簽署。根據(jù)該法案，美國撥款13.14億美元，為期一年，其中10億用于援助北約國家。該法案作為向西歐提供經(jīng)濟(jì)援助的馬歇爾計(jì)劃的重要補(bǔ)充，把美國的外交與軍事進(jìn)一步緊密結(jié)合起來，從而使北約能夠發(fā)揮實(shí)際作用。

艾森豪威爾：艾森豪威爾主義。

為取代英法傳統(tǒng)殖民勢(shì)力，抵制蘇聯(lián)對(duì)中東的滲透，進(jìn)而獨(dú)霸中東，艾森豪威爾政府提出新的中東政策。1957年1月5日，艾森豪威爾向國會(huì)提出關(guān)于“中東政策”的特別咨文，并提交中東決議案。該決議案經(jīng)國會(huì)批準(zhǔn)后，于3月9日由總統(tǒng)簽署。這個(gè)以侵略和獨(dú)霸中東為目的的政策被稱為“艾森豪威爾主義”，有時(shí)也被稱作“填補(bǔ)力量真空主義”。

肯尼迪：和平戰(zhàn)略

美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪針對(duì)美蘇問題以及國內(nèi)外形勢(shì)提出的重要戰(zhàn)略：既加強(qiáng)軍事實(shí)力，又要利用經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治工具?！耙皇肿Γ皇肿ラ蠙熘Α?。實(shí)質(zhì)上是在實(shí)力基礎(chǔ)上靈活運(yùn)用文武兩手稱霸世界的全球戰(zhàn)略。

肯尼迪說，“在總統(tǒng)的徽章上，美國之鷹的右手抓著一根橄欖枝，左手則抓著一把劍。我們打算給兩者同樣的注意?！币环矫嫠麖?qiáng)調(diào)發(fā)展軍事力量，加強(qiáng)空運(yùn)能力，擴(kuò)大北極星潛艇計(jì)劃，加速導(dǎo)彈計(jì)劃；另一方面采取和平的手段，利用美國的“經(jīng)濟(jì)工具”，以援助的辦法，實(shí)行“糧食用于和平計(jì)劃”、派遣“和平隊(duì)”等，達(dá)到對(duì)社會(huì)主義國家和新興民族國家的控制。

“和平”戰(zhàn)略的主要方面是從與蘇聯(lián)對(duì)全球的爭(zhēng)奪出發(fā)，重點(diǎn)爭(zhēng)奪東歐。由于美蘇實(shí)力對(duì)比的變化，美國處于不利地位，肯尼迪提出制定“靈活反映”戰(zhàn)略，以加強(qiáng)軍事實(shí)力為基礎(chǔ)，穩(wěn)住美國陣腳，增強(qiáng)同蘇聯(lián)的全面爭(zhēng)奪，特別是注意對(duì)東歐的爭(zhēng)奪，通過“和平演變”把東歐國家納入“自由世界”的范圍?？夏岬现赋?，“必須立刻動(dòng)手，有步驟地、慎重地制訂計(jì)劃”，“從出現(xiàn)在鐵幕上的任何裂縫中培養(yǎng)自由的種子”，“通過援助、貿(mào)易、旅行、新聞事業(yè)、學(xué)生和教師的交流以及我們的獎(jiǎng)金和技術(shù)”去提高東歐國家和人民生活水平，積極關(guān)懷他們，而不是漠不關(guān)心。和平隊(duì)成立于1961年，是肯尼迪在總統(tǒng)競(jìng)選中提出的，并被視為1960年總統(tǒng)大選中的一個(gè)亮點(diǎn)。按照肯尼迪的構(gòu)想，和平隊(duì)的主要使命就是以志愿者的方式，向第三世界國家提供教師，醫(yī)生，護(hù)士，各種技術(shù)人員等“中等人力資源”，通過幫助第三世界國家的社會(huì)發(fā)展，向廣大第三世界國家展現(xiàn)美國文化的精華，改變美國在第三世界國家中的不良形象，增強(qiáng)美國對(duì)新興的第三世界國家的吸引力，并以此向這些國家傳播美國文化及價(jià)值觀念。是美國外交軟實(shí)力（通過文化意識(shí)形態(tài)感召而加以吸引的能力）的體現(xiàn)。劉國柱：《和平隊(duì)與美國對(duì)第三世界外交的軟實(shí)力》，《浙江大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)》

約翰遜：幾乎完全繼承肯尼迪外交政策，未做重大調(diào)整。約翰遜主義

主張通過地區(qū)性合作求得安全、繁榮和穩(wěn)定。具體目標(biāo)是:美國在自由世界每個(gè)地區(qū)的利益在于支持作出地區(qū)性安排，這種安排在減少對(duì)美國直接依賴的同時(shí)，在軍事、經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上又敞開同美國合作的大門。約翰遜主義的實(shí)質(zhì)是：美國政府在逐漸意識(shí)到世界各國民族主義的興起和自己的經(jīng)濟(jì)困境之后，試圖通過所謂地區(qū)主義的合作，在政治上緩和各國人民對(duì)霸權(quán)主義的不滿，在經(jīng)濟(jì)和軍事上減輕美國的海外負(fù)擔(dān)，但這種地區(qū)性安排必須保持與美國的合作，必須符合美國全球利益的需要。約翰遜主義推行不順利。

尼克松：關(guān)島主義（新亞洲主義）、尼克松主義

1969年7月25日，尼克松在出訪亞洲途中在關(guān)島談到美國隊(duì)亞洲和太平洋地區(qū)政策是說：“在我們同所有亞洲友邦的關(guān)系方面，現(xiàn)在是著重強(qiáng)調(diào)下列兩點(diǎn)的時(shí)候了：第一，我們將恪守我們的條約義務(wù)……；第二，在國內(nèi)安全問題上，在軍事防務(wù)問題上，除非受到一個(gè)大國的帶有核武器的威脅以外，美國將鼓勵(lì)并由權(quán)期望逐漸由亞洲國家本身來處理，逐漸由亞洲國家本身來負(fù)責(zé)。在1969年11月3日的演說和1970年2月18日向國會(huì)提交的對(duì)外政策年度報(bào)告中，尼克松進(jìn)一步提出“伙伴關(guān)系、實(shí)力和談判”為支柱的新的和平戰(zhàn)略，將關(guān)島講話對(duì)亞洲的政策推廣為全球政策。

杜魯門：杜魯門主義，第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃，軍援法

杜魯門主義：希臘、土耳其問題；喬治?凱南8000字電報(bào)。1947年3月12日，杜魯門在國會(huì)發(fā)表咨文，宣稱希臘遭到恐怖主義活動(dòng)的威脅，一旦希臘作為獨(dú)立國家隕落，將危及土耳其和整個(gè)中東地區(qū)，并給歐洲乃至世界帶來災(zāi)難。呼吁國會(huì)出資援助希臘和土耳其，并要求選派文職和軍事人員前往增援。杜魯門在解釋咨文時(shí)說，“這就是美國對(duì)共產(chǎn)主義暴君擴(kuò)張浪潮的回答”，“是向全世界說明，美國在這個(gè)新的極權(quán)主義的挑戰(zhàn)面前的立場(chǎng)”，“這是美國外交政策的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)，它現(xiàn)在宣布，不論什么地方，不論直接或間接侵略威脅了和平，都與美國的安全有關(guān)?！倍鹏旈T的這項(xiàng)政策聲明很快便被稱之為“杜魯門主義”。

第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃：1949年1月20日，杜魯門在就職演說中提出了美國外交方面的四點(diǎn)原則：（1）支持聯(lián)合國；(2)繼續(xù)推行世界經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)興計(jì)劃（馬歇爾計(jì)劃）；(3)加強(qiáng)與愛好自由國家的合作，反對(duì)侵略威脅（正在醞釀成立的北大西洋公約組織）；（4）技術(shù)援助不發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)。前三點(diǎn)都是美國戰(zhàn)后已經(jīng)或正在推行的措施，而第四點(diǎn)是新提出來，后來稱“第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃”。起初國會(huì)沒采取行動(dòng)。1949年6月24日，杜魯門為推行該計(jì)劃向國會(huì)提交一份特別咨文，要求迅速采取行動(dòng)。他說，亞非拉地區(qū)的人民已經(jīng)騷動(dòng)和蘇醒，如果美國不支持和援助他們，他們就會(huì)落入“同人類自由敵對(duì)的哲學(xué)控制之下”。1949年新中國的成立使杜魯門認(rèn)為推行第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃刻不容緩。1950年6月5日，美國國會(huì)通過“對(duì)外經(jīng)濟(jì)援助法案”，第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃列入該法案的第四節(jié)“國際開發(fā)法案”。杜魯門當(dāng)天簽署生效?！皣H開發(fā)法案”規(guī)定：美國的政策是，援助經(jīng)濟(jì)不發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)各國人民開發(fā)本國資源和改善當(dāng)?shù)貏趧?dòng)、生活狀況，其辦法是鼓勵(lì)交換技術(shù)知識(shí)和技能，向這些國家輸出資本。法案強(qiáng)調(diào)要把私人投資和技術(shù)援助結(jié)合起來，鼓勵(lì)私人對(duì)外投資，并保證私人投資者的人身和財(cái)產(chǎn)安全。

第四點(diǎn)計(jì)劃是美國打著反共產(chǎn)主義和“技術(shù)援助”的旗號(hào)，大規(guī)模向亞非拉滲透的一項(xiàng)重要措施，是戰(zhàn)后初期美國推行新殖民主義的一個(gè)步驟。但在一定意義上也促進(jìn)了被援助地區(qū)科學(xué)技術(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展。

軍援法：即“共同防御援助法”。杜魯門于1949年10月6日正式簽署。根據(jù)該法案，美國撥款13.14億美元，為期一年，其中10億用于援助北約國家。該法案作為向西歐提供經(jīng)濟(jì)援助的馬歇爾計(jì)劃的重要補(bǔ)充，把美國的外交與軍事進(jìn)一步緊密結(jié)合起來，從而使北約能夠發(fā)揮實(shí)際作用。

第二篇：《美國歷屆總統(tǒng)轉(zhuǎn)》讀后感

《美國歷屆總統(tǒng)傳》讀后感

“美國的每一位總統(tǒng)在他那段歷史劇中扮演的都是明星角色。哪個(gè)演員都不敢像當(dāng)過總統(tǒng)的人那樣，說自己的報(bào)復(fù)、才能多么適合自己所扮演的那個(gè)角色。也沒有哪個(gè)劇作家能夠構(gòu)思出一部像在白宮這個(gè)舞臺(tái)上演出的那樣充滿如此多的懸念、悲劇、喜劇以及命運(yùn)如此難測(cè)的作品。”

就是這樣的幾句話，道出了歷屆美國總統(tǒng)的人生歷程。

讀過這本書，我對(duì)這本書中印象最深的幾位總統(tǒng)，當(dāng)屬喬治.華盛頓，亞伯拉罕.林肯和富蘭克林.德拉諾.羅斯福。我對(duì)他們的成功有了這樣的概念：堅(jiān)持、與人融洽以及對(duì)明天的追求。

“我們關(guān)心的，不是你是否失敗了，而是你對(duì)失敗能否無怨。”林肯曾經(jīng)這樣說。我想這句話放在他自己身上再好不過了。幾乎所有人都知道林肯這一生的曲折：7歲時(shí)全家被趕出居住地，9歲時(shí)母親去世，22歲到49歲中，14件大事，其中只有兩次成功。但他也是那個(gè)連任兩屆總統(tǒng)、擊敗南方分離勢(shì)力、廢除奴隸制度而且成為美國歷史上最受人敬仰的總統(tǒng)之一的人。

由此我想到了愛迪生“天才就是99%的汗水和1%的靈感”，歷史上不只是美國總統(tǒng)，許多知名人士也是靠著這樣的信條走向成功的。這樣，我們還有什么理由來回避面前的挫折呢？！考試沒考好？哦，下次努力復(fù)習(xí)就好。沒有當(dāng)上班干部？哦，告訴他們，沒有職務(wù)自己也能做到最好。堅(jiān)持下去，成功便近在眼前。

說到與人融洽，就不得不提一下喬治.華盛頓了。“自己不能勝任的事情，切莫輕易答應(yīng)別人，一旦答應(yīng)了別人，就必須實(shí)踐自己的諾言。”這就是華盛頓的處事標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。身為第一屆美國總統(tǒng)，他對(duì)人民團(tuán)結(jié)的威力想必深有感觸?！拔蚁Ｍ覍⒕哂凶銐虻膱?jiān)定性和美德，藉以保持所有稱號(hào)中，我認(rèn)為最值得羨慕的稱號(hào)：一個(gè)誠實(shí)的人?！笨梢娙?、義、禮、智、信中，華盛頓最突出的就是“信”。曾子曰“與朋友交而不信乎？”應(yīng)該也是對(duì)“信”的重要性有所體會(huì)吧。

富蘭克林.德拉諾.羅斯福的一生算得上是非常積極，永遠(yuǎn)盼望明天的一生了。“除了死之外，什么都無法阻止他、妨礙他。”書中這樣寫。他在39歲那年失去行走能力，卻在1929年當(dāng)選紐約州州長，1933年任美國總統(tǒng)且連任四屆。這便來源于他對(duì)生活的熱忱和期待?！拔覀儾粦岩晌磥淼幕久裰?。美國人民還沒有失敗。他們需要的是直接的、生氣勃勃的、精力旺盛的行動(dòng)。他們需要領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者指明原則和方向。他們希望我并讓我來掌握這領(lǐng)導(dǎo)全國的機(jī)器。我會(huì)接受這一委托的?！绷_斯福在經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)時(shí)這樣說。他對(duì)未來的執(zhí)著信念感染了美國人民，也同樣感染了書前的我。他的遺言讓我記憶猶新：唯一阻礙著我們實(shí)現(xiàn)明天目標(biāo)的就是對(duì)今天的疑慮。讓我們堅(jiān)定信念、積極進(jìn)取、奮勇前進(jìn)吧！

不是說以上這三個(gè)人都只有我所說的一種品格，也不是說有這些品格的只有他們?nèi)齻€(gè)，歷屆美國總統(tǒng)中，還有很多人值得我們?nèi)テ肺?、深??

第三篇：美國歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演說詞(Zachary Taylor)

Inaugural Address of Zachary Taylor

MONDAY, MARCH 5, 1849

Elected by the American people to the highest office known to our laws, I appear here to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution, and, in compliance with a time-honored custom, to address those who are now assembled.The confidence and respect shown by my countrymen in calling me to be the Chief Magistrate of a Republic holding a high rank among the nations of the earth have inspired me with feelings of the most profound gratitude;but when I reflect that the acceptance of the office which their partiality has bestowed imposes the discharge of the most arduous duties and involves the weightiest obligations, I am conscious that the position which I have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfy the loftiest ambition, is surrounded by fearful responsibilities.Happily, however, in the performance of my new duties I shall not be without able cooperation.The legislative and judicial branches of the Government present prominent examples of distinguished civil attainments and matured experience, and it shall be my endeavor to call to my assistance in the Executive

Departments individuals whose talents, integrity, and purity of character will furnish ample guaranties for the faithful and honorable performance of the trusts to be committed to their charge.With such aids and an honest purpose to do whatever is right, I hope to execute diligently, impartially, and for the best interests of the country the manifold duties devolved upon me.In the discharge of these duties my guide will be the Constitution, which I this day swear to “preserve, protect, and defend.” For the

interpretation of that instrument I shall look to the decisions of the judicial tribunals established by its authority and to the practice of the Government under the earlier Presidents, who had so large a share in its formation.To the example of those illustrious patriots I shall always defer with reverence, and especially to his example who was by so many titles “the Father of his Country.”

To command the Army and Navy of the United States;with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties and to appoint ambassadors and other officers;to give to Congress information of the state of the Union and recommend such measures as he shall judge to be necessary;and to take care that the laws shall be faithfully executed--these are the most important functions intrusted to the President by the Constitution, and it may be expected that I shall briefly indicate the principles which will control me in their execution.Chosen by the body of the people under the assurance that my Administration would be devoted to the welfare of the whole country, and not to the support of any particular section or merely local interest, I this day renew the declarations I have heretofore made and proclaim my fixed determination to maintain to the extent of my ability the Government in its original purity and to adopt as the basis of my public policy those great republican doctrines which constitute the strength of our national existence.In reference to the Army and Navy, lately employed with so much distinction on active service, care shall be taken to insure the highest condition of efficiency, and in furtherance of that object the military and naval schools, sustained by the liberality of Congress, shall receive the special attention of the Executive.As American freemen we can not but sympathize in all efforts to extend the blessings of civil and political liberty, but at the same time we are warned by the admonitions of history and the voice of our own beloved Washington to abstain from entangling alliances with foreign nations.In all disputes between conflicting governments it is our interest not less than our duty to remain strictly neutral, while our geographical position, the genius of our institutions and our people, the advancing spirit of civilization, and, above all, the dictates of religion direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and friendly relations with all other powers.It is to be hoped that no international question can now arise which a government confident in its own strength and resolved to protect its own just rights may not settle by wise negotiation;and it eminently becomes a government like our own, founded on the morality and intelligence of its citizens and upheld by their affections, to exhaust every resort of honorable diplomacy before appealing to arms.In the conduct of our foreign relations I shall conform to these views, as I believe them essential to the best interests and the true honor of the country.The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate and onerous duties.So far as it is possible to be informed, I shall make honesty, capacity, and fidelity indispensable prerequisites to the bestowal of office, and the absence of either of these qualities shall be deemed sufficient cause for removal.It shall be my study to recommend such constitutional measures to Congress as may be necessary and proper to secure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, to improve our rivers and harbors, to provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt, to enforce a strict accountability on the part of all officers of the Government and the utmost economy in all public

expenditures;but it is for the wisdom of Congress itself, in which all

legislative powers are vested by the Constitution, to regulate these and other matters of domestic policy.I shall look with confidence to the enlightened patriotism of that body to adopt such measures of conciliation as may harmonize conflicting interests and tend to perpetuate that Union which should be the paramount object of our hopes and affections.In any action calculated to promote an object so near the heart of everyone who truly loves his country I will zealously unite with the coordinate branches of the Government.In conclusion I congratulate you, my fellow-citizens, upon the high state of prosperity to which the goodness of Divine Providence has conducted our common country.Let us invoke a continuance of the same protecting care which has led us from small beginnings to the eminence we this day occupy, and let us seek to deserve that continuance by prudence and moderation in our councils, by well-directed attempts to assuage the bitterness which too often marks unavoidable differences of opinion, by the promulgation and practice of just and liberal principles, and by an enlarged patriotism, which shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own widespread Republic.

第四篇：美國歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演說詞( Calvin Coolidge)

Inaugural Address of Calvin Coolidge

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1925

My Countrymen: No one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that is satisfying and still more that is encouraging.Our own country is leading the world in the general readjustment to the results of the great conflict.Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for years, and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to experience for some time.But we are beginning to comprehend more definitely what course should be pursued, what remedies ought to be applied, what actions should be taken for our deliverance, and are clearly manifesting a determined will faithfully and conscientiously to adopt these methods of relief.Already we have sufficiently rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence has returned, business has revived, and we appear to be entering an era of prosperity which is gradually reaching into every part of the Nation.Realizing that we can not live unto ourselves alone, we have contributed of our resources and our counsel to the relief of the suffering and the settlement of the disputes among the European nations.Because of what America is and what America has done, a firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the heart of all humanity.These results have not occurred by mere chance.They have been secured by a constant and enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices and extending over many generations.We can not continue these brilliant successes in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past.It is necessary to keep the former experiences of our country both at home and abroad continually before us, if we are to have any science of government.If we wish to erect new structures, we must have a definite knowledge of the old foundations.We must realize that human nature is about the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not change.We must frequently take our bearings from these fixed stars of our political firmament if we expect to hold a true course.If we examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what we can do.We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since our national consciousness first asserted itself by unmistakable action with an array of force.The old sentiment of detached and dependent colonies disappeared in the new sentiment of a united and independent Nation.Men began to discard the narrow confines of a local charter for the broader opportunities of a national constitution.Under the eternal urge of freedom we became an independent Nation.A little less than 50 years later that freedom and independence were reasserted in the face of all the world, and guarded, supported, and secured by the Monroe doctrine.The narrow fringe of States along the Atlantic seaboard advanced its frontiers across the hills and plains of an intervening continent until it passed down the golden slope to the Pacific.We made freedom a birthright.We extended our domain over distant islands in order to safeguard our own interests and accepted the consequent obligation to bestow justice and liberty upon less favored peoples.In the defense of our own ideals and in the general cause of liberty we entered the Great War.When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew to our own shores unrecompensed save in the consciousness of duty done.Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we have strengthened our independence.We have been, and propose to be, more and more American.We believe that we can best serve our own country and most successfully discharge our obligations to humanity by continuing to be openly and candidly, in tensely and scrupulously, American.If we have any heritage, it has been that.If we have any destiny, we have found it in that direction.But if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we must continue to make that term comprehensive enough to embrace the legitimate desires of a civilized and enlightened people determined in all their relations to pursue a conscientious and religious life.We can not permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and phrases.It is not the adjective, but the substantive, which is of real importance.It is not the name of the action, but the result of the action, which is the chief concern.It will be well not to be too much disturbed by the thought of either isolation or entanglement of pacifists and militarists.The physical configuration of the earth has separated us from all of the Old World, but the common brotherhood of man, the highest law of all our being, has united us by inseparable bonds with all humanity.Our country represents nothing but peaceful intentions toward all the earth, but it ought not to fail to maintain such a military force as comports with the dignity and security of a great people.It ought to be a balanced force, intensely modem, capable of defense by sea and land, beneath the surface and in the air.But it should be so conducted that all the world may see in it, not a menace, but an instrument of security and peace.This Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under which the rights of its citizens are to be everywhere protected.It has never found that the necessary enjoyment of such a peace could be maintained only by a great and threatening array of arms.In common with other nations, it is now more determined than ever to promote peace through friendliness and good will, through mutual understandings and mutual forbearance.We have never practiced the policy of competitive armaments.We have recently committed ourselves by covenants with the other great nations to a limitation of our sea power.As one result of this, our Navy ranks larger, in comparison, than it ever did before.Removing the burden of expense and jealousy, which must always accrue from a keen rivalry, is one of the most effective methods of diminishing that unreasonable hysteria and misunderstanding which are the most potent means of fomenting war.This policy represents a new departure in the world.It is a thought, an ideal, which has led to an entirely new line of action.It will not be easy to maintain.Some never moved from their old positions, some are constantly slipping back to the old ways of thought and the old action of seizing a musket and relying on force.America has taken the lead in this new direction, and that lead America must continue to hold.If we expect others to rely on our fairness and justice we must show that we rely on their fairness and justice.If we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be hoped for in international relations from frequent conferences and consultations.We have before us the beneficial results of the Washington conference and the various consultations recently held upon European affairs, some of which were in response to our suggestions and in some of which we were active participants.Even the failures can not but be accounted useful and an immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare.I am strongly in favor of continuation of this policy, whenever conditions are such that there is even a promise that practical and favorable results might be secured.In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than a threat of force should be the determining factor in the intercourse among nations, we have long advocated the peaceful settlement of disputes by methods of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties to secure that result.The same considerations should lead to our adherence to the Permanent Court of International Justice.Where great principles are involved, where great movements are under way which promise much for the welfare of humanity by reason of the very fact that many other nations have given such movements their actual support, we ought not to withhold our own sanction because of any small and inessential difference, but only upon the ground of the most important and compelling fundamental reasons.We can not barter away our independence or our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue away the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership in the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval and to bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and disinterested attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the administration of even-handed justice between nation and nation.The weight of our enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force but of law and trial, not by battle but by reason.We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of any other countries.Especially are we determined not to become implicated in the political controversies of the Old World.With a great deal of hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to maintain order, protect life and property, and establish responsible government in some of the small countries of the Western Hemisphere.Our private citizens have advanced large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing and relief of the Old World.We have not failed, nor shall we fail to respond, whenever necessary to mitigate human suffering and assist in the rehabilitation of distressed nations.These, too, are requirements which must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold in the world.Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a formula for permanent peace.Undoubtedly the clarification of the principles of international law would be helpful, and the efforts of scholars to prepare such a work for adoption by the various nations should have our sympathy and support.Much may be hoped for from the earnest studies of those who advocate the outlawing of aggressive war.But all these plans and preparations, these treaties and covenants, will not of themselves be adequate.One of the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economic pressure to which people find themselves subjected.One of the most practical things to be done in the world is to seek arrangements under which such pressure may be removed, so that opportunity may be renewed and hope may be revived.There must be some assurance that effort and endeavor will be followed by success and prosperity.In the making and financing of such adjustments there is not only an opportunity, but a real duty, for America to respond with her counsel and her resources.Conditions must be provided under which people can make a living and work out of their difficulties.But there is another element, more important than all, without which there can not be the slightest hope of a permanent peace.That element lies in the heart of humanity.Unless the desire for peace be cherished there, unless this fundamental and only natural source of brotherly love be cultivated to its highest degree, all artificial efforts will be in vain.Peace will come when there is realization that only under a reign of law, based on righteousness and supported by the religious conviction of the brotherhood of man, can there be any hope of a complete and satisfying life.Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant.It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to these important objects by maintaining our position of political detachment and independence.We are not identified with any Old World interests.This position should be made more and more clear in our relations with all foreign countries.We are at peace with all of them.Our program is never to oppress, but always to assist.But while we do justice to others, we must require that justice be done to us.With us a treaty of peace means peace, and a treaty of amity means amity.We have made great contributions to the settlement of contentious differences in both Europe and Asia.But there is a very definite point beyond which we can not go.We can only help those who help themselves.Mindful of these limitations, the one great duty that stands out requires us to use our enormous powers to trim the balance of the world.While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have done abroad, we must remember that our continued success in that direction depends upon what we do at home.Since its very outset, it has been found necessary to conduct our Government by means of political parties.That system would not have survived from generation to generation if it had not been fundamentally sound and provided the best instrumentalities for the most complete expression of the popular will.It is not necessary to claim that it has always worked perfectly.It is enough to know that nothing better has been devised.No one would deny that there should be full and free expression and an opportunity for independence of action within the party.There is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted partisanship.But if there is to be responsible party government, the party label must be something more than a mere device for securing office.Unless those who are elected under the same party designation are willing to assume sufficient responsibility and exhibit sufficient loyalty and coherence, so that they can cooperate with each other in the support of the broad general principles, of the party platform, the election is merely a mockery, no decision is made at the polls, and there is no representation of the popular will.Common honesty and good faith with the people who support a party at the polls require that party, when it enters office, to assume the control of that portion of the Government to which it has been elected.Any other course is bad faith and a violation of the party pledges.When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making it a majority in the Congress, it has a right to expect such unity of action as will make the party majority an effective instrument of government.This Administration has come into power with a very clear and definite mandate from the people.The expression of the popular will in favor of maintaining our constitutional guarantees was overwhelming and decisive.There was a manifestation of such faith in the integrity of the courts that we can consider that issue rejected for some time to come.Likewise, the policy of public ownership of railroads and certain electric utilities met with unmistakable defeat.The people declared that they wanted their rights to have not a political but a judicial determination, and their independence and freedom continued and supported by having the ownership and control of their property, not in the Government, but in their own hands.As they always do when they have a fair chance, the people demonstrated that they are sound and are determined to have a sound government.When we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was accepted, the policy that stands out with the greatest clearness is that of economy in public expenditure with reduction and reform of taxation.The principle involved in this effort is that of conservation.The resources of this country are almost beyond computation.No mind can comprehend them.But the cost of our combined governments is likewise almost beyond definition.Not only those who are now making their tax returns, but those who meet the enhanced cost of existence in their monthly bills, know by hard experience what this great burden is and what it does.No matter what others may want, these people want a drastic economy.They are opposed to waste.They know that extravagance lengthens the hours and diminishes the rewards of their labor.I favor the policy of economy, not because I wish to save money, but because I wish to save people.The men and women of this country who toil are the ones who bear the cost of the Government.Every dollar that we carelessly waste means that their life will be so much the more meager.Every dollar that we prudently save means that their life will be so much the more abundant.Economy is idealism in its most practical form.If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation both directly and indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it would not be of so much consequence.The wisest and soundest method of solving our tax problem is through economy.Fortunately, of all the great nations this country is best in a position to adopt that simple remedy.We do not any longer need wartime revenues.The collection of any taxes which are not absolutely required, which do not beyond reasonable doubt contribute to the public welfare, is only a species of legalized larceny.Under this republic the rewards of industry belong to those who earn them.The only constitutional tax is the tax which ministers to public necessity.The property of the country belongs to the people of the country.Their title is absolute.They do not support any privileged class;they do not need to maintain great military forces;they ought not to be burdened with a great array of public employees.They are not required to make any contribution to Government expenditures except that which they voluntarily assess upon themselves through the action of their own representatives.Whenever taxes become burdensome a remedy can be applied by the people;but if they do not act for themselves, no one can be very successful in acting for them.The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when, unless we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living, we must have tax reform.The method of raising revenue ought not to impede the transaction of business;it ought to encourage it.I am opposed to extremely high rates, because they produce little or no revenue, because they are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are wrong.We can not finance the country, we can not improve social conditions, through any system of injustice, even if we attempt to inflict it upon the rich.Those who suffer the most harm will be the poor.This country believes in prosperity.It is absurd to suppose that it is envious of those who are already prosperous.The wise and correct course to follow in taxation and all other economic legislation is not to destroy those who have already secured success but to create conditions under which every one will have a better chance to be successful.The verdict of the country has been given on this question.That verdict stands.We shall do well to heed it.These questions involve moral issues.We need not concern ourselves much about the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the rights of persons.Under our institutions their rights are supreme.It is not property but the right to hold property, both great and small, which our Constitution guarantees.All owners of property are charged with a service.These rights and duties have been revealed, through the conscience of society, to have a divine sanction.The very stability of our society rests upon production and conservation.For individuals or for governments to waste and squander their resources is to deny these rights and disregard these obligations.The result of economic dissipation to a nation is always moral decay.These policies of better international understandings, greater economy, and lower taxes have contributed largely to peaceful and prosperous industrial relations.Under the helpful influences of restrictive immigration and a protective tariff, employment is plentiful, the rate of pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of contentment seldom before seen.Our transportation systems have been gradually recovering and have been able to meet all the requirements of the service.Agriculture has been very slow in reviving, but the price of cereals at last indicates that the day of its deliverance is at hand.We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is not to secure new advantages but to maintain those which we already possess.Our system of government made up of three separate and independent departments, our divided sovereignty composed of Nation and State, the matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our Constitution, all these need constant effort and tireless vigilance for their protection and support.In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen is obedience to law.Under a despotism the law may be imposed upon the subject.He has no voice in its making, no influence in its administration, it does not represent him.Under a free government the citizen makes his own laws, chooses his own administrators, which do represent him.Those who want their rights respected under the Constitution and the law ought to set the example themselves of observing the Constitution and the law.While there may be those of high intelligence who violate the law at times, the barbarian and the defective always violate it.Those who disregard the rules of society are not exhibiting a superior intelligence, are not promoting freedom and independence, are not following the path of civilization, but are displaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of savagery, and treading the way that leads back to the jungle.The essence of a republic is representative government.Our Congress represents the people and the States.In all legislative affairs it is the natural collaborator with the President.In spite of all the criticism which often falls to its lot, I do not hesitate to say that there is no more independent and effective legislative body in the world.It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative.I welcome its cooperation, and expect to share with it not only the responsibility, but the credit, for our common effort to secure beneficial legislation.These are some of the principles which America represents.We have not by any means put them fully into practice, but we have strongly signified our belief in them.The encouraging feature of our country is not that it has reached its destination, but that it has overwhelmingly expressed its determination to proceed in the right direction.It is true that we could, with profit, be less sectional and more national in our thought.It would be well if we could replace much that is only a false and ignorant prejudice with a true and enlightened pride of race.But the last election showed that appeals to class and nationality had little effect.We were all found loyal to a common citizenship.The fundamental precept of liberty is toleration.We can not permit any inquisition either within or without the law or apply any religious test to the holding of office.The mind of America must be forever free.It is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are not exhaustive but only representative, that I find ample warrant for satisfaction and encouragement.We should not let the much that is to do obscure the much which has been done.The past and present show faith and hope and courage fully justified.Here stands our country, an example of tranquillity at home, a patron of tranquillity abroad.Here stands its Government, aware of its might but obedient to its conscience.Here it will continue to stand, seeking peace and prosperity, solicitous for the welfare of the wage earner, promoting enterprise, developing waterways and natural resources, attentive to the intuitive counsel of womanhood, encouraging education, desiring the advancement of religion, supporting the cause of justice and honor among the nations.America seeks no earthly empire built on blood and force.No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign dominions.The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with the sword, but with the cross.The higher state to which she seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine origin.She cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God.

第五篇：美國歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演講(中英文對(duì)照)

第44任總統(tǒng)奧巴馬發(fā)表就職演說

My fellow citizens: 我的同胞們：

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.今天我站在這里，看到眼前面臨的重大任務(wù)，深感卑微。我感謝你們對(duì)我的信任，也知道先輩們?yōu)榱诉@個(gè)國家所作的犧牲。我要感謝布什總統(tǒng)為國家做出的貢獻(xiàn)，以及感謝他在兩屆政府過渡期間給與的慷慨協(xié)作。

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.迄今為止，已經(jīng)有44個(gè)美國總統(tǒng)宣誓就職?？偨y(tǒng)的宣誓有時(shí)面對(duì)的是國家的和平繁榮，但通常面臨的是烏云密布的緊張形勢(shì)。在緊張的形勢(shì)中，支持美國前進(jìn)的不僅僅是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的能力和遠(yuǎn)見，也在于美國人民對(duì)國家先驅(qū)者理想的信仰，以及對(duì)美國立國文件的忠誠。

So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.前輩們?nèi)绱耍覀冞@一代美國人也要如此。

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our healthcare is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.現(xiàn)在我們都深知，我們身處危機(jī)之中。我們的國家在戰(zhàn)斗，對(duì)手是影響深遠(yuǎn)的暴力和憎恨；國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)也受到嚴(yán)重的削弱，原因雖有一些人的貪婪和不負(fù)責(zé)任，但更為重要的是我們作為一個(gè)整體在一些重大問題上決策失誤，同時(shí)也未能做好應(yīng)對(duì)新時(shí)代的準(zhǔn)備。我們的人民正在失去家園，失去工作，很多企業(yè)倒閉。社會(huì)的醫(yī)療過于昂貴、學(xué)校教育讓許多人失望，而且每天都會(huì)有新的證據(jù)顯示，我們利用能源的方式助長了我們的敵對(duì)勢(shì)力，同時(shí)也威脅著我們的星球。

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our landthey will be met.今天我要說，我們的確面臨著很多嚴(yán)峻的挑戰(zhàn)，而且在短期內(nèi)不大可能輕易解決。但是我們要相信，我們一定會(huì)度過難關(guān)。

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.今天，我們?cè)谶@里齊聚一堂，因?yàn)槲覀儜?zhàn)勝恐懼選擇了希望，摒棄了沖突和矛盾而選擇了團(tuán)結(jié)。

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.今天，我們宣布要為無謂的摩擦、不實(shí)的承諾和指責(zé)畫上句號(hào)，我們要打破牽制美國政治發(fā)展的若干陳舊教條。

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.美國仍是一個(gè)年輕的國家，借用《圣經(jīng)》的話說，放棄幼稚的時(shí)代已經(jīng)到來了。重拾堅(jiān)韌精神的時(shí)代已經(jīng)到來，我們要為歷史作出更好的選擇，我們要秉承歷史賦予的寶貴權(quán)利，秉承那種代代相傳的高貴理念：上帝賦予我們每個(gè)人以平等和自由，以及每個(gè)人盡全力去追求幸福的機(jī)會(huì)。

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-heartedsome celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labour, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.在重申我們國家偉大之處的同時(shí)，我們深知偉大從來不是上天賜予的，偉大需要努力贏得。（我們的民族一路走來），這旅途之中從未有過捷徑或者妥協(xié)，這旅途也不適合膽怯之人、或者愛安逸勝過愛工作之人、或者單單追求名利之人。這條路是勇于承擔(dān)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)者之路，是實(shí)干家、創(chuàng)造者之路。這其中有一些人名留青史，但是更多的人卻在默默無聞地工作著。正是這些人帶領(lǐng)我們走過了漫長崎嶇的旅行，帶領(lǐng)我們走向富強(qiáng)和自由。

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.為了我們，先輩們帶著微薄的細(xì)軟，橫渡大洋，尋找新生活；為了我們，先輩們?nèi)倘柝?fù)重，用血汗?jié)茶T工廠；為了我們，先輩們?cè)诨氖彽奈鞑看蟮匦燎诟?，定居他鄉(xiāng)；為了我們，先輩們奔赴（獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中的）康科德城和葛底斯堡、（二戰(zhàn)中的）諾曼底、（越戰(zhàn)中的）Khe Sahn，他們征戰(zhàn)、死去。

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.一次又一次，我們的先輩們戰(zhàn)斗著、犧牲著、操勞著，只為了我們可以生活得更好。在他們看來，美國的 強(qiáng)盛與偉大超越了個(gè)人雄心，也超越了個(gè)人的出身、貧富和派別差異。

This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisionsnot only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise healthcare's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.我目之所及，都有工作有待完成。國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)情況要求我們采取大膽且快速的行動(dòng)，我們的確是要行動(dòng)，不僅是要?jiǎng)?chuàng)造就業(yè)，更要為（下一輪經(jīng)濟(jì)）增長打下新的基礎(chǔ)。我們將造橋鋪路，為企業(yè)鋪設(shè)電網(wǎng)和數(shù)字線路，將我們聯(lián)系在一起。我們將回歸科學(xué)，運(yùn)用科技的奇跡提高醫(yī)療質(zhì)量，降低醫(yī)療費(fèi)用。我們將利用風(fēng)能、太陽能和土壤驅(qū)動(dòng)車輛，為工廠提供能源。我們將改革中小學(xué)以及大專院校，以適應(yīng)新時(shí)代的要求。這一切，我們都能做到，而且我們都將會(huì)做到。

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitionsthat the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it worksto spend wisely, reform bad habits and do our business in the light of dayand that a nation cannot prosper long when it favours only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach f;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing hearteven greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologise for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defence, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.我們繼承了這些遺產(chǎn)。在這些原則的再次領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，我們有能力應(yīng)對(duì)新的威脅，我們需要付出更多的努力、進(jìn)行國家間更廣泛的合作以及增進(jìn)國家間的理解。首先，我們將以負(fù)責(zé)任的態(tài)度，將伊拉克交還給伊拉克人民，同時(shí)鞏固阿富汗來之不易的和平。對(duì)于老朋友和老對(duì)手，我們將繼續(xù)努力，不遺余力，削弱核威脅，遏制全球變暖的幽靈。我們不會(huì)為我們的生活方式感到報(bào)歉，我們會(huì)不動(dòng)搖地捍衛(wèi)我們的生活方式。對(duì)于那些企圖通過恐怖主義或屠殺無辜平民達(dá)成目標(biāo)的人，我們要對(duì)他們說：我們的信仰更加堅(jiān)定，不可動(dòng)搖，你們不可能拖垮我們，我們定將戰(zhàn)勝你們。

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindusknow that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.對(duì)于穆斯林世界，我們將基于共同的利益和信仰，尋找更好的合作之路。對(duì)于那些在世界各個(gè)地方挑起沖突或一味批評(píng)西方不良影響的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者：你的人民評(píng)判你的依據(jù)是你建立了什么，而不是破壞了什么。對(duì)于那些依靠腐敗和欺騙并壓制異議而追求權(quán)利的人們：你們站在了人類歷史的對(duì)立面。如果你們能張開緊握的拳頭，我們也將伸出友誼之手。

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.對(duì)于那些貧窮的人們，我們保證和你們一起建設(shè)繁茂的農(nóng)場(chǎng)和干凈的水源，滋養(yǎng)那些饑寒交迫的身體和心靈。對(duì)于那些與我們一樣相對(duì)富裕的國家，我們不能再對(duì)外界的苦難漠不關(guān)心，更不能繼續(xù)大肆索取世界的資源。世界必須改變，我們都必須改變。

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honour them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this momentit is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.當(dāng)我們審視前方的道路時(shí)，我們會(huì)感激那些跨越千山萬水來到這里的人們。今天，他們有話對(duì)我們說，也是安息在阿林頓國家公墓里的先烈們時(shí)刻提醒我們的。我們尊敬他們不僅因?yàn)槭撬麄兒葱l(wèi)了我們的自由，更因?yàn)樗麄冋欠瞰I(xiàn)精神的化身；他們致力于尋找遠(yuǎn)高于自身的生命真諦。而此時(shí)，在這個(gè)特殊的時(shí)代，我們更需讓這種精神長存。

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.因?yàn)闊o論美國政府能做多少，必須做多少，美國國家的立國之本最終還是美國人的決心和信念。于防洪堤壩決堤之時(shí)收留陌生受難者的善意，于在經(jīng)濟(jì)不景氣的時(shí)候?qū)幵笢p少自己工時(shí)也不肯看著朋友失業(yè)的無私，正是他們支撐我們走過黑暗的時(shí)刻。消防隊(duì)員沖入滿是濃煙的樓梯搶救生命的勇氣，父母養(yǎng)育孩子的堅(jiān)持，正是這些決定了我們的命運(yùn)。

Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success dependsthese things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibilitythe knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.我們自信源于對(duì)上帝的信仰，上帝號(hào)召我們要掌握自己的命運(yùn)。

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed-why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.這就是我們自由和信仰的意義，這也是為何不同種族、不同信仰、不同性別和年齡的人可以同聚一堂在此歡慶的原因，也是我今天能站在這里莊嚴(yán)宣誓的原因，而在50多年前我的父親甚至都不能成為地方餐館的服務(wù)生。

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: 所以，讓我們銘記自己的身份，鐫刻自己的足跡。在美國誕生的時(shí)代，那最寒冷的歲月里，一群勇敢的愛國人士圍著篝火在冰封的河邊取暖。首都被占領(lǐng)，敵人在挺進(jìn)，冬天的雪被鮮血染成了紅色。在美國大革命最受質(zhì)疑的時(shí)刻，我們的國父?jìng)冞@樣說：

“Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].” “我們要讓未來的世界知道……在深冬的嚴(yán)寒里，唯有希望和勇氣才能讓我們存活……面對(duì)共同的危險(xiǎn)時(shí)，我們的城市和國家要勇敢地上前去面對(duì)?！?/p>

America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.今天的美國也在嚴(yán)峻的寒冬中面對(duì)共同的挑戰(zhàn)，讓我們記住國父?jìng)儾恍嗟恼Z言。帶著希望和勇氣，讓我們?cè)僖淮斡赂业孛鎸?duì)寒流，迎接可能會(huì)發(fā)生的風(fēng)暴。我們要讓我們的子孫后代記住，在面臨挑戰(zhàn)的時(shí)候，我們沒有屈服，我們沒有逃避也沒有猶豫，我們腳踏實(shí)地、心懷信仰，秉承了寶貴的自由權(quán)利并將其安全地交到了下一代的手中。2001年美國總統(tǒng)布什就職演說

Inaugural Address of George W.Bush

January 20, 2001

President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation;and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story.A story we continue, but whose end we will not see.It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story.A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws;and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea.Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along;and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth;and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it.Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation;and this is my solemn pledge, “I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.” I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil.We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens.Every child must be taught these principles.Every citizen must uphold them;and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility.A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small.If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism.If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share.Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment.It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos.This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good.Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us.We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives;we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent;we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans;we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge;and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom.We will defend our allies and our interests;we will show purpose without arrogance;we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength;and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate.In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer.Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.I can pledge our nation to a goal, “When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.”

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience.Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles, “to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.” In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;to defend needed reforms against easy attacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens.Citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?” Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, “our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.”

We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose.Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today;to make our country more just and generous;to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues.This story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.喬治-布什2001年就職演說

謝謝大家！

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特總統(tǒng)，布什總統(tǒng)，克林頓總統(tǒng)，尊敬的來賓們，我的同胞們，這次權(quán)利的和平過渡在歷史上是罕見的，但在美國是平常的。我們以樸素的宣誓莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)了古老的傳統(tǒng)，同時(shí)開始了新的歷程。

首先，我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為這個(gè)國家作出的貢獻(xiàn)，也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈?duì)栐诟?jìng)選過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。

站在這里，我很榮幸，也有點(diǎn)受寵若驚。在我之前，許多美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里起步；在我之后，也會(huì)有許多領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人從這里繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。

在美國悠久的歷史中，我們每個(gè)人都有自己的位置；我們還在繼續(xù)推動(dòng)著歷史前進(jìn)，但是我們不可能看到它的盡頭。這是一部新世界的發(fā)展史，是一部后浪推前浪的歷史。這是一部美國由奴隸制社會(huì)發(fā)展成為崇尚自由的社會(huì)的歷史。這是一個(gè)強(qiáng)國保護(hù)而不是占有世界的歷史，是捍衛(wèi)而不是征服世界的歷史。這就是美國史。它不是一部十全十美的民族發(fā)展史，但它是一部在偉大和永恒理想指導(dǎo)下幾代人團(tuán)結(jié)奮斗的歷史。

這些理想中最偉大的是正在慢慢實(shí)現(xiàn)的美國的承諾，這就是：每個(gè)人都有自身的價(jià)值，每個(gè)人都有成功的機(jī)會(huì)，每個(gè)人天生都會(huì)有所作為的。美國人民肩負(fù)著一種使命，那就是要竭力將這個(gè)諾言變成生活中和法律上的現(xiàn)實(shí)。雖然我們的國家過去在追求實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)承諾的途中停滯不前甚至倒退，但我們?nèi)詫?jiān)定不移地完成這一使命。

在上個(gè)世紀(jì)的大部分時(shí)間里，美國自由民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石。現(xiàn)在它更像風(fēng)中的種子，把自由帶給每個(gè)民族。在我們的國家，民主不僅僅是一種信念，而是全人類的希望。民主，我們不會(huì)獨(dú)占，而會(huì)竭力讓大家分享。民主，我們將銘記于心并且不斷傳播。225年過去了，我們?nèi)杂泻荛L的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人開始懷疑，懷疑我們自己的國家所許下的諾言，甚至懷疑它的公正。失敗的教育，潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境限制了一些美國人的雄心。有時(shí)，我們的分歧是如此之深，似乎我們雖身處同一個(gè)大陸，但不屬于同一個(gè)國家。我們不能接受這種分歧，也無法容許它的存在。我們的團(tuán)結(jié)和統(tǒng)一，是每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和每一個(gè)公民的嚴(yán)肅使命。在此，我鄭重宣誓：我將竭力建設(shè)一個(gè)公正、充滿機(jī)會(huì)的統(tǒng)一國家。我知道這是我們的目標(biāo)，因?yàn)樯系郯醋约旱纳硇蝿?chuàng)造了我們，上帝高于一切的力量將引導(dǎo)我們前進(jìn)。

對(duì)這些將我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則，我們充滿信心。血緣、出身或地域從未將美國聯(lián)合起來。只有理想，才能使我們心系一處，超越自己，放棄個(gè)人利益，并逐步領(lǐng)會(huì)何謂公民。每個(gè)孩子都必須學(xué)習(xí)這些原則。每個(gè)公民都必須堅(jiān)持這些原則。每個(gè)移民，只有接受這些原則，才能使我們的國家不喪失而更具美國特色今天，我們?cè)谶@里重申一個(gè)新的信念，即通過發(fā)揚(yáng)謙恭、勇氣、同情心和個(gè)性的精神來實(shí)現(xiàn)我們國家的理想。美國在它最鼎盛時(shí)也沒忘記遵循謙遜有禮的原則。一個(gè)文明的社會(huì)需要我們每個(gè)人品質(zhì)優(yōu)良，尊重他人，為人公平和寬宏大量。

有人認(rèn)為我們的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因?yàn)樵诤推侥甏覀兯鶢?zhēng)論的話題都是無關(guān)緊要的。但是，對(duì)我們美國來說，我們所討論的問題從來都不是什么小事。如果我們不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和平事業(yè)，那么和平將無人來領(lǐng)導(dǎo)；如果我們不引導(dǎo)我們的孩子們真心地?zé)釔壑R(shí)、發(fā)揮個(gè)性，他們的天分將得不到發(fā)揮，理想 將難以實(shí)現(xiàn)。如果我們不采取適當(dāng)措施，任憑經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，最大的受害者將是平民百姓。

我們應(yīng)該時(shí)刻聽取時(shí)代的呼喚。謙遜有禮不是戰(zhàn)術(shù)也不是感情用事。這是我們最堅(jiān)定的選擇--在批評(píng)聲中贏得信任；在混亂中尋求統(tǒng)一。如果遵循這樣的承諾，我們將會(huì)享有共同的成就。

美國有強(qiáng)大的國力作后盾，將會(huì)勇往直前。

在大蕭條和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)期，我們的人民在困難面前表現(xiàn)得無比英勇，克服我們共同的困難體現(xiàn)了我們共同的優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)?，F(xiàn)在，我們正面臨著選擇，如果我們作出正確的選擇，祖輩一定會(huì)激勵(lì)我們；如果我們的選擇是錯(cuò)誤的，祖輩會(huì)譴責(zé)我們的。上帝正眷顧著這個(gè)國家，我們必須顯示出我們的勇氣，敢于面對(duì)問題，而不是將它們遺留給我們的后代。

我們要共同努力，健全美國的學(xué)校教育，不能讓無知和冷漠吞噬更多的年輕生命。我們要改革社會(huì)醫(yī)療和保險(xiǎn)制度，在力所能及的范圍內(nèi)拯救我們的孩子。我們要減低稅收，恢復(fù)經(jīng)濟(jì)，酬勞辛勤工作的美國人民。我們要防患于未然，懈怠會(huì)帶來麻煩。我們還要阻止武器泛濫，使新的世紀(jì)擺脫恐怖的威脅。

反對(duì)自由和反對(duì)我們國家的人應(yīng)該明白：美國仍將積極參與國際事務(wù)，力求世界力量的均衡，讓自由的力量遍及全球。這是歷史的選擇。我們會(huì)保護(hù)我們的盟國，捍衛(wèi)我們的利益。我們將謙遜地向世界人民表示我們的目標(biāo)。我們將堅(jiān)決反擊各種侵略和不守信用的行徑。我們要向全世界宣傳孕育了我們偉大民族的價(jià)值觀。

正處在鼎盛時(shí)期的美國也不缺乏同情心。

當(dāng)我們靜心思考，我們就會(huì)明了根深蒂固的貧窮根本不值得我國作出承諾。無論我們?nèi)绾慰创毟F的原因，我們都必須承認(rèn)，孩子敢于冒險(xiǎn)不等于在犯錯(cuò)誤。放縱與濫用都為上帝所不容。這些都是缺乏愛的結(jié)果。監(jiān)獄數(shù)量的增長雖然看起來是有必要的，但并不能代替我們心中的希望-人人遵紀(jì)守法。

哪里有痛苦，我們的義務(wù)就在哪里。對(duì)我們來說，需要幫助的美國人不是陌生人，而是我們的公民；不是負(fù)擔(dān)，而是急需救助的對(duì)象。當(dāng)有人陷入絕望時(shí)，我們大家都會(huì)因此變得渺小。

對(duì)公共安全和大眾健康，對(duì)民權(quán)和學(xué)校教育，政府都應(yīng)負(fù)有極大的責(zé)任。然而，同情心不只是政府的職責(zé)，更是整個(gè)國家的義務(wù)。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些傷痕是如此的深刻，只有導(dǎo)師的愛撫、牧師的祈禱才能有所感觸。不論是教堂還是慈善機(jī)構(gòu)、猶太會(huì)堂還是清真寺，都賦予了我們的社會(huì)它們特有的人性，因此它們理應(yīng)在我們的建設(shè)和法律上受到尊重。

我們國家的許多人都不知道貧窮的痛苦。但我們可以聽到那些感觸頗深的人們的傾訴。我發(fā)誓我們的國家要達(dá)到一種境界：當(dāng)我們看見受傷的行人倒在遠(yuǎn)行的路上，我們決不會(huì)袖手旁觀。

正處于鼎盛期的美國重視并期待每個(gè)人擔(dān)負(fù)起自己的責(zé)任。

鼓勵(lì)人們勇于承擔(dān)責(zé)任不是讓人們充當(dāng)替罪羊，而是對(duì)人的良知的呼喚。雖然承擔(dān)責(zé)任意味著犧牲個(gè)人利益，但是你能從中體會(huì)到一種更加深刻的成就感。

我們實(shí)現(xiàn)人生的完整不單是通過擺在我們面前的選擇，而且是通過我們的實(shí)踐來實(shí)現(xiàn)。我們知道，通過對(duì)整個(gè)社會(huì)和我們的孩子們盡我們的義務(wù)，我們將得到最終自由。

我們的公共利益依賴于我們獨(dú)立的個(gè)性；依賴于我們的公民義務(wù)，家庭紐帶和基本的公正；依賴于我們無數(shù)的、默默無聞的體面行動(dòng)，正是它們指引我們走向自由。

在生活中，有時(shí)我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動(dòng)地的事情。但是，正如我們時(shí)代的一位圣人所言，每一天我們都被召喚帶著摯愛去做一些小事情。一個(gè)民主制度最重要的任務(wù)是由大家每一個(gè)人來完成的。

我為人處事的原則包括：堅(jiān)信自己而不強(qiáng)加于人，為公眾的利益勇往直前，追求正義而不乏同情心，勇?lián)?zé)任而決不推卸。我要通過這一切，用我們歷史上傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀來哺育我們的時(shí)代。

(同胞們)，你們所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我希望你們不要僅僅追求個(gè)人享受而忽略公眾的利益；要捍衛(wèi)既定的改革措施，使其不會(huì)輕易被攻擊；要從身邊小事做起，為我們的國家效力。我希望你們成為真正的公民，而不是旁觀者，更不是臣民。你們應(yīng)成為有責(zé)任心的公民，共同來建設(shè)一個(gè)互幫互助的社會(huì)和有特色的國家。

美國人民慷慨、強(qiáng)大、體面，這并非因?yàn)槲覀冃湃挝覀冏约?，而是因?yàn)槲覀儞碛谐轿覀冏约旱男拍?。一旦這種公民精神喪失了，無論何種政府計(jì)劃都無法彌補(bǔ)它。一旦這種精神出現(xiàn)了，無論任何錯(cuò)誤都無法抗衡它。

在《獨(dú)立宣言》簽署之后，弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰?佩齊曾給托馬斯?杰弗遜寫信說：“我們知道，身手敏捷不一定就能贏得比賽，力量強(qiáng)大不一定就能贏得戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。難道這一切不都是上帝安排的嗎？”

杰斐遜就任總統(tǒng)的那個(gè)年代離我們已經(jīng)很遠(yuǎn)了。時(shí)光飛逝，美國發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化。但是有一點(diǎn)他肯定能夠預(yù)知，即我們這個(gè)時(shí)代的主題仍然是：我們國家無畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊嚴(yán)的純樸夢(mèng)想。

我們不是這個(gè)故事的作者，是杰斐遜作者本人的偉大理想穿越時(shí)空，并通過我們每天的努力在變?yōu)楝F(xiàn)實(shí)。我們正在通過大家的努力在履行著各自的職責(zé)。

帶著永不疲憊、永不氣餒、永不完竭的信念，今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo)：使我們的國家變得更加公正、更加慷慨，去驗(yàn)證我們每個(gè)人和所有人生命的尊嚴(yán)。

這項(xiàng)工作必須繼續(xù)下去。這個(gè)故事必須延續(xù)下去。上帝會(huì)駕馭我們航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美國！1993年美國總統(tǒng)克林頓就職演說

January 20, 1993

My fellow citizens :

Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.Thank you, and God bless you all.美國復(fù)興的新時(shí)代 比爾?克林頓 第一次就職演講

星期三,1993年1月20日

同胞們：

今天，我們慶祝美國復(fù)興的奇跡。這個(gè)儀式雖在隆冬舉行，然而，我們通過自己的言語和向世界展示的面容、卻促使春回大地--回到了世界上這個(gè)最古老的民主國家，并帶來了重新創(chuàng)造美國的遠(yuǎn)見和勇氣。

當(dāng)我國的締造者勇敢地向世界宣布美國獨(dú)立，并向上帝表明自 己的目的時(shí)，他們知道，美國若要永存，就必須變革。不是為變革而變革，而是為了維護(hù)美國的理想--為了生命、自由和追求幸福而變革。盡管我們隨著當(dāng)今時(shí)代 的節(jié)拍前進(jìn)，但我們的使命永恒不變。每一代美國人，部必須為作為一個(gè)美國人意味著什么下定義。今天，在冷戰(zhàn)陰影下成長起來的一代人，在世界上負(fù)起了新的責(zé) 任。這個(gè)世界雖然沐浴著自由的陽光，但仍受到舊仇宿怨和新的禍患的威脅。

我們?cè)跓o與倫比的繁榮中長大，繼承了仍然是世界上最強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)。但由于企業(yè)倒閉，工資增長停滯、不平等狀況加劇，人民的分歧加深，我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)已經(jīng)削弱。

當(dāng)喬治?華盛頓第一次宣讀我剛才宜讀的誓言時(shí)，人們騎馬把 那個(gè)信息緩慢地傳遍大地，繼而又來船把它傳過海洋。而現(xiàn)在，這個(gè)儀式的情景和聲音即刻向全球幾十億人播放。通信和商務(wù)具有全球性，投資具有流動(dòng)性；技術(shù)幾 乎具有魔力；改善生活的理想現(xiàn)在具有普遍性。今天，我們美國人通過同世界各地人民進(jìn)行和平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)來謀求生存。各種深遠(yuǎn)而強(qiáng)大的力量正在震撼和改造我們的世 界，當(dāng)今時(shí)代的當(dāng)務(wù)之急是我們能否使變革成為我們的朋友，而不是成為我們的敵人。

這個(gè)新世界已經(jīng)使幾百萬能夠參與競(jìng)爭(zhēng)并且取勝的美國人過上 了富裕的生活。但是，當(dāng)多數(shù)人干得越多反而掙得越少的時(shí)候，當(dāng)有些人根本不可能工作的時(shí)候，當(dāng)保健費(fèi)用的重負(fù)使眾多家庭不堪承受、使大大小小的企業(yè)瀕臨破 產(chǎn)的時(shí)候，當(dāng)犯罪活動(dòng)的恐懼使守法公民不能自由行動(dòng)的時(shí)候，當(dāng)千百萬貧窮兒童甚至不能想象我們呼喚他們過的那種生活的時(shí)候，我們就沒有使變革成為我們的朋 友。我們知道，我們必須面對(duì)嚴(yán)酷的事實(shí)真相，并采取強(qiáng)有力的步驟。但我們沒有這樣做，而是聽之任之，以致?lián)p耗了我們的資源，破壞了我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)，動(dòng)搖了我們 的信心。

我們面臨驚人的挑戰(zhàn)，但我們同樣具有驚人的力量，美國人歷來是不安現(xiàn)狀、不斷追求和充滿希望的民族，今天，我們必須把前人的遠(yuǎn)見卓識(shí)和堅(jiān)強(qiáng)意志帶到我們的任務(wù)中去。從革命，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，大蕭條，直到民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)，我國人民總是下定決心，從歷次危機(jī)中構(gòu)筑我國歷史的支柱。

托馬斯?杰斐遜認(rèn)為，為了維護(hù)我國的根基，我們需要時(shí)常進(jìn)行激動(dòng)人心的變革。美國同胞們，我們的時(shí)代就是變革的時(shí)代，讓我們擁抱這個(gè)時(shí)代吧！

我們的民主制度不僅要成為舉世稱羨的目標(biāo)，而且要成為舉國復(fù)興的動(dòng)力。美國沒有任何錯(cuò)誤的東西不能被正確的東西所糾正。因此，我們今天立下誓言，要結(jié)束這個(gè)僵持停頓、放任自流的時(shí)代，一個(gè)復(fù)興美國的新時(shí)代已經(jīng)開始。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須鼓足勇氣。我們必須做前人無需做的 事情。我們必須更多地投資于人民，投資于他們的工作和未來，與此同時(shí)，我們必須減少巨額債務(wù)。而且，我們必須在一個(gè)需要為每個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)而競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的世界上做到這一 切。這樣做并不容易：這樣做要求作出犧牲。但是，這是做得到的，而且能做得公平合理。我們不是為犧牲而犧牲，我們必須像家庭供養(yǎng)子女那樣供養(yǎng)自己的國家。

我國的締造者是用子孫后代的眼光來審視自己的。我們也必須 這樣做。凡是注意過孩子蒙?o人睡的人，都知道后代意味著什么，后代就是將要到來的世界--我們?yōu)橹畧?jiān)持自己的理想，我們向之借用這個(gè)星球，我們對(duì)之負(fù)有 神圣的責(zé)任。我們必須做美國最拿手的事情：為所有的人提供更多的機(jī)會(huì)，要所有的人負(fù)起更多的責(zé)任。

現(xiàn)在是破除只求向政府和別人免費(fèi)索取的惡習(xí)的時(shí)候了。讓我們大家不僅為自己和家庭，而且為社區(qū)和國家擔(dān)負(fù)起更多的責(zé)任吧。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須恢復(fù)我們民主制度的活力。這個(gè)美麗的首都，就像文明的曙光出現(xiàn)以來的每一個(gè)首都一樣，常常是爾虞我詐、明爭(zhēng)暗斗之地。大腕人物爭(zhēng)權(quán)奪勢(shì)，沒完沒了地為官員的更替升降而煩神，卻忘記了那些用辛勤和汗水把我們送到這里來，并養(yǎng)活了我們的人。

美國人理應(yīng)得到更好的回報(bào)。在這個(gè)城市里，今天有人想把事 情辦得更好一些。因此，我要時(shí)所有在場(chǎng)的人說：讓我們下定決心改革政治，使權(quán)力和特權(quán)的喧囂不再壓倒人民的呼聲。讓我們撇開個(gè)人利益。這樣我們就能覺察美 國的病痛，并看到官的希望。讓我們下定決心，使政府成為富蘭克林?羅斯福所說的進(jìn)行“大膽而持久試驗(yàn)”的地方，成為一個(gè)面向未來而不是留戀過去的政府。讓 我們把這個(gè)首都?xì)w還給它所屬于的人民。

我們要復(fù)興美國，就必須迎接國內(nèi)外的種種挑戰(zhàn)。國外和國內(nèi)事務(wù)之間已不再有明確的界限--世界經(jīng)濟(jì)，世界環(huán)境，世界艾滋病危機(jī)，世界軍備競(jìng)賽，這一切都在影響著我們大家。

我們?cè)趪鴥?nèi)進(jìn)行重建的同時(shí)，面對(duì)這個(gè)新世界的挑戰(zhàn)不會(huì)退縮不前，也下會(huì)坐失良機(jī)。我們將同盟友一起努力進(jìn)行變革，以免被變革所吞沒。當(dāng)我們的重要利益受到挑戰(zhàn)，或者，當(dāng)國際社會(huì)的意志和良知受到蔑視，我們將采取行動(dòng)--可能時(shí)就采用和平外交手段，必要時(shí)就使用武力。

今天，在波斯灣、索馬里和任何其他地方為國效力的勇敢的美國人，都證明了我們的決心。

但是，我們最偉大的力量是我們思想的威力。這些思想在許多國家仍然處于萌芽階段?？吹竭@些思想在世界各地被接受，我們感到歡欣鼓舞。我們的希望，我們的心，與每一個(gè)大陸正在建立民主和自由的人們是連在一起的。他們的事業(yè)也是美國的事業(yè)。

美國人民喚來了我們今天所慶祝的變革。你們毫不含糊地齊聲疾呼。你們以前所未有的人數(shù)參加了投票。你們使國會(huì)、總統(tǒng)職務(wù)和政治進(jìn)程本身全都面目一新。是的，是你們，我的美國同胞們，促使春回大地。

現(xiàn)在，我們必須做這個(gè)季節(jié)需要做的工作?，F(xiàn)在，我就運(yùn)用我的全部職權(quán)轉(zhuǎn)向這項(xiàng)工作。我請(qǐng)求國會(huì)同我一道做這項(xiàng)工作。任何總統(tǒng)、任何國會(huì)、任何政府都不能單獨(dú)完成這一使命。同胞們，在我國復(fù)興的過程中，你們也必須發(fā)揮作用。

我向新一代美國年輕人挑戰(zhàn)，要求你們投入這一奉獻(xiàn)的季節(jié)--按照你們的理想主義行動(dòng)起來，使不幸的兒童得到幫助，使貧困的人們得到關(guān)懷，使四分五裂的社區(qū)恢復(fù)聯(lián)系。要做的事情很多--確實(shí)夠多的，以至幾百萬在精神上仍然年輕的人也可作出奉獻(xiàn)。

在奉獻(xiàn)過程中，我們認(rèn)識(shí)到相互需要這一簡單而又強(qiáng)大的真 理。我們必須相互關(guān)心.今天，我們不僅是在贊頌美國，我們?cè)僖淮伟炎约悍瞰I(xiàn)給美國的理想：這個(gè)理想在革命中誕生，在兩個(gè)世紀(jì)的挑戰(zhàn)中更新；這個(gè)理想經(jīng)受了 認(rèn)識(shí)的考驗(yàn)，大家認(rèn)識(shí)到，若不是命運(yùn)的安排，幸運(yùn)者或不幸者有可能互換位置；這個(gè)理想由于一種信念而變得崇高，即我國能夠從紛繁的多佯性中實(shí)現(xiàn)最深刻的統(tǒng) 一性，這個(gè)理想洋溢著一種信：美國漫長而英勇的旅程必將永遠(yuǎn)繼續(xù)。同胞們，在我惻即將跨入21世紀(jì)之際，讓我們以旺盛的精力和滿腔的希望，以堅(jiān)定的信心和 嚴(yán)明的紀(jì)律開始工作，直到把工作完成。《圣經(jīng)》說：“我們行善，不可喪志，若不灰心，到了時(shí)候，就要收成?！?/p>

在這個(gè)歡樂的山巔，我們聽見山谷里傳來了要我們作出奉獻(xiàn)的召喚。我們聽到了號(hào)角聲。我們已經(jīng)換崗?，F(xiàn)在，我們必須以各自的方式，在上帝的幫助下響應(yīng)這一召喚。

謝謝大家。上帝保佑大家。

1981年美國總統(tǒng)里根就職演說

First Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?

We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.羅納德-里根 第一次就職演說

第40任總統(tǒng)(1981年-1989年)

議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發(fā)言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生，以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們：今天對(duì)于我們中間的一些人來說，是一個(gè)非常莊嚴(yán)隆重的時(shí)刻。當(dāng)然，對(duì)于這個(gè)國家的歷史來說，卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求，政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交，我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個(gè)世紀(jì)，很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來，這個(gè)我們已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式，卻實(shí)在是一個(gè)奇跡。

總統(tǒng)先生，我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個(gè)傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作，你向觀察者展示了這么一個(gè)事實(shí)：我們是發(fā)誓要團(tuán)結(jié)起來維護(hù)這樣一個(gè)政治體制的團(tuán)體，這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個(gè)人自由。同時(shí)我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助，因?yàn)槟銈儓?jiān)持了這樣的傳承，而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。

我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)困難。我們?cè)庥龅轿覈鴼v史上歷時(shí)最長、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹，它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策，打擊著節(jié)儉的風(fēng)氣，壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計(jì)。

停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個(gè)人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人，也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動(dòng)報(bào)酬，因?yàn)檫@種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就，使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。

盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重，但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來，我們的赤字額屢屢上升，我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時(shí)的方便，把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢(shì)如果長此以往，必然引起社會(huì)、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)等方面的大動(dòng)蕩。

作為個(gè)人，你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活，然而只能維持一段有限的時(shí)期，我們?cè)趺纯梢哉J(rèn)為，作為一個(gè)國家整體，我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢？為了保住明天，我們今天就必須行動(dòng)起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動(dòng)。

我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟(jì)弊病，幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會(huì)在幾天、幾星期或幾個(gè)月內(nèi)消失，但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失，是因?yàn)槲覀冏鳛楝F(xiàn)在的美國人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存這個(gè)最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。

在當(dāng)前這場(chǎng)危機(jī)中，政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。

我們時(shí)常誤以為，社會(huì)已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜，已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理，而一個(gè)由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明?？墒牵偃缥覀冎姓l也管理不了自己，那么，我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。

我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個(gè)責(zé)任，我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的，不要使任何一個(gè)群體付出較高的代價(jià)。

我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團(tuán)的談?wù)?，然而。我們必須關(guān)心一個(gè)被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團(tuán)。這個(gè)集團(tuán)沒有區(qū)域之分，沒有人種之分，沒有民族之分，沒有 政黨之分，這個(gè)集團(tuán)由許許多多的男人與女人組成，他們生產(chǎn)糧食，巡邏街頭，管理廠礦，教育兒童，照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實(shí)業(yè)家、店主、職 員、出租汽車司機(jī)和貨車駕駛員，總而言之，他們就是“我們?nèi)嗣瘛?-這個(gè)稱之為美國人的民族。

本屆政府的日標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機(jī)會(huì)，讓美國重新工作起 來，意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹，意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費(fèi)用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度，有了這些，我們就能建立起強(qiáng)大、繁榮、國內(nèi)穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國。

因此，在我們開始之際，讓我們看看實(shí)際情況。我們是一個(gè)擁有政府的國家--而不是一個(gè)擁有國家的政府。這一點(diǎn)使我們?cè)谑澜绾蠂歇?dú)樹一幟，我們的政府 除了人民授予的權(quán)力，沒有任何別的權(quán)力。目前，政府權(quán)力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象，制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)這種狀況的時(shí)候到了。

我打算壓縮聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)的規(guī)模和權(quán)力，并要求大家承認(rèn)聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒：不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng) 立了各州，而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。因此，請(qǐng)不要誤會(huì)，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作，而不是凌駕于我們之上；同我們并肩 而立，而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機(jī)會(huì)，而不是扼殺機(jī)會(huì)，它能夠而且必須促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力，而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。

如果我們要探究這么多年來我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就，并獲得了世界上任何一個(gè)民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛，其原因是在這片土地上，我們使人類的能力和個(gè) 人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里，個(gè)人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴(yán)超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價(jià)有時(shí)相當(dāng)高昂，但我們從來沒 有不愿意付出這代價(jià)。

我們目前的困難，與政府機(jī)構(gòu)因?yàn)椴槐匾倪^度膨脹而干預(yù)、侵?jǐn)_我們的生活同步增加，這決不是偶然的巧合。我們是一個(gè)泱泱大國，不能自囿于小小的夢(mèng)想，現(xiàn)在正是認(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)的時(shí)候。我們并非注定走向衰落，盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點(diǎn)。我不相信，無論我們做些什么，我們都將命該如此，但我相信，如果我們 什么也不做，我們將的確命該如此。

為此，讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個(gè)國家復(fù)興的時(shí)代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量，讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。我們完全有權(quán)去做英雄夢(mèng)。

有人告訴我們?cè)谒纳砩习l(fā)現(xiàn)一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標(biāo)題：“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語：“美國必須贏得這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。為此，我會(huì)奮斗，我會(huì)拯救，我會(huì)犧牲，我會(huì)忍受，我會(huì)并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰(zhàn)，就好比所有的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)問題都將由我一個(gè)人來肩負(fù)?！?1977年美國總統(tǒng)卡特就職演說

Inaugural Address by Jimmy Carter(January 20, 1977)

For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land.In this outward and physical ceremony we attest once again to the inner and spiritual strength of our Nation.As my high school teacher, Miss Julia Coleman, used to say: “We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles.”

Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our first President, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on the Bible my mother gave me a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonition from the ancient prophet Micah: “He hath showed thee, O man, what is good;and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God.”(Micah 6:8)

This inauguration ceremony marks a new beginning, a new dedication within our Government, and a new spirit among us all.A President may sense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it.Two centuries ago our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long quest for freedom, but the bold and brilliant dream which excited the founders of this Nation still awaits its consummation.I have no new dream to set forth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream.Ours was the first society openly to define itself in terms of both spirituality and of human liberty.It is that unique self-definition which has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us a special obligation, to take on those moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests.You have given me a great responsibility--to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are.Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust.Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and pray together, confident that in the end we will triumph together in the right.The American dream endures.We must once again have full faith in our country and in one another.I believe America can be better.We can be even stronger than before.Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nation, for we know that if we despise our own government we have no future.We recall in special times when we have stood briefly, but magnificently, united.In those times no prize was beyond our grasp.But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory.We cannot afford to drift.We reject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality of life for any person.Our Government must at the same time be both competent and compassionate.We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are now struggling to enhance equality of opportunity.Our commitment to human rights must be absolute, our laws fair, our natural beauty preserved;the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.We have learned that “more” is not necessarily “better,” that even our great Nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems.We cannot afford to do everything, nor can we afford to lack boldness as we meet the future.So, together, in a spirit of individual sacrifice for the common good, we must simply do our best.Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home.And we know that the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is to demonstrate here that our democratic system is worthy of emulation.To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others.We will not behave in foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that the trust which our Nation earns is essential to our strength.The world itself is now dominated by a new spirit.Peoples more numerous and more politically aware are craving and now demanding their place in the sun--not just for the benefit of their own physical condition, but for basic human rights.The passion for freedom is on the rise.Tapping this new spirit, there can be no nobler nor more ambitious task for America to undertake on this day of a new beginning than to help shape a just and peaceful world that is truly humane.We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient that it need not be proven in combat--a quiet strength based not merely on the size of an arsenal, but on the nobility of ideas.We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight our wars against poverty, ignorance, and injustice--for those are the enemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled.We are a purely idealistic Nation, but let no one confuse our idealism with weakness.Because we are free we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedom elsewhere.Our moral sense dictates a clearcut preference for these societies which share with us an abiding respect for individual human rights.We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world which others can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency and a threat to the well-being of all people.The world is still engaged in a massive armaments race designed to ensure continuing equivalent strength among potential adversaries.We pledge perseverance and wisdom in our efforts to limit the world's armaments to those necessary for each nation's own domestic safety.And we will move this year a step toward ultimate goal--the elimination of all nuclear weapons from this Earth.We urge all other people to join us, for success can mean life instead of death.Within us, the people of the United States, there is evident a serious and purposeful rekindling of confidence.And I join in the hope that when my time as your President has ended, people might say this about our Nation:

that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search for humility, mercy, and justice;that we had torn down the barriers that separated those of different race and region and religion, and where there had been mistrust, built unity, with a respect for diversity;

that we had found productive work for those able to perform it;

that we had strengthened the American family, which is the basis of our society;

that we had ensured respect for the law, and equal treatment under the law, for the weak and the powerful, for the rich and the poor;

and that we had enabled our people to be proud of their own Government once again.I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, built not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values.These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our Nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream.1974年美國總統(tǒng)福特就職演說

Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon.President Ford's Inaugural Address:

[Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E.Burger]

Mr.Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:

The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution.But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans.This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented compact with my countrymen.Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a campaign speech--just a little straight talk among friends.And I intend it to be the first of many.I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers.And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many.If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises.I have not campaigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency.I have not subscribed to any partisan platform.I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman--my dear wife--as I begin this very difficult job.I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it.Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and are my friends.They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name.It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people.Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty.And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, “Is there any better way or equal hope in the world?”

I intend, on Monday next, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views.And may I say to the Speaker and the others, if I could meet with you right after these remarks, I would appreciate it.Even though this is late in an election year, there is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people's urgent needs.We cannot stand still or slip backwards.We must go forward now together.31

To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, and I hope that could encompass the whole world, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace.America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remain dedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom.I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our Government but civilization itself.That bond, though stained, is unbroken at home and abroad.In all my public and private acts as your President, I expect to follow my instincts of openness and candor with full confidence that honesty is always the best policy in the end.My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.Our Constitution works.Our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men.Here, the people rule.But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordains not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy.As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate, more painful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars, let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate.In the beginning, I asked you to pray for me.Before closing, I ask again your prayers, for Richard Nixon and for his family.May our former President, who brought peace to millions, find it for himself.May God bless and comfort his wonderful wife and daughters, whose love and loyalty will forever be a shining legacy to all who bear the lonely burdens of the White House.I can only guess at those burdens, although I have witnessed at close hand the tragedies that befell three Presidents and the lesser trials of others.With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution;to do what is right as God gives me to see the right;and to do the very best I can for America.God helping me, I will not let you down.Thank you.32 1969年美國總統(tǒng)尼克松就職演說

First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous Nixon

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969

Senator Dirksen, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:

I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment.In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique.But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized.The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation.Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker.This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.33

The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement.We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture.We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever.We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today.I know America's youth.I believe in them.We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it.Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear.He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: “They concern, thank God, only material things.”

Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit;reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace.We are torn by division, wanting unity.We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment.We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to “the better angels of our nature,” we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words;from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver;from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds;from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.34

We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen.We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education;in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas;in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all.The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing;with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.35

I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease.I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents;we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not.To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two.The laws have caught up with our conscience.What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome;where peace is fragile, make it strong;where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.36

Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son.I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America.I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States.To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes “with healing in its wings”;with compassion for those who have suffered;with understanding for those who have opposed us;with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:

“To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers.”

In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible;telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own

hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit.But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark.Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity.So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness--and, “riders on the earth together,” let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers;but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.38 理查德-尼克松 第一次就職演講 我們都是地球的乘客

星期一,1969年1月20日

歷史的每一個(gè)時(shí)刻轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝，它既珍貴又獨(dú)特?？墒牵渲心承╋@然是揭開序幕的時(shí)刻，此時(shí)，一代先河得以開創(chuàng)，它決定了未來數(shù)十年或幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的航向。

現(xiàn)在可能就是這樣一個(gè)時(shí)刻。

現(xiàn)在，各方力量正在匯聚起來，使我們第一次可以期望人類的許多夙愿最終能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)。

不斷加快的變革速度，使我們能在我們這一代期望過去花了幾百年才出現(xiàn)的種種進(jìn)步。

由于開辟了大空的天地，我們?cè)诘厍蛏弦舶l(fā)現(xiàn)了新的天地。

由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各國領(lǐng)袖害怕戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，因此，目前形勢(shì)第一次變得有利于和平。

從現(xiàn)在起，再過8年，美國將慶祝建國200周年。在現(xiàn)在大多數(shù)人的有生之年，人類將慶祝千載難逢的、輝煌無比的新年——第三個(gè)百年盛世的開端。

我們的國家將變成怎樣的國家，我們將生活在怎樣的世界上，我們要不要按照我們的希望鑄造未來，這些都將由我們根據(jù)自己的行動(dòng)和選擇來決定。

歷史所能賜予我們的最大榮譽(yù)，莫過于和平締造者這一稱號(hào)。這一榮譽(yù)現(xiàn)在正在召喚美國——這是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界最終脫離**的幽谷，走向自文明開端以來人類一直夢(mèng)寐以求的和平高壇的一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)。

我們?nèi)臬@成功，下幾代人在談及現(xiàn)在在世的我們時(shí)會(huì)說，正是我們掌握了時(shí)機(jī)，正是我們協(xié)力相助，使普天之下國泰民安。

這是要我們創(chuàng)立宏偉大業(yè)的召喚。

我相信，美國人民準(zhǔn)備響應(yīng)這一召喚。

經(jīng)過一段對(duì)抗時(shí)期，我們正進(jìn)入一個(gè)談判時(shí)代。

讓所有國家都知道，在本屆政府任期內(nèi)，交流通道是敞開的。

我們謀求一個(gè)開放的世界——對(duì)各種思想開放，對(duì)物資和人員的交流開放，在這個(gè)世界中，任何民族，不論大小，都不會(huì)生活在怏怏不樂的孤立之中。

我們不能指望每個(gè)人都成為我們的朋友，可是我們能設(shè)法使任何人都不與我們?yōu)閿场?/p>

我們邀請(qǐng)那些很可能是我們對(duì)手的人進(jìn)行一場(chǎng)和平競(jìng)賽——不是要征服領(lǐng)土或擴(kuò)展版圖，而是要豐富人類的生活。

在探索宇宙空間的時(shí)候，讓我們一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同進(jìn)行一次新的探險(xiǎn)。

讓我們同那些愿意加入這一行列的人共同合作，減少軍備負(fù)擔(dān)，加固和平大廈，提高貧窮挨餓的人們的生活水平。

但是，對(duì)所有那些見軟就欺的人來說，讓我們不容置疑地表明，我們需要多么強(qiáng)大就會(huì)多強(qiáng)大：需要強(qiáng)大多久，就會(huì)強(qiáng)大多久。

自從我作為新當(dāng)選的國會(huì)議員首次來到國會(huì)大廈之后的20多年來，我已經(jīng)出訪過世界上大多數(shù)國家。

我結(jié)識(shí)了世界各國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各種強(qiáng)大勢(shì)力，各種深仇大恨，各種恐懼心理。

我知道，和于不會(huì)單憑愿望就能到來——這需要日復(fù)一日，甚至年復(fù)一年地進(jìn)行耐心而持久的外交努力，除此別無他法。

我也了解世界各國人民。

我見到過無家可歸的兒童在忍饑挨餓，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中掛彩負(fù)傷的男人在痛苦呻吟，失去孩子的母親在無限悲傷。我知道，這些并沒有意識(shí)形態(tài)和種族之分。

我了解美國。我了解美國的心是善良的。

我從心底里，從我國人民的心底里，向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人們表達(dá)我們的深切關(guān)懷。

今天，我在上帝和我國同胞面前宣誓，擁護(hù)和捍衛(wèi)合眾國憲法。除了這一誓言，我現(xiàn)在還要補(bǔ)充一項(xiàng)神圣的義務(wù)：我將把自己的職責(zé)、精力以及我所能使喚的一切智慧，一并奉獻(xiàn)給各國之間的和平事業(yè)。

讓強(qiáng)者和弱者都能聽到這一信息：

我們企求贏得的和平不是戰(zhàn)勝任何一個(gè)民族，而是“和平天使”帶來的為治愈創(chuàng)傷的和平：是對(duì)遭受苦難者予以同情的和平；是對(duì)那些反對(duì)過我們的人予以諒解的和平；是地球上各族人民都有選擇自己命運(yùn)的機(jī)會(huì)的和平。

就在幾星期以前，人類如同上帝凝望這個(gè)世界一樣，第一次端視了這個(gè)世界，一個(gè)在冥冥黑暗中輝映發(fā)光的獨(dú)特的星球。我們分享了這一榮光。

阿波羅號(hào)上的字航員在圣誕節(jié)前夕飛越月球灰色的表面時(shí)，向我們說起地球的美麗——從穿過月距而傳來的如此清晰的聲音中，我們聽到他們?cè)谄矶\上帝賜福人間。

在那一時(shí)刻，他們從月球上發(fā)出的意愿，激勵(lì)著詩人阿奇博爾德?麥克利什寫下了這樣的篇章：

“在永恒的寧靜中，那渺小、斑斕、美麗的地球在浮動(dòng)。要真正地觀望地球，就得把我們自己都看作是地球的乘客，看作是一群兄弟，他們共處于漫漫的、寒冷的字宙中。仰賴著光明的摯愛——這群兄弟懂得，而今他們是真正的兄弟?！?/p>

在那個(gè)比技術(shù)勝利更有意義的時(shí)刻，人們把思緒轉(zhuǎn)向了家鄉(xiāng)和人類——他們從那個(gè)遙遠(yuǎn)的視角中發(fā)現(xiàn)，地球上人類的命運(yùn)是不能分開的；他們告訴我們，不管我們?cè)谟钪嬷凶叩枚噙h(yuǎn)，我們的命運(yùn)不是在別的星球上，而是在地球上，在我們自己手中，在我們的心頭。

我們已經(jīng)度過了一個(gè)反映美國精神的漫漫長夜?？墒?，當(dāng)我們瞥見黎明前的第一縷曙光，切莫詛咒那尚未消散的黑暗。讓我們迎接光明吧。

我們的命運(yùn)所賜予的不是絕望的苦酒，而是機(jī)會(huì)的美餐。因此，讓我們不是充滿恐懼，而是滿懷喜悅地去抓住這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)吧——“地球的乘客們”，讓我們以堅(jiān)定的信念，朝著穩(wěn)定的目標(biāo)，在提防著危險(xiǎn)中前進(jìn)吧！我們對(duì)上帝的意志和人類的希望充滿了信心，這將使我們持之以恒。

1961年美國總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說

Inaugural Address of John F.Kennedy

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.42

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.43

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.44 火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人

約翰-肯尼迪 就職演講

星期五,1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束，也象征著一個(gè)開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲?，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭(zhēng)論。這個(gè)信念就是：人的權(quán)利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時(shí)此地的講話：火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生，在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時(shí)期受過陶冶，他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪——他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。

讓每個(gè)國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落——為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價(jià)，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。

這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

對(duì)那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致，就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無在而下勝；我們?nèi)绻制鐚?duì)立，就會(huì)一事無成——因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔?zhēng)吵下休、四分五裂時(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。

對(duì)那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權(quán)力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。

對(duì)世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村，為擺脫普遍貪困而斗爭(zhēng)的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時(shí)間——之所以這樣做，并不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票，而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的，自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法保全少數(shù)富人。

對(duì)我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證——在爭(zhēng)取進(jìn)步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng)，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對(duì)國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們?cè)谝黄?，反?duì)在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。

聯(lián)合國是主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu)，是我們?cè)趹?zhàn)爭(zhēng)手段大大超過和平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我們重申予以支持；防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場(chǎng)所；加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù)；擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。

最后，對(duì)那些想與我們作時(shí)的國家，我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證：在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力

量，把全人類卷人到預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。

我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭?，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)下會(huì)使用這些軍備。

但是，這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰——發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻在爭(zhēng)著改變那制止人類發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的不移定的恐怖均勢(shì)。因此，讓我們雙方重新開始——雙方都要牢記。禮貌并不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠(yuǎn)有侍于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。

讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。

讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國家的絕對(duì)控制之下。

讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發(fā)深梅，并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。

讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令——“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”

如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一種新的均勢(shì)，而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界，在這個(gè)世界中，強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護(hù)。

所有這一切下可能在第一個(gè)一百天內(nèi)完成，也不可能在第一個(gè)一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。

公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對(duì)國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>

現(xiàn)在，號(hào)角已再次吹響——不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器，不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭(zhēng)的重任，年復(fù)一年，“從希望中得到歡樂，在苦難中保持堅(jiān)韌”，去反對(duì)人類共同的敵人——專制、貧困、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身。

為反對(duì)這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎？你們?cè)敢鈪⒓舆@一歷史性的努力嗎？

在漫長的世界歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任，我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人，而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能力你們做些什么，而要問你們能為國家做些什么。

全世界的公民們，不要間美國將為你們做些什么，而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什么。

最后，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應(yīng)該要求我們現(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞，歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導(dǎo)我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切的說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。

1949年美國總統(tǒng)杜魯門就職演說

Inaugural Address of Harry S.Truman

THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor which the American people have conferred upon me.I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you.I ask for your encouragement and your support.The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past.Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race.The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history.The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears.In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning.We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good.We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression.We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life.Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.47

That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind.Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone.People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none.We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations.We have consistently advocated and relied

upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history.The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind.We have beaten back despair and defeatism.We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty.Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice.We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people.We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness.We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program.We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery.We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume.Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area.Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense

arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter.Each country participating in these arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery.Their food is inadequate.They are victims of disease.Their economic life is primitive and stagnant.Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques.The material resources which we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited.But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples the benefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help them realize their aspirations for a better life.And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needing development.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources in this undertaking.Their contributions will be warmly welcomed.This should be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through the United Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable.It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, and labor in this country, this program