第一篇：麥克阿瑟告別演講“老兵永不死”中英文

英文全文如下: Old soldiers never die, they just fade away

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:

“Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system，Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.”

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!”

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麥克阿瑟告別演講“老兵永不死”演講全文

總統(tǒng)先生，演講者，議會杰出的成員們： 我懷著深深的謙卑和無比的自豪感站在這演講臺上----謙卑是因為面對在我面前的那些偉大美國過去的建設(shè)者們；自豪是因為想到國內(nèi)立法爭論所設(shè)計的代表人類最純潔的自由。整個人類的希望、抱負(fù)、信念都集中于此。我站在這里不為任何黨派目的辯護(hù)，因為議題的根本性超出了黨派所能考慮的區(qū)域。如果能證明我們的路線穩(wěn)妥且我們的前途有保障,那些問題就應(yīng)被放在最高位來解決.因此，我相信，你們會公正地把我所表達(dá)的當(dāng)作一個美國同胞的觀點。

我演講既不帶人生暮年的怨恨也不帶傷感之情，但心中只有一個目的：為我的祖國效勞。雖然亞洲被認(rèn)為是通往歐洲的大門，但說歐洲是通往亞洲的大門也沒有錯。且一方的廣泛影響不得不帶動另一方。一些人聲稱我們的力量不足以同時保護(hù)兩條線路，我們不能分散精力。我認(rèn)為沒有比這更能表現(xiàn)出失敗主義的了。如果潛在性的敵人能將他們的力量分為兩條路線，那對我們來說就要對他們的力量予以反擊。共產(chǎn)主義者的威脅是一個全球性的問題。他們在每個防區(qū)的成功進(jìn)展直接預(yù)示著我們每隔一個防區(qū)將遭到破壞。我們不會為讓亞洲的共產(chǎn)主義投降而不能同時削弱我們的力量去遏止歐洲的發(fā)展而感到安慰。

說了太多的共知之理，我會簡略我關(guān)于亞洲地區(qū)的討論。在某人能客觀地對那里存在的形勢作出評估之前，他必須了解一些關(guān)于亞洲的過去和他們沿著自己的路線發(fā)展至今的改革變化。被所謂的殖民統(tǒng)治長期的剝削，便很難有機(jī)會建立社會的公正尺度，維護(hù)個人尊嚴(yán)，或者實現(xiàn)一個高水平的生活，就像保衛(wèi)我們在菲律賓自己崇高的政府，亞洲的人民抓住了他們的時機(jī)在戰(zhàn)爭中擺脫了殖民統(tǒng)治的束縛并且看到了新時機(jī)的曙光，一種從未感受過的尊嚴(yán)和一個國家自由后的自尊感。

集合地球一半的人數(shù)，有60%的自然資源被這些人迅速地加強(qiáng)成為一種新的力量，精神上的和物質(zhì)上的都被用來提升生活水平也是為適應(yīng)對自己的不同文化環(huán)境的最新進(jìn)展的謀劃。不管誰是否拘泥于殖民的概念，這是亞洲發(fā)展進(jìn)步的方向且不會被終止。這是世界金融尖端轉(zhuǎn)變的必然結(jié)果，就像整個世界事物的中心正循環(huán)著回到它的起始點。

在這種形勢之下，我們用基本發(fā)展的狀況使自己國家和東方國家在政策上保持和諧而不是一味追求不明現(xiàn)實的路線，因為殖民時代已經(jīng)過去且亞洲人正為實現(xiàn)他們自由的命運而垂延。他們當(dāng)今尋求的是友好的指引、協(xié)議、和支持——而不是專橫的引導(dǎo)——是平等尊嚴(yán)而不是恥辱地屈從。他們戰(zhàn)前的生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)低得令人同情，現(xiàn)在又因戰(zhàn)爭所帶來的破壞而變得更加無限的低。世界的意識形態(tài)幾乎不把亞洲考慮在內(nèi)，不給予他們體諒。那兒的人民為之拼命的只是為了能得到更多一點食物來填飽肚子，有稍好一點的衣物來遮背，蓋結(jié)實些的屋頂在他們的頭上，和普通國民們渴望政治自由的意識。這些政治社會性的條件為國內(nèi)安全給予了間接的保障，不過要對慎重考慮過的現(xiàn)時方案建立背景來決定我們是否要避免不切實際的意外事件。

能直系和快速地穩(wěn)固住國內(nèi)安全的是過去太平洋戰(zhàn)爭路線戰(zhàn)略上的改變。先前的美國西面戰(zhàn)略部署是美國原本線路，附和著暴露的島嶼夏威夷、中途島、關(guān)島通向菲律賓。這種戰(zhàn)線證明了不是敵方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱點使敵人有機(jī)可乘太平洋地區(qū)是個令任何強(qiáng)國都虎視眈眈謀求發(fā)展和擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋戰(zhàn)爭的勝利改變了，我們那具有戰(zhàn)略意義的邊界才成為我們所擁有的整個太平洋，只要我們能夠抓住它便能使其成為巨大的護(hù)城河。千真萬確，它充當(dāng)?shù)氖撬忻绹酥琳麄€太平洋自由領(lǐng)土的護(hù)盾。我們控制亞洲成弧形鏈狀海岸線的島嶼從琉球到馬尼拉都受我們和盟軍控制。由這諸些島嶼我們能支配從海參葳到新加坡亞洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所說的——從海參葳到新加坡——保護(hù)并抵御太平洋上不友好的動機(jī)。

在亞洲任何兇狠的進(jìn)攻都必須具備兩股力量。無任何兩種力量能在沒有海洋和空中的掌控權(quán)之下在推進(jìn)道路上取得成功。有了海軍、重要的空軍和適度的陸軍來保衛(wèi)基地，任何對亞洲大陸的以及我們和我們在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻擊都必將逃不了失敗的厄運。

在如此狀況下，太平洋代表的不僅僅是預(yù)想中的侵略者的一種威脅。假定那里是個友好的和平湖畔，我們的防御路線就十分自然而且可花費最小的軍事代價來維持。想象沒有任何襲擊，也用不著為突襲性的攻擊而設(shè)置堡壘，只要適當(dāng)維護(hù)，這將是抵制侵略的不可戰(zhàn)勝的防御。

在西太平洋上想擁有這種防御力因此要依賴各個部分，因為不友好的力量導(dǎo)致的任何線路破裂都會遭來每個部分在有預(yù)謀的攻擊下變得十分脆弱。

這是我仍在尋找的要接替我的軍事領(lǐng)頭者應(yīng)當(dāng)持有的軍事評估。因為這個原因，我過去強(qiáng)烈地推薦自己，成為一個至關(guān)重要的軍事代理，沒有穩(wěn)固的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)臺灣就只能在共產(chǎn)主義的掌控下。這樣一個世界有可能立刻就威脅到菲律賓和失敗后的日本的自由，也會迫使我們西方的防守邊界退到加利福尼亞沿岸、奧勒崗和華盛頓。

要了解中國大陸所發(fā)生的變化，就必須知道50年來中國體制和文化的變化。中國，50年前是完全沒有團(tuán)結(jié)意識，分裂成很多團(tuán)體互相爭斗。經(jīng)過過去的五十年中國人開始有了武裝的概念和理想。如今他們組成了擁有勝任的參謀長和司令的優(yōu)秀士兵團(tuán)體。這就在亞洲誕生了一股新的統(tǒng)治力量，為了實現(xiàn)自己的目標(biāo)，他們與觀念方法都成了具帝國主義的蘇聯(lián)結(jié)盟，同時他們也帶著擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土、增強(qiáng)實力的渴望趨向帝國主義。

他們都使用精力來扭曲我的職位。結(jié)果我被說成了是個好戰(zhàn)分子。沒有事物能夠越加遠(yuǎn)離真理。我明白現(xiàn)在活著的人當(dāng)中幾乎沒多少能真正了解戰(zhàn)爭，沒有比這更令我心情不悅的了。因為對朋友和敵人帶來的破壞已經(jīng)致使一系列國際上的爭論都毫無用處，我倡導(dǎo)這項廢除令很久了。事實上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本國在密蘇里號戰(zhàn)艦上投降后，我正式警告如下：

“人類從一開始就尋求和平。不同的時代各式各樣的方法都被用來設(shè)計國際性的進(jìn)程，來平息和解國與國之間的爭論。有許多可行性的方法是被個別的公民發(fā)掘的，但是在一個巨大的國際范圍中，技術(shù)工人用單一的手段還從未成功過。軍事的聯(lián)盟，實力的平衡，國家的結(jié)盟，輪流著失敗，留下這唯一的路徑來當(dāng)作戰(zhàn)爭的嚴(yán)酷考驗。戰(zhàn)爭帶來的整個破壞現(xiàn)在產(chǎn)生了二選一。我們只有最后的機(jī)會。如果我們我們不能設(shè)計出一些更好更公平的制度，大決戰(zhàn)將近在咫尺。問題是神奇的，它涉及到一種精神的再生和人類性格的改進(jìn)，將與我們在科學(xué)、藝術(shù)、文學(xué)及所有物質(zhì)文化2000年來的發(fā)展近乎史無前例的同步進(jìn)展。如果我們要保存肉體就必須有精神作支撐?！?/p>

但是一旦戰(zhàn)爭逼迫著我們發(fā)生，那就沒有選擇的盡力使戰(zhàn)爭盡快結(jié)束。戰(zhàn)爭的目的是為了勝利，而不是為了無休止的延長。戰(zhàn)爭中沒有東西能代替勝利。有一些人因為各種原因要安慰紅色中國。他們無視歷史的教訓(xùn)，因為歷史無庸質(zhì)疑地強(qiáng)調(diào)了撫慰只能招致更血性的戰(zhàn)爭。就像敲詐勒索，它爆發(fā)于連續(xù)不斷的新的需求，在威脅中，暴力成為了僅存的另外選擇。“為什么？”我的士兵問我，“難道要我們在戰(zhàn)場上放棄對敵人的優(yōu)勢？”我無言以對。

有人會說：和中國攜手進(jìn)行一次全力以赴的戰(zhàn)爭來避免沖突的傳播；另外，要避免蘇聯(lián)的干涉。似乎沒有一種解釋是有效的，因為中國已經(jīng)表明有了最大限度的影響力，且蘇聯(lián)不會迎合我們的步伐。就如一條眼鏡蛇，當(dāng)新的敵人感到軍事上的相互依存或者別的遍及世界的潛在誘惑，他們就很可能會發(fā)動進(jìn)攻。

事實使韓國的悲劇更為加深了，軍事行動縮小了他們的國界。那個我們要拯救的國家、他們要飽受整個海軍和空軍毀滅性的對抗，然而敵人的地盤卻在如此的攻擊和破壞之下全全得到保護(hù)，這是受到譴責(zé)的。在世界上所有的國家中，韓國是僅存的唯一冒險反對共產(chǎn)主義的國家。韓國人民巨大的勇氣和剛毅拒絕描述。比起奴隸身份他們情愿選擇了拼死。他們對我留下的最后一句話是：“決不能逃離太平洋！”我只為你們留下了英勇善戰(zhàn)的兒子們。他們在那遇到了各種各樣的考驗，我會毫無保留地向你們匯報他們在每個方面都很出色。

我持久地盡我所能去保護(hù)他們光榮地結(jié)束這場野蠻的沖突，并且要花費最少的時間，付出最小的犧牲。那些日趨增長的殺戮給我?guī)砹藰O度的痛苦和憂慮。那些勇敢的人們永久地留在我的腦海中以及我的祈禱文里。

我即將結(jié)束我52年的戎馬生涯了。還在本世紀(jì)開始前當(dāng)我加入陸軍時，我孩提時代所有的希望和夢想便實現(xiàn)了。自從我在西點廣場上虔誠地宣誓以來，世界已幾經(jīng)傾覆，希望和夢想也早已消失，但我仍記得那時最流行的一首軍歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布：

“老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，他們只是悄然隱去?！?/p>

像那首歌中的老兵一樣，我作為一名在上帝的光輝下盡心盡職的老兵，現(xiàn)在結(jié)束我的軍事生涯，悄然隱去。再見。

第二篇：麥克阿瑟告別演講譯文

麥克阿瑟告別演講

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.總統(tǒng)先生，議長先生，尊敬的國會議員們：

我站在主席臺前，感到深深的惶恐和無比的驕傲。惶恐的是在我之前已經(jīng)有很多美國歷史的偉大建筑師們站到了這里給我的壓力；驕傲的是這個立法辯論的圣地代表的人類創(chuàng)造的最純的自由的彰顯。整個人類的信仰、熱望和希望都匯集于此。我不想作為任何黨派事業(yè)的倡導(dǎo)站在這里，因為這些問題舉足輕重、意義深遠(yuǎn)非政黨考慮所能涵蓋。如果我們的事業(yè)要保持健全，我們的未來要有保證，那么這些問題必須在國家利益的高度解決。因此，我希望你們能公正地接受我作為一個美國公民提出的肺腑之言。

I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.我的講話里既沒有因烈士暮年而充滿積怨，也沒有尖酸刻薄，有的是一顆赤膽忠心：報效國家。這些問題是全球性的，如此錯綜復(fù)雜，以至于考慮一個領(lǐng)域的各種問題，明顯地對其它領(lǐng)域的問題，是不折不扣的引火燒身。當(dāng)亞洲被公認(rèn)為歐洲的門口時，歐洲同樣被認(rèn)為是亞洲的門口，對一方的廣泛影響，不可能不是對另一方的影響。一些人聲稱我們的實力不足以應(yīng)對兩條戰(zhàn)線，我們要反擊這種觀點。共產(chǎn)主義的威脅是全球性的。它在一個領(lǐng)域的成功有摧毀其它任何領(lǐng)域的威脅。你無法在亞洲討好或投降共產(chǎn)主義而不動搖在歐洲阻止共產(chǎn)主義的努力。

Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.除了指出這些不言自明的事，我想把討論局限于亞洲。任何人在有意研究那里目前的局面之前，他應(yīng)該深刻了解亞洲的過去和她走向當(dāng)今的進(jìn)程在里程碑式的革命性變革。長期受到所謂的殖民主義國家的剝削，幾乎沒有獲得任何程度的社會公正和個人尊嚴(yán)或高生活水平的機(jī)會，這些是我們在菲律賓的高尚管理的指南，亞洲各國人民發(fā)現(xiàn)他們打破殖民主義桎楛的機(jī)會在戰(zhàn)爭中失去，他們看到了新機(jī)會的曙光，迄今還沒有感覺到的尊嚴(yán)和政治自由的自尊。

Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.擁有世界一半的人口和60%的自然資源，這些人們正在快速的形成道義和自然意義上的新勢力，他們用這個力量提高生活水平和把現(xiàn)代進(jìn)步的理念融入他們的獨特的文化環(huán)境。不管誰固守殖民主義的思潮與否，這是亞洲進(jìn)步的方向，任何人都無法阻擋。這是世界經(jīng)濟(jì)前沿轉(zhuǎn)變的必然結(jié)果。當(dāng)今國際事務(wù)的中心就是世界經(jīng)濟(jì)的前沿又一次回到它的出發(fā)點。In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.在這種情況下，使我們國家的政策與這種基本的演變形勢相一致而不是對殖民地現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)成為過去，亞洲各個民族都在追求打造自己的自主命運的權(quán)力這個事實視而不見。他們現(xiàn)在追求的是友好的指導(dǎo)、理解和幫助—而不是飛揚跋扈的命令—平等的尊嚴(yán)而不是征服的恥辱。他們在戰(zhàn)前的生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)十分悲慘，現(xiàn)在在戰(zhàn)爭留下的廢墟中更加雪上加霜。國際意識形態(tài)在亞洲人的思維里幾乎不起作用，而且也不被理解。各個民族追求的只不過是肚子里多一點點食物的幾乎，身上穿著好一點的衣服，頭頂上更加堅固的屋頂以及普通民族主義者的政治自由的愿望可以實現(xiàn)。這些政治的-社會的形勢只不過間接地影響我國的安全，但是如果我們要躲過非現(xiàn)實主義的陷阱，我們就不得不認(rèn)真考慮他們構(gòu)成的當(dāng)前計劃的背景。Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.直接和當(dāng)下就影響我們的國家安全的是形成戰(zhàn)后太平洋戰(zhàn)略潛力的各種變化。美國的西部戰(zhàn)略前沿位于美洲的多邊邊界，和在此之外延伸到夏威夷、中途島、關(guān)島直到菲律賓群島的一個島鏈。事實證明這個突出的島鏈不是堅固的前哨，而是敵人能夠也曾經(jīng)沿著此攻擊的防守薄弱的通道。

The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.太平洋曾經(jīng)是企圖攻擊沿岸國家的侵略成性的國家的必爭之地。我們在太平洋的勝利改變了一切。我們的戰(zhàn)略前沿也從此轉(zhuǎn)移的了整個太平洋，只要我們控制了太平洋，它就成了我們的無邊的護(hù)城河。的確，它起著所有美洲國家和太平洋沿岸自由國家防衛(wèi)之盾的作用。我們與我們的自由世界盟友通過一個從阿留申群島到馬里亞納群島的島鏈控制著直到太平洋與亞洲海岸相接的廣漠水域。由這個島鏈我們通過海、空軍遏制著從海參崴到新加坡的所有港口—如我所說，每個港口—從海參崴到新加坡—防止任何敵對勢力進(jìn)入太平洋。

*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.*任何來自亞洲的侵略性攻擊只能是兩棲作戰(zhàn)。*沒有任何兩棲作戰(zhàn)能夠在沒有進(jìn)攻路線上的制海權(quán)和制空權(quán)的前提下成功。我們有海、空軍的絕對優(yōu)勢和足夠的地面作戰(zhàn)力量保衛(wèi)所有基地，任何來自亞洲大陸的對我們或我們的盟友的重點進(jìn)攻都將以失敗告終。

Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.在這樣的條件下，太平洋不再是未來的敵人進(jìn)攻我們的危險的通衢。恰恰相反，成了充滿友誼的內(nèi)湖。有了這個天然的防線我們的軍事努力和開支就可以降到最低水平。這里沒有針對任何一方的進(jìn)攻，也不會為任何進(jìn)攻行動提供必需的堡壘，有的是適度維系的抵御任何進(jìn)攻的固若金湯的防線。掌握這個西太平洋的多邊防線完全取決于掌握各個防線；因為任何一段防線被一個不友好的勢力突破將使任何其它主要防線受到攻擊的危險。

This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.這個軍事評估我一直在等待一個軍事領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人提出異議。因此我過去極力強(qiáng)調(diào)一個特急軍事情況，就是無論如何情況下，臺灣都不能落入共產(chǎn)黨人的手里。這個不測事件一旦發(fā)生將立刻威脅到菲律賓的自由和日本的喪失，并且可能迫使我們把西部防線撤退到加利福尼亞州、俄勒岡州和華盛頓州海岸。

To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.為了理解中國大陸現(xiàn)在發(fā)生的巨變，你必須理解在過去的五十年里中國人的秉性和文化發(fā)生的巨變。中國，直到五十年前，還是徹頭徹尾的一盤散沙，被互相爭斗的軍閥們各自割據(jù)。對外發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭的傾向幾乎沒有，因為他們?nèi)匀恍欧羁追蜃拥摹昂蜑橘F”教義。在世紀(jì)之交，在張作霖的統(tǒng)治下，進(jìn)一步統(tǒng)一國家的運動促成了民族主義者的壯大。在蔣介石的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下這種統(tǒng)一取得了巨大的成功，導(dǎo)致的最大的后果就是在當(dāng)今的政府領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下演變成了一種頗具統(tǒng)治和侵略傾向的民族主義秉性。

Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.在過去的五十年里，中國人民的觀念和理想都軍事化了。他們現(xiàn)在組成了擁有出色的指揮和參謀人員和最精銳的士兵的軍隊。這創(chuàng)造了亞洲的新的統(tǒng)治性的大國，它為了自己的利益與蘇聯(lián)結(jié)盟但堅持他們自己的觀念和方法，已經(jīng)成了侵略性的帝國。它的強(qiáng)軍擴(kuò)張的野心符合這類帝國主義。

There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.無論這樣還是那樣看，在中國人的秉性里幾乎沒有任何意識形態(tài)觀念。他們的生活水平極低，資本積累在戰(zhàn)爭中灰飛煙滅，廣大民眾因此奮不顧身地追隨任何可能把他們解救出當(dāng)?shù)罔淇岬念I(lǐng)導(dǎo)。

I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.我從開始就認(rèn)為中國共產(chǎn)黨人對北朝鮮的支持是占優(yōu)的。他們在北朝鮮的利益在今天不亞于蘇聯(lián)。但是我認(rèn)為他們最近顯示的侵略性不僅在朝鮮而且還在印度支那和西藏，潛在的鋒芒直指能南方，強(qiáng)力彰顯了有史以來任何可能的征服者都具有的擴(kuò)張國力的野心。

The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.日本人民，自戰(zhàn)爭時起，一直開展歷史上最偉大的改革。他們有令人嘖嘖稱贊的學(xué)習(xí)的意志和熱望，出色的理解力，在戰(zhàn)爭的廢墟上，建立了一個給國民最大個體自由和人身尊嚴(yán)的大廈；隨后他們有建立了真正的人民代表組成的政府，致力于政治道德的進(jìn)步、經(jīng)濟(jì)實體的自由和社會的公平。Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.在政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會上日本已經(jīng)可以和地球上的很多自由國家比肩了，不會再次辜負(fù)國際社會的信任了?；蛟S寄希望于日本在亞洲的事務(wù)中發(fā)揮深遠(yuǎn)的有益影響已經(jīng)被日本人民在應(yīng)對最近的戰(zhàn)爭、**和糾纏他們的來自外部和內(nèi)部被控制的共產(chǎn)主義的困惑的挑戰(zhàn)中沒有絲毫放緩進(jìn)步的步伐的驚人表現(xiàn)所證明了。我把我們的四個占領(lǐng)師全部投入韓國前線沒有一點對造成日本軍力真空的影響的擔(dān)憂。這些結(jié)果完全證實了我的信念。我知道沒有任何國家比日本更加沉著、守序和勤奮，也沒有哪個國家能在人類的進(jìn)步中懷有更高的未來建設(shè)性的服務(wù)的希望。Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.關(guān)于我們的庇護(hù)國菲律賓，我們滿懷信心地期待當(dāng)前的動蕩得到平息，一個強(qiáng)大健康的國家擺脫戰(zhàn)爭的嚴(yán)重破壞的后續(xù)影響，發(fā)展起來。我們一定要耐心、理解而且永遠(yuǎn)不能辜負(fù)他們—如同在我們需要的時候，他們沒有辜負(fù)我們一樣。作為一個基督國家，菲律賓是一個基督精神在遠(yuǎn)東的堅強(qiáng)堡壘，它在亞洲的崇高道德領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力不可限量。

On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.在臺灣，中華民國政府曾經(jīng)有機(jī)會用行動駁斥大多數(shù)惡意的輿論，這些輿論侵蝕了國民黨在中國大陸的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力量。臺灣人民將接受一個公正的開明的政府，這個政府具備政府的大多數(shù)功能，在政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會上正在沿著健全和建設(shè)性的路線前進(jìn)。

With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.帶著這個對周邊地區(qū)的簡要洞悉，我現(xiàn)在轉(zhuǎn)到韓戰(zhàn)。雖然總統(tǒng)做出旨在支持大韓民國的軍事干預(yù)的決定并沒有與我商量，從軍事觀點來看，這個決定是正確的，因為我們擊退了入侵者，大量殺傷了他的部隊。當(dāng)紅色中國以絕對優(yōu)勢的地面部隊干預(yù)時，我們的勝利是徹底的，我們的目標(biāo)已經(jīng)達(dá)到。

This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.這創(chuàng)造了一場全新的戰(zhàn)爭和徹頭徹尾的新形勢，一個我們的軍隊投身于抵御北韓侵略者時沒有預(yù)料到的形勢；一個在外交領(lǐng)域做出想決策以便贏得時間做出現(xiàn)實的軍事戰(zhàn)略調(diào)整的形勢。這樣的決策始終沒有做出。

While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.雖然沒有一個頭腦冷靜的人會提出派我們的地面部隊入侵中國大陸，甚至一點這樣的念頭都沒有，但是如果我們的政治目的是如同我們過去擊敗老對手一樣擊敗這個新敵人，新形勢的確迫切地需要果斷的戰(zhàn)略規(guī)劃修改。

Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.在我看來，除了把鴨綠江以北的敵人的避難所中立化的軍事需要，我覺得指揮一場戰(zhàn)爭的緊迫性必須：首先強(qiáng)化對中國的經(jīng)濟(jì)封鎖；其次，部署海軍對中國海岸進(jìn)行封鎖；第三，撤銷對中國沿海地區(qū)和滿洲里地區(qū)的空中偵察的限制；第四，撤銷對在臺灣的中華民國軍隊的限制，這只軍隊及其后勤支援可以有效地投入打擊我們共同的敵人的軍事行動。

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.因為維護(hù)所有這些觀點，這些觀點都是精心設(shè)計的旨在支持我們投入韓國的部隊和結(jié)束敵對狀態(tài)，而且延遲最少，可以挽救無數(shù)美國和盟國軍人的生命，我一直受到嚴(yán)厲的批評，他們指責(zé)我到處畫圈子，主要是在國外，盡管我對這些觀點從軍事角度的理解在過去事實上一直被任何關(guān)注韓戰(zhàn)的軍事領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人所贊同，包括參謀長聯(lián)席會議。

I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.我要求增援，都是得到的回答是無法增援。我闡明了如果不允許摧毀敵人在鴨綠江北的基地，如果不允許利用臺灣的 600，000中國友軍，不允許封鎖中國的海岸防止紅色中國得到他們沒有的援助，如果主要的增援遙遙無期，從軍事角度看，盟軍司令部的地位就會封殺了勝利。

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.我可以通過持續(xù)的軍事行動在我們的優(yōu)勢補(bǔ)給線與敵人的劣勢補(bǔ)給線持平的地區(qū)附近控制韓國，但是我們可能最多只能取得一些微不足道的勝利，而一旦敵人傾注全力我們的部隊就會卷入可怕的持久的消耗戰(zhàn)。我一直在謀求徹底解決的政治決定。

Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: 很多人不遺余力的詆毀我的立場。他們說事實上我是一個戰(zhàn)爭販子。事實勝于雄辯。幾乎沒有活著的人對戰(zhàn)爭的理解能達(dá)到我對戰(zhàn)爭的理解程度，我最痛恨的就是戰(zhàn)爭。我長期以來致力于徹底消除戰(zhàn)爭，因為只要訴諸戰(zhàn)爭，無論敵我雙方都會遭到毀滅性打擊，使它對解決國際爭端毫無作用。的確，在一九四五年九月二日，日本國在密蘇里號戰(zhàn)艦上的投降儀式剛剛結(jié)束，我就正式提出下列忠告： “Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.” 自從盤古開天地，人類一直在追尋和平。多少個世紀(jì)以來，人們嘗試了無數(shù)的方法構(gòu)建一個國際程序防止和解決國與國之間的爭端。從一開始人們就找到了可行的解決人與人之間關(guān)系的方法，但是借助國際范圍的解決機(jī)制從來沒有成功的。軍事結(jié)盟，力量制衡，國家聯(lián)盟相繼失敗，留下的唯一方法就是戰(zhàn)爭的考驗。戰(zhàn)爭的極大破壞性勾勒了這個替代方法。我們還有最后一次機(jī)會。如果我們不能構(gòu)建一些更加有力更加平等的系統(tǒng)，世界末日大決戰(zhàn)必將到來。這個問題從根本上講是神學(xué)性質(zhì)的涉及精神和人類品性的改進(jìn)，這個改進(jìn)是與我們在科學(xué)、藝術(shù)、文學(xué)的近乎無與倫比的進(jìn)步和過去2，000年來所有物質(zhì)的和文化的進(jìn)化同步的。如果我們要拯救血肉之軀，就必須具備這種精神。

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.但是一旦戰(zhàn)爭強(qiáng)加到我們的頭上，除了用一切手段盡快結(jié)束它別無選擇。戰(zhàn)爭的最高目標(biāo)是奪取勝利，不是舉棋不定。在戰(zhàn)爭中除了取勝別無選擇。

There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.一些人出于各種原因姑息紅色中國。他們對清晰的歷史教訓(xùn)視而不見，因為歷史毋庸置疑地強(qiáng)調(diào)姑息綏靖只能是導(dǎo)致新的流血戰(zhàn)爭。歷史上沒有一個例子證明為了這個目的可以不擇手段，所有的例子都是姑息綏靖導(dǎo)致的屈辱的和平。和敲詐勒索一樣，它滋生新的欲壑難填的要求，如同敲詐勒索一樣，直到動用唯一的另外選擇—暴力。

“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.我的一個士兵問我：“為什么要把戰(zhàn)場上的軍事優(yōu)勢拱手讓給一個敵人？”我無言以對。

有些人可能說：避免把沖突擴(kuò)大為與中國的全面戰(zhàn)爭；另一些可能說避免蘇聯(lián)干預(yù)。沒有一個解釋成立，因為中國已經(jīng)投入了他們的全部軍力，蘇聯(lián)沒必要和我們直接沖突。就像一條眼鏡蛇，任何新的敵人極有可能在他認(rèn)為他們在世界范圍內(nèi)有軍事或其它潛在的優(yōu)勢時發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。

The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.把軍事行動限制在韓國領(lǐng)土進(jìn)一步加劇了韓國的悲劇。全面的海空狂轟濫炸的摧枯拉朽的破壞力搗毀了我們要保護(hù)的國家，而我們的敵人的棲身之地卻安然無恙。

Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.在全世界所有的國家中，迄今為止只有韓國傾其舉國之力抵御共產(chǎn)主義。韓國人民的勇氣和堅毅是語言難以描述的。

They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” 他們選擇了死亡而不是當(dāng)奴隸。他們給我的最后一句話是：“不要放棄太平洋！” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.我把你們英勇善戰(zhàn)的兒女們留住了韓國。他們在那里接受了所有的考驗，我可以毫無保留地告訴你們，他們在任何方面都表現(xiàn)得燦爛輝煌。It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.我一直致力于保護(hù)他們，以最短的時間和最小的犧牲來體面地結(jié)束這場殘酷的沖突。日益增長的流血犧牲令我痛苦不堪、寢食難安。

這些仗義豪爽的優(yōu)秀兒女們時?？M繞在我的心頭，我永遠(yuǎn)為他們祈禱。I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” 我52年的軍旅生涯即將結(jié)束。當(dāng)我從軍時，還沒有到世紀(jì)之交，它是我全部兒時的夢想和希望的實現(xiàn)。自從我在西點軍校的操場上莊嚴(yán)宣誓以來，世界已經(jīng)發(fā)生了翻天覆地的變化，這些希望和夢想早已灰飛煙滅了，但是我仍然記得那時一首最流行的軍營歌謠的副歌：“老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死；他們僅僅是淡出了?！?And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.正如那首歌謠中的老兵，我現(xiàn)在結(jié)束我的軍旅生涯并且淡出，因為上帝還給他光芒讓他看見天職，這個老兵就試圖履行了他的天職。再見。

第三篇：麥克阿瑟告別演講稿：老兵不死(中英文)

麥克阿瑟告別演講稿：老兵不死（中英文）

麥克阿瑟告別演講“老兵永不死（英文版）

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we--as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter

destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麥克阿瑟告別演講“老兵永不死（中文版）總統(tǒng)先生，演講者，議會杰出的成員們： 我懷著深深的謙卑和無比的自豪感站在這演講臺上----謙卑是因為面對在我面前的那些偉大美國過去的建設(shè)者們；自豪是因為想到國內(nèi)立法爭論所設(shè)計的代表人類最純潔的自由。整個人類的希望、抱負(fù)、信念都集中于此。我站在這里不為任何黨派目的辯護(hù)，因為議題的根本性超出了黨派所能考慮的區(qū)域。如果能證明我們的路線穩(wěn)妥且我們的前途有保障,那些問題就應(yīng)被放在最高位來解決.因此，我相信，你們會公正地把我所表達(dá)的當(dāng)作一個美國同胞的觀點。我演講既不帶人生暮年的怨恨也不帶傷感之情，但心中只有一個目的：為我的祖國效勞。雖然亞洲被認(rèn)為是通往歐洲的大門，但說歐洲是通往亞洲的大門也沒有錯。且一方的廣泛影響不得不帶動另一方。一些人聲稱我們的力量不足以同時保護(hù)兩條線路，我們不能分散精力。我認(rèn)為沒有比這更能表現(xiàn)出失敗主義的了。如果潛在性的敵人能將他們的力量分為兩條路線，那對我們來說就要對他們的力量予以反擊。共產(chǎn)主義者的威脅是一個全球性的問題。他們在每個防區(qū)的成功進(jìn)展直接預(yù)示著我們每隔一個防區(qū)將遭到破壞。我們不會為讓亞洲的共產(chǎn)主義投降而不能同時削弱我們的力量去遏止歐洲的發(fā)展而感到安慰。說了太多的共知之理，我會簡略我關(guān)于亞洲地區(qū)的討論。在某人能客觀地對那里存在的形勢作出評估之前，他必須了解一些關(guān)于亞洲的過去和他們沿著自己的路線發(fā)展至今的改革變化。被所謂的殖民統(tǒng)治長期的剝削，便很難有機(jī)會建立社會的公正尺度，維護(hù)個人尊嚴(yán)，或者實現(xiàn)一個高水平的生活，就像保衛(wèi)我們在菲律賓自己崇高的政府，亞洲的人民抓住了他們的時機(jī)在戰(zhàn)爭中擺脫了殖民統(tǒng)治的束縛并且看到了新時機(jī)的曙光，一種從未感受過的尊嚴(yán)和一個國家自由后的自尊感。集合地球一半的人數(shù)，有60%的自然資源被這些人迅速地加強(qiáng)成為一種新的力量，精神上的和物質(zhì)上的都被用來提升生活水平也是為適應(yīng)對自己的不同文化環(huán)境的最新進(jìn)展的謀劃。不管誰是否拘泥于殖民的概念，這是亞洲發(fā)展進(jìn)步的方向且不會被終止。這是世界金融尖端轉(zhuǎn)變的必然結(jié)果，就像整個世界事物的中心正循環(huán)著回到它的起始點。在這種形勢之下，我們用基本發(fā)展的狀況使自己國家和東方國家在政策上保持和諧而不是一味追求不明現(xiàn)實的路線，因為殖民時代已經(jīng)過去且亞洲人正為實現(xiàn)他們自由的命運而垂延。他們當(dāng)今尋求的是友好的指引、協(xié)議、和支持——而不是專橫的引導(dǎo)——是平等尊嚴(yán)而不是恥辱地屈從。他們戰(zhàn)前的生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)低得令人同情，現(xiàn)在又因戰(zhàn)爭所帶來的破壞而變得更加無限的低。世界的意識形態(tài)幾乎不把亞洲考慮在內(nèi)，不給予他們體諒。那兒的人民為之拼命的只是為了能得到更多一點食物來填飽肚子，有稍好一點的衣物來遮背，蓋結(jié)實些的屋頂在他們的頭上，和普通國民們渴望政治自由的意識。這些政治社會性的條件為國內(nèi)安全給予了間接的保障，不過要對慎重考慮過的現(xiàn)時方案建立背景來決定我們是否要避免不切實際的意外事件。能直系和快速地穩(wěn)固住國內(nèi)安全的是過去太平洋戰(zhàn)爭路線戰(zhàn)略上的改變。先前的美國西面戰(zhàn)略部署是美國原本線路，附和著暴露的島嶼夏威夷、中途島、關(guān)島通向菲律賓。這種戰(zhàn)線證明了不是敵方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱點使敵人有機(jī)可乘太平洋地區(qū)是個令任何強(qiáng)國都虎視眈眈謀求發(fā)展和擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋戰(zhàn)爭的勝利改變了，我們那具有戰(zhàn)略意義的邊界才成為我們所擁有的整個太平洋，只要我們能夠抓住它便能使其成為巨大的護(hù)城河。千真萬確，它充當(dāng)?shù)氖撬忻绹酥琳麄€太平洋自由領(lǐng)土的護(hù)盾。我們控制亞洲成弧形鏈狀海岸線的島嶼從琉球到馬尼拉都受我們和盟軍控制。由這諸些島嶼我們能支配從海參葳到新加坡亞洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所說的——從海參葳到新加坡——保護(hù)并抵御太平洋上不友好的動機(jī)。在亞洲任何兇狠的進(jìn)攻都必須具備兩股力量。無任何兩種力量能在沒有海洋和空中的掌控權(quán)之下在推進(jìn)道路上取得成功。有了海軍、重要的空軍和適度的陸軍來保衛(wèi)基地，任何對亞洲大陸的以及我們和我們在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻擊都必將逃不了失敗的厄運。在如此狀況下，太平洋代表的不僅僅是預(yù)想中的侵略者的一種威脅。假定那里是個友好的和平湖畔，我們的防御路線就十分自然而且可花費最小的軍事代價來維持。想象沒有任何襲擊，也用不著為突襲性的攻擊而設(shè)置堡壘，只要適當(dāng)維護(hù)，這將是抵制侵略的不可戰(zhàn)勝的防御。在西太平洋上想擁有這種防御力因此要依賴各個部分，因為不友好的力量導(dǎo)致的任何線路破裂都會遭來每個部分在有預(yù)謀的攻擊下變得十分脆弱。這是我仍在尋找的要接替我的軍事領(lǐng)頭者應(yīng)當(dāng)持有的軍事評估。因為這個原因，我過去強(qiáng)烈地推薦自己，成為一個至關(guān)重要的軍事代理，沒有穩(wěn)固的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)臺灣就只能在共產(chǎn)主義的掌控下。這樣一個世界有可能立刻就威脅到菲律賓和失敗后的日本的自由，也會迫使我們西方的防守邊界退到加利福尼亞沿岸、奧勒崗和華盛頓。要了解中國大陸所發(fā)生的變化，就必須知道50年來中國體制和文化的變化。中國，50年前是完全沒有團(tuán)結(jié)意識，分裂成很多團(tuán)體互相爭斗。經(jīng)過過去的五十年中國人開始有了武裝的概念和理想。如今他們組成了擁有勝任的參謀長和司令的優(yōu)秀士兵團(tuán)體。這就在亞洲誕生了一股新的統(tǒng)治力量，為了實現(xiàn)自己的目標(biāo)，他們與觀念方法都成了具帝國主義的蘇聯(lián)結(jié)盟，同時他們也帶著擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土、增強(qiáng)實力的渴望趨向帝國主義。他們都使用精力來扭曲我的職位。結(jié)果我被說成了是個好戰(zhàn)分子。沒有事物能夠越加遠(yuǎn)離真理。我明白現(xiàn)在活著的人當(dāng)中幾乎沒多少能真正了解戰(zhàn)爭，沒有比這更令我心情不悅的了。因為對朋友和敵人帶來的破壞已經(jīng)致使一系列國際上的爭論都毫無用處，我倡導(dǎo)這項廢除令很久了。事實上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本國在密蘇里號戰(zhàn)艦上投降后，我正式警告如下： “人類從一開始就尋求和平。不同的時代各式各樣的方法都被用來設(shè)計國際性的進(jìn)程，來平息和解國與國之間的爭論。有許多可行性的方法是被個別的公民發(fā)掘的，但是在一個巨大的國際范圍中，技術(shù)工人用單一的手段還從未成功過。軍事的聯(lián)盟，實力的平衡，國家的結(jié)盟，輪流著失敗，留下這唯一的路徑來當(dāng)作戰(zhàn)爭的嚴(yán)酷考驗。戰(zhàn)爭帶來的整個破壞現(xiàn)在產(chǎn)生了二選一。我們只有最后的機(jī)會。如果我們我們不能設(shè)計出一些更好更公平的制度，大決戰(zhàn)將近在咫尺。問題是神奇的，它涉及到一種精神的再生和人類性格的改進(jìn)，將與我們在科學(xué)、藝術(shù)、文學(xué)及所有物質(zhì)文化2000年來的發(fā)展近乎史無前例的同步進(jìn)展。如果我們要保存肉體就必須有精神作支撐?！?但是一旦戰(zhàn)爭逼迫著我們發(fā)生，那就沒有選擇的盡力使戰(zhàn)爭盡快結(jié)束。戰(zhàn)爭的目的是為了勝利，而不是為了無休止的延長。戰(zhàn)爭中沒有東西能代替勝利。有一些人因為各種原因要安慰紅色中國。他們無視歷史的教訓(xùn)，因為歷史無庸質(zhì)疑地強(qiáng)調(diào)了撫慰只能招致更血性的戰(zhàn)爭。就像敲詐勒索，它爆發(fā)于連續(xù)不斷的新的需求，在威脅中，暴力成為了僅存的另外選擇。“為什么？”我的士兵問我，“難道要我們在戰(zhàn)場上放棄對敵人的優(yōu)勢？”我無言以對。有人會說：和中國攜手進(jìn)行一次全力以赴的戰(zhàn)爭來避免沖突的傳播；另外，要避免蘇聯(lián)的干涉。似乎沒有一種解釋是有效的，因為中國已經(jīng)表明有了最大限度的影響力，且蘇聯(lián)不會迎合我們的步伐。就如一條眼鏡蛇，當(dāng)新的敵人感到軍事上的相互依存或者別的遍及世界的潛在誘惑，他們就很可能會發(fā)動進(jìn)攻。事實使韓國的悲劇更為加深了，軍事行動縮小了他們的國界。那個我們要拯救的國家、他們要飽受整個海軍和空軍毀滅性的對抗，然而敵人的地盤卻在如此的攻擊和破壞之下全全得到保護(hù)，這是受到譴責(zé)的。在世界上所有的國家中，韓國是僅存的唯一冒險反對共產(chǎn)主義的國家。韓國人民巨大的勇氣和剛毅拒絕描述。比起奴隸身份他們情愿選擇了拼死。他們對我留下的最后一句話是：“決不能逃離太平洋！”我只為你們留下了英勇善戰(zhàn)的兒子們。他們在那遇到了各種各樣的考驗，我會毫無保留地向你們匯報他們在每個方面都很出色。我持久地盡我所能去保護(hù)他們光榮地結(jié)束這場野蠻的沖突，并且要花費最少的時間，付出最小的犧牲。那些日趨增長的殺戮給我?guī)砹藰O度的痛苦和憂慮。那些勇敢的人們永久地留在我的腦海中以及我的祈禱文里。我即將結(jié)束我52年的戎馬生涯了。還在本世紀(jì)開始前當(dāng)我加入陸軍時，我孩提時代所有的希望和夢想便實現(xiàn)了。自從我在西點廣場上虔誠地宣誓以來，世界已幾經(jīng)傾覆，希望和夢想也早已消失，但我仍記得那時最流行的一首軍歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布： “老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，他們只是悄然隱去?！?像那首歌中的老兵一樣，我作為一名在上帝的光輝下盡心盡職的老兵，現(xiàn)在結(jié)束我的軍事生涯，悄然隱去。再見。

第四篇：布什告別演講-中英文對照

09布什告別演講稿（中英對照）

Fellow citizens: For eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your President.The first decade of this new century has been a period of consequenceto Vice President Cheney and members of the Administration;to Laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life;to our wonderful daughters, Barbara and Jenna;to my parents, whose examples have provided strength for a lifetime.And above all, I thank the American people for the trust you have given me.I thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits.And I thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity, and grace that I have witnessed these past eight years.今天，我滿懷感激之情，感謝我的副總統(tǒng)切尼以及我所有的政府成員。我還要感謝我的妻子勞拉和我的女兒芭芭拉，詹娜，是她們給我的生活帶來了無盡的快樂和愛意。我感謝我的父母，是他們給予了我前進(jìn)的動力。最重要的是，我感謝美國人民給予我的信任，我感謝你們給予我的勇氣、寬容。

This evening, my thoughts return to the first night I addressed you from this houselaw enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.針對我的許多決策，有人對其合法性表示出懷疑。但是，當(dāng)我們看到結(jié)果時這些人就不會再發(fā)出疑問了。在過去的七年多來，美國本土再也沒有遭受過恐怖襲擊。這要歸功于那些日夜辛勞保護(hù)我們安全的人們：執(zhí)法人員、情報分析員、國土安全人員、外交人員、以及美軍的士兵們。

Our Nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger.I have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families.America owes you a debt of gratitude.And to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight:

There has been no higher honor than serving as your Commander in Chief.受上帝的恩典，美國有這些愿意在國家危難之際挺身保護(hù)他人的公民。我非常珍惜美國可以擁有這些無私的愛國者及其家庭。美國感激你們。對于那些正在收聽的演講的美軍士兵們來說，沒有什么榮譽(yù)要比讓你當(dāng)上總司令還要崇高。

The battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems.Under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience, and marks unbelievers for murder.The other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of Almighty God and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.美軍正在從事的戰(zhàn)爭從屬于兩種系統(tǒng)之間的沖突，而這兩種系統(tǒng)又有天壤之別。在其中的一種系統(tǒng)中，一小撮狂熱分子要求所有人都服從于他們所制定的暴虐的意識形態(tài)，這些人讓婦女屈從，而對那些不相信他們暴政的人進(jìn)行謀殺。而另一種系統(tǒng)則相信自由是上帝給予全世界的禮物，自由與正義是通往和平的道路。

This is the belief that gave birth to our Nation.And in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens.When people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror.When people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and extremism.So around the world, America is promoting human liberty, human rights, and human dignity.We are standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing AIDS medicine to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria.And this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.美國，正是基于這樣的信念誕生的。從長遠(yuǎn)來看，推廣這種理念是保護(hù)我們公民的唯一選擇。當(dāng)人們生活在自由之中時，他們就不愿再去選擇那些追求恐怖活動的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者。當(dāng)人們對未來

懷有希望時，他們就不會將自己的生命交給暴力和極端主義。環(huán)視全球，美國正在推動人類自由、人權(quán)及人的尊嚴(yán)的發(fā)展。我們同持有不同政見者以及年輕的民主國家同在，我們?yōu)橥炀壬峁┲委煱滩〉乃幬?，我們避免母親和自己的孩子染上瘧疾。自由是美國成立的唯一基石，并且領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界向一個自由普照全球的時代發(fā)展。

For eight years, we have also strived to expand opportunity and hope here at home.Across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools.A new Medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled.Every taxpayer pays lower income taxes.The addicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs.Vulnerable human life is better protected.Funding for our veterans has nearly doubled.America's air, water, and lands are measurably cleaner.And the Federal bench includes wise new members like Justice Sam Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts.過去的八年，我們努力擴(kuò)大美國人民所擁有的機(jī)會與希望。在美國，學(xué)生不斷上進(jìn)，以求符合公立學(xué)校更高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。對于老人和殘疾人來說，一種新的醫(yī)療處方藥福利令他們頗感舒心。每個納稅人繳納了更少的稅款。通過以信仰為基礎(chǔ)的治療項目，那些癮君子和痛苦的人們找到了新希望。過去八年來的工作更好地保護(hù)了人脆弱的生命。對于退伍老兵的補(bǔ)助幾乎增加了一倍。美國的一山一水都真切地變得更為干凈。睿智的山姆-阿力拓、首席法官約翰-羅伯茨加入到聯(lián)邦法院中。

When challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them.Facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy.These are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted.All Americans are in this together.And together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth.We will show the world once again the resilience of America's free enterprise system.當(dāng)美國的繁榮遇到挑戰(zhàn)時，我們勇敢地去面對。當(dāng)金融危機(jī)發(fā)生時，我們采取果斷措施來保護(hù)我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)。對于那些辛勤工作的家庭來說，這些都是十分艱難的時期。但是如果我們不采取行動的話，結(jié)果將會更為糟糕。所有的美國人都站在了一起。憑借著我們的決心和辛勤工作，我們將美國經(jīng)濟(jì)重新拉回到增長的車道上。我們將向世界再次展現(xiàn)美國自由企業(yè)制度的復(fù)興。

Like all who have held this office before me, I have experienced setbacks.There are things I would do differently if given the chance.Yet I have always acted with the best interests of our country in mind.I have followed my conscience and done what I thought was right.You may not agree with some tough decisions I have made.But I hope you can agree that I was willing to make the tough decisions.正如所有前任總統(tǒng)一樣，我也曾經(jīng)歷過挫折。如果可能的話，我會采取不一樣的方式來應(yīng)對這些措施。但是，我總是為國家利益的最大化來行動。你也許會不同意我所做出的一些決定，但我希望你能理解我是愿意采取這些措施的。

The decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.未來的幾十年，美國將面對更多的艱難抉擇，而有一些指導(dǎo)性原則可以塑造我們的道路。

While our Nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack.Our enemies are patient and determined to strike again.America did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict.But we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them.We must resist complacency.We must keep our resolve.And we must never let down our guard.盡管我們的國家要比7年前更為安全，但目前美國最嚴(yán)峻的威脅仍然是另一場恐怖襲擊。我們的敵人十分耐心，并且決心要再次發(fā)動襲擊。美國沒有故意挑起沖突。但是我們肩負(fù)著莊嚴(yán)的責(zé)任，必須同恐怖主義作斗爭。我們不能驕傲自滿，我們要堅定決心，我們絕不能放松警惕。

第五篇：布什告別演講-中英文對照

布什告別演講-中英文對照.txt心若無塵，一花一世界，一鳥一天堂。我曾經(jīng)喜歡過你，現(xiàn)在我依然愛你希望月亮照得到的地方都可以留下你的笑容那些飄滿雪的冬天，那個不帶傘的少年，那句被門擋住的誓言，那串被雪覆蓋的再見09布什告別演講稿（中英對照）

Fellow citizens: For eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your President.The first decade of this new century has been a period of consequenceto Vice President Cheney and members of the Administration;to Laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life;to our wonderful daughters, Barbara and Jenna;to my parents, whose examples have provided strength for a lifetime.And above all, I thank the American people for the trust you have given me.I thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits.And I thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity, and grace that I have witnessed these past eight years.今天，我滿懷感激之情，感謝我的副總統(tǒng)切尼以及我所有的政府成員。我還要感謝我的妻子勞拉和我的女兒芭芭拉，詹娜，是她們給我的生活帶來了無盡的快樂和愛意。我感謝我的父母，是他們給予了我前進(jìn)的動力。最重要的是，我感謝美國人民給予我的信任，我感謝你們給予我的勇氣、寬容。

This evening, my thoughts return to the first night I addressed you from this houselaw enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.針對我的許多決策，有人對其合法性表示出懷疑。但是，當(dāng)我們看到結(jié)果時這些人就不會再發(fā)出疑問了。在過去的七年多來，美國本土再也沒有遭受過恐怖襲擊。這要歸功于那些日夜辛勞保護(hù)我們安全的人們：執(zhí)法人員、情報分析員、國土安全人員、外交人員、以及美軍的士兵們。Our Nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger.I have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families.America owes you a debt of gratitude.And to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight: There has been no higher honor than serving as your Commander in Chief.受上帝的恩典，美國有這些愿意在國家危難之際挺身保護(hù)他人的公民。我非常珍惜美國可以擁有這些無私的愛國者及其家庭。美國感激你們。對于那些正在收聽的演講的美軍士兵們來說，沒有什么榮譽(yù)要比讓你當(dāng)上總司令還要崇高。

The battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems.Under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience, and marks unbelievers for murder.The other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of Almighty God and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.美軍正在從事的戰(zhàn)爭從屬于兩種系統(tǒng)之間的沖突，而這兩種系統(tǒng)又有天壤之別。在其中的一種系統(tǒng)中，一小撮狂熱分子要求所有人都服從于他們所制定的暴虐的意識形態(tài)，這些人讓婦女屈從，而對那些不相信他們暴政的人進(jìn)行謀殺。而另一種系統(tǒng)則相信自由是上帝給予全世界的禮物，自由與正義是通往和平的道路。

This is the belief that gave birth to our Nation.And in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens.When people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror.When people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and extremism.So around the world, America is promoting human liberty, human rights, and human dignity.We are standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing AIDS medicine to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria.And this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.美國，正是基于這樣的信念誕生的。從長遠(yuǎn)來看，推廣這種理念是保護(hù)我們公民的唯一選擇。當(dāng)人們生活在自由之中時，他們就不愿再去選擇那些追求恐怖活動的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者。當(dāng)人們對未來懷有希望時，他們就不會將自己的生命交給暴力和極端主義。環(huán)視全球，美國正在推動人類自由、人權(quán)及人的尊嚴(yán)的發(fā)展。我們同持有不同政見者以及年輕的民主國家同在，我們?yōu)橥炀壬峁┲委煱滩〉乃幬铮覀儽苊饽赣H和自己的孩子染上瘧疾。自由是美國成立的唯一基石，并且領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界向一個自由普照全球的時代發(fā)展。

For eight years, we have also strived to expand opportunity and hope here at home.Across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools.A new Medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled.Every taxpayer pays lower income taxes.The addicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs.Vulnerable human life is better protected.Funding for our veterans has nearly doubled.America's air, water, and lands are measurably cleaner.And the Federal bench includes wise new members like Justice Sam Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts.過去的八年，我們努力擴(kuò)大美國人民所擁有的機(jī)會與希望。在美國，學(xué)生不斷上進(jìn)，以求符合公立學(xué)校更高的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。對于老人和殘疾人來說，一種新的醫(yī)療處方藥福利令他們頗感舒心。每個納稅人繳納了更少的稅款。通過以信仰為基礎(chǔ)的治療項目，那些癮君子和痛苦的人們找到了新希望。過去八年來的工作更好地保護(hù)了人脆弱的生命。對于退伍老兵的補(bǔ)助幾乎增加了一倍。美國的一山一水都真切地變得更為干凈。睿智的山姆-阿力拓、首席法官約翰-羅伯茨加入到聯(lián)邦法院中。When challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them.Facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy.These are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted.All Americans are in this together.And together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth.We will show the world once again the resilience of America's free enterprise system.當(dāng)美國的繁榮遇到挑戰(zhàn)時，我們勇敢地去面對。當(dāng)金融危機(jī)發(fā)生時，我們采取果斷措施來保護(hù)我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)。對于那些辛勤工作的家庭來說，這些都是十分艱難的時期。但是如果我們不采取行動的話，結(jié)果將會更為糟糕。所有的美國人都站在了一起。憑借著我們的決心和辛勤工作，我們將美國經(jīng)濟(jì)重新拉回到增長的車道上。我們將向世界再次展現(xiàn)美國自由企業(yè)制度的復(fù)興。

Like all who have held this office before me, I have experienced setbacks.There are things I would do differently if given the chance.Yet I have always acted with the best interests of our country in mind.I have followed my conscience and done what I thought was right.You may not agree with some tough decisions I have made.But I hope you can agree that I was willing to make the tough decisions.正如所有前任總統(tǒng)一樣，我也曾經(jīng)歷過挫折。如果可能的話，我會采取不一樣的方式來應(yīng)對這些措施。但是，我總是為國家利益的最大化來行動。你也許會不同意我所做出的一些決定，但我希望你能理解我是愿意采取這些措施的。

The decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.未來的幾十年，美國將面對更多的艱難抉擇，而有一些指導(dǎo)性原則可以塑造我們的道路。

While our Nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack.Our enemies are patient and determined to strike again.America did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict.But we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them.We must resist complacency.We must keep our resolve.And we must never let down our guard.盡管我們的國家要比7年前更為安全，但目前美國最嚴(yán)峻的威脅仍然是另一場恐怖襲擊。我們的敵人十分耐心，并且決心要再次發(fā)動襲擊。美國沒有故意挑起沖突。但是我們肩負(fù)著莊嚴(yán)的責(zé)任，必須同恐怖主義作斗爭。我們不能驕傲自滿，我們要堅定決心，我們絕不能放松警惕。

At the same time, we just continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose.In the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward.But we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism.Retreating behind our borders would only invite danger.In the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the expansion of liberty abroad.If America does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.As we address these challenges, and others we cannot foresee tonight, America must maintain our moral clarity.I have often spoken to you about good and evil, and this has made some uncomfortable.But good and evil are present in this world and between the two, there can be no compromise.Murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere.Freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right.This nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth.We must always be willing to act in their defense and to advance the cause of peace.President Thomas Jefferson once wrote, “I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past.” As I leave the house he occupied two centuries ago, I share that optimism.America is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself.And even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.I have confidence in the promise of America because I know the character of our people.This is a nation that inspires immigrants to risk everything for the dream of freedom.This is a nation where citizens show calm in times of danger and compassion in the face of suffering.We see examples of America's character all around us, and Laura and I have invited some of them to join us in the White House this evening.We see America's character in Dr.Tony Recasner, a principal who opened a new charter school from the ruins of Hurricane Katrina.We see it in Julio Medina, a former inmate who leads a faith-based program to help prisoners returning to society.We see it in Staff Sgt.Aubrey McDade, who charged into an ambush in Iraq and rescued three of his fellow Marines.We see America's character in Bill Krissoff, a surgeon from California.His son Nathan, a Marine, gave his life in Iraq.When I met Dr.Krissoff and his family, he delivered some surprising news.He told me he wanted to join the Navy Medical Corps in honor of his son.This good man was 60 years old, 18 years above the age limit.But his petition for a waiver was granted, and for the past year he has trained in battlefield medicine.Lt.Cmdr.Krissoff could not be here tonight, because he will soon deploy to Iraq, where he will help save America's wounded warriors and uphold the legacy of his fallen son.In citizens like these we see the best of our country, resilient and hopeful, caring and strong.These virtues give me an unshakable faith in America.We have faced danger and trial, and there is more ahead.But with the courage of our people and confidence in our ideals, this great nation will never tire, never falter and never fail.It has been the privilege of a lifetime to serve as your president.There have been good days and tough days.But every day, I have been inspired by the greatness of our country and uplifted by the goodness of our people.I have been blessed to represent this nation we love.And I will always be honored to carry a title that means more to me than any Other--citizen of the United States of America.And so, my fellow Americans, for the final time, good night.May God bless this house and our next president.And may God bless you and our wonderful country

與此同時，我們必須帶著信心和清晰的目標(biāo)參與世界事務(wù)面對來自海外的威脅，在國內(nèi)尋求安慰是一種誘人的舉措但是我們必須拒絕孤立主義與保護(hù)主義退縮只會找來危險在21世紀(jì)，國內(nèi)的安全和繁榮需要依靠國外自由的擴(kuò)展如果美國不領(lǐng)導(dǎo)自由事業(yè)，那么自由事業(yè)就將無所適從一方面我們在處理這些眼前和未來的挑戰(zhàn)，另一方面美國必須保持自己在道義上的明確性我經(jīng)常談及

善惡問題，這令一些人頗感不適但是目前這個世界確實存在著善惡雙方，而且雙方之間無法達(dá)成妥協(xié)通過謀殺無辜來宣揚某種意識形態(tài)無論在何時何地都是錯誤的將人們從壓迫與絕望中解救出來是永遠(yuǎn)正確的美國必須堅持為正義與真理而呼喊，我們必須保護(hù)正義與真理，并且推動和平事業(yè)的發(fā)展

托馬斯-杰斐遜曾寫到：“相比于過去的歷史，我更喜歡未來的夢想.”隨著我馬上要離開白宮，我贊同杰斐遜這樣的樂觀精神美國是一個年輕的國家，充滿了活力，不斷發(fā)展與更新即便在最艱難的時候，美國仍然沒有放棄對未來的夢想我了解我們民族的特質(zhì)，因此我也相信美國的明天會更美好.這是一個鼓勵移民們?yōu)樽杂傻膲粝攵L試一切事情的國家，這是一個在面對危險使仍然鎮(zhèn)定的國家，這是一個面對苦難仍抱有同情心的國家.我們在身邊的每一個人身上都可以看到美國的特征.今晚，受我和夫人勞拉的邀請，一切代表也來到了白宮.我在外科醫(yī)生克里索夫身上看到了美國人民的偉大個性.克里索夫的兒子，一名海軍，在伊拉光榮地獻(xiàn)出了自己的生命.當(dāng)我見到克里索夫和他家人的時候，他告訴了我一個驚人的消息：他告訴我，為了緬懷兒子，他希望加入美國海軍醫(yī)療團(tuán).克里索夫已經(jīng)60歲了，超過了年齡限制，但是他的申請得到了批準(zhǔn).在過去的一年中，克里索夫接受了良好的訓(xùn)練，但已經(jīng)榮升少校的他今晚不能來到這里，他很快就會前往伊 拉克，在那里他可以救助我們受傷的勇士并繼續(xù)他兒子為完成的事業(yè).同時，從美國公民身上，我看到了我們國家優(yōu)秀的一面—我們的國家充滿關(guān)懷和希望，這樣的優(yōu)點令我對國家有著堅貞的信念我們面臨著危險和審判，而且在未來我們?nèi)詫⑿枰獞?yīng)對更多的挑戰(zhàn).然而，依靠你們的勇氣和信心，偉大的美國永遠(yuǎn)會穩(wěn)如磐石從來不會走向沒落.對我來說，能夠擔(dān)任你們的總統(tǒng)，是我一生的榮耀.我有過歡樂也有過困苦.但是，每天我都會受到偉大祖國的鼓舞，并且我也一直在為我們的國家祈禱.在以后的時光里，我會永遠(yuǎn)珍視這樣一段話：美利堅合眾國的公民.我親愛的同胞們，我的演說就到這里了，晚安！愿上帝保佑奧巴馬！愿上帝保佑你和我們美好的國家！