第一篇：2018年可銳考研英語閱讀分析詳解

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2018年可銳考研英語閱讀分析詳解

（八）Historians have only recently begun to note the increase in demand for luxury goods and services that took place in eighteenth-century England.McKendrick has explored the Wedgwood firm’s remarkable success in marketing luxury pottery;Plumb has written about the proliferation of provincial theater, musical festivals, and children’s toys and books.While the fact of this consumer revolution is hardly in doubt, three key questions remain: Who were the consumers? What were their motives? And what were the effects of the new demand for luxuries?

An answer to the first of these has been difficult to obtain.Although it has been possible to infer from the goods and services actually produced what manufacturers and servicing trades thought their customers wanted, only a study of relevant personal documents written by actual consumers will provide a precise picture of who wanted what.We still need to know how large this consumer market was and how far down the social scale the consumer demand for luxury goods penetrated.With regard to this last question, we might note in passing that Thompson, while rightly restoring laboring people to the stage of eighteenth-century English history, has probably exaggerated the opposition of these people to the inroads of capitalist consumerism in general;for example, laboring people in eighteenth-century England readily shifted from home-brewed beer to standardized beer produced by huge, heavily capitalized urban breweries.To answer the question of why consumers became so eager to buy, some historians have pointed to the ability of manufacturers to advertise in a relatively uncensored press.This, however, hardly seems a sufficient answer.Mckendrick favors a Veblem model of conspicuous consumption stimulated by competition for status.The “middling sort” bought goods and services because they wanted to follow fashions set by the rich.Again, we may wonder whether this explanation is sufficient.Do not people enjoy buying things as a form of self-gratification? If so, consumerism could be seen as a product of the rise of new concepts of individualism and materialism, but not necessarily of the frenzy for conspicuous competition.Finally, what were the consequences of this consumer demand for luxuries? McKendrick claims that it goes a long way toward explaining the coming of the Industrial Revolution.But does it? What, for example, does the production of high-quality pottery and toys have to do with the development of iron manufacture or textile mills? It is perfectly possible to have the psychology and reality of a consumer society without a heavy industrial sector.That future exploration of these key questions is undoubtedly necessary should not, however, diminish the force of the conclusion of recent studies: the insatiable demand in eighteenth-century England for frivolous as well as useful goods and services foreshadows our own world.1.In the first paragraph, the author mentions McKendrick and Plumb most probably in order to 可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

[A] contrast their views on the subject of luxury consumerism in eighteenth-century England.[B] indicate the inadequacy of historiographical approaches to eighteenth-century English history.[C] give examples of historians who have helped to establish the fact of growing consumerism in eighteenth-century England.[D] support the contention that key questions about eighteenth-century consumerism remain to be answered.2.Which of the following items, if preserved from eighteenth-century England, would provide an example of the kind of documents mentioned in lines 3-4, paragraph 2?

[A] A written agreement between a supplier of raw materials and a supplier of luxury goods.[B] A diary that mentions luxury goods and services purchased by its author.[C] A theater ticket stamped with the date and name of a particular play.[D] A payroll record from a company that produced luxury goods such as pottery.3.According to the text, Thompson attributes to laboring people in eighteenth-century England which of the following attitudes toward capitalist consumerism?

[A] Enthusiasm.[B] Curiosity.[C] Ambivalence.[D] Hostility.4.In the third paragraph, the author is primarily concerned with

[A] contrasting two theses and offering a compromise.[B] questioning two explanations and proposing a possible alternative to them.[C] paraphrasing the work of two historians and questioning their assumptions.[D] examining two theories and endorsing one over the other.可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

5.According to the text, eighteenth-century England and the contemporary world of the text readers are

[A] dissimilar in the extent to which luxury consumerism could be said to be widespread among the social classes.[B] dissimilar in their definitions of luxury goods and services.[C] dissimilar in the extent to which luxury goods could be said to be stimulant of industrial development.[D] similar in their strong demand for a variety of goods and services.[答案與考點(diǎn)解析]

1.【答案】C

【考點(diǎn)解析】本題是一道例(舉)證題型。根據(jù)題干中的“McKendrick and Plumb”可將本題的答案信息來源迅速確定在首段的第二、三句。由于這兩句話和首段第一句之間存在例(舉)證的關(guān)系，故針對首段第一句進(jìn)行認(rèn)真理解。通過綜合分析和歸納這三句話，可得出含有“examples”的選項(xiàng)C是正確答案?？忌诮忸}時一定要善于識別題型，這一點(diǎn)的基礎(chǔ)是要學(xué)會識別句子之間的關(guān)系。

2.【答案】B

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道細(xì)節(jié)推導(dǎo)題。題干中的信息以將本題的答案信息來源確定在第二段的三、四行。即第二段第二句的主句，該句中的“only a study of relevant personal documents written by actual consumers”暗示本題的答案是選項(xiàng)B。考生在解題時一定要學(xué)會識別原文和選項(xiàng)中同義詞的替換。

3.【答案】D

【考點(diǎn)解析】本題是一道細(xì)節(jié)推導(dǎo)題。通過題干中的“Thompson”一詞可迅速將本題的正確選項(xiàng)確定在第二段的尾句。從第二段尾句的前半部分即分號前面的部分我們不難推導(dǎo)出本題正確選項(xiàng)是D。原文中的“opposition”一詞十分重要?？忌诮忸}時要善于從原文的表面歸納出深刻的思想。

4.【答案】B

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道寫作手法題型。旨在考察考生的語言基本功。本題考察考生對于段落寫作結(jié)構(gòu)的認(rèn)識。本文第三段的第一、二句是對某一個問題的一種解釋。本文第三段的第三、四、五句是對同一個問題的另一種解釋，本文作者對這兩種解釋提出了質(zhì)疑。本文第三段的第六、七句是作者本人針對前面兩個解釋所提出的另外一種解釋。可見本題的正確選可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

項(xiàng)是B?？忌诮忸}時一定要重視文章或段落的寫作結(jié)構(gòu)。

5.【答案】D

【考點(diǎn)解析】本題是一道審題定位與關(guān)鍵詞理解題。通過題干中的“the contemporary world of the text readers”可將本題的答案信息迅速確定在尾段，因?yàn)槲捕沃械摹皁ur own world”等于“the contemporary world of the text readers”。尾段最后一行中的“foreshadows”(預(yù)示;是??的預(yù)兆)一詞暗示本題的正確選項(xiàng)是D?？忌诮忸}時一定要有審題定位能力，并且對于原文中的關(guān)鍵詞要有入目三分的理解。

[參考譯文]

直到最近，史學(xué)家們才發(fā)現(xiàn)在十八世紀(jì)的英國，對豪華奢侈商品和服務(wù)的需求出現(xiàn)增長的現(xiàn)象。麥克德瑞克研究了韋奇伍德公司在營銷豪華陶制品方面的極大成功;而普拉姆也著文論述了地方劇院、音樂節(jié)目以及兒童玩具和書籍激增的情形。盡管這場消費(fèi)者革命的事實(shí)幾乎毋庸置疑，但仍有三個關(guān)鍵的問題尚待解決：消費(fèi)者是些什么人?他們的動機(jī)是什么?以及這種對奢侈品的新需求的社會影響是什么?

關(guān)于第一問題的答案是很難獲得的。盡管它可能從制造商和服務(wù)行業(yè)認(rèn)為消費(fèi)者想要什么而實(shí)際制造的商品和提供的服務(wù)中推知，但只有對實(shí)際消費(fèi)者的相關(guān)私人資料的研究才能提供一種“誰想要什么”的精確狀況。我們?nèi)匀恍枰肋@種消費(fèi)市場到底有多大，以及消費(fèi)者對奢侈商品的需求向下滲透到社會的什么層次。對最后一個問題而言，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)注意到，在過去，湯姆遜雖然正確恢復(fù)了勞動人民在十八世紀(jì)英國歷史舞臺上的地位，但整體而言可能夸大了他們對資本主義消費(fèi)方式侵蝕的抵抗情緒。例如，十八世紀(jì)英國的勞動人民迅速從家釀的啤酒轉(zhuǎn)而飲用由那些大規(guī)模、高度資本化的城市釀酒廠生產(chǎn)的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化啤酒。

為了回答消費(fèi)者為什么變得那么急于購物這一問題，一些史學(xué)家指出，這是因?yàn)橹圃焐虃兛梢栽跓o需審查的報(bào)刊上刊登廣告。然而，這似乎并不是個理由充分的答案。麥克德瑞克贊成維布倫模型，即由社會地位的競爭而引起的一種引人注目的消費(fèi)。“中產(chǎn)階級”購買優(yōu)質(zhì)商品和服務(wù)，是因?yàn)樗麄兿胱冯S由富人建立的消費(fèi)時尚。我們可能再次懷疑這種解釋是否充足。難道人們喜愛購物不是一種自我滿足的形式嗎?如果是這樣，那么上述消費(fèi)主義可以被看做是一種個人主義和物質(zhì)主義新興概念的產(chǎn)物，而不一定是瘋狂進(jìn)行引人注目的競爭的結(jié)果。

最后，這種消費(fèi)者對奢侈品的需求所導(dǎo)致的后果又是什么呢?麥克德瑞克聲稱，這將極為有助于解釋工業(yè)革命的到來。但事實(shí)果真如此嗎?例如，高質(zhì)量的陶制品和玩具與鋼鐵制造和紡織工廠的發(fā)展有什么關(guān)系呢?即使沒有重工業(yè)的存在，消費(fèi)社會在心理上和現(xiàn)實(shí)上都是完全可能存在的。

然而，對這些關(guān)鍵問題的進(jìn)一步探究毫無疑問是需要的，而且不應(yīng)當(dāng)減弱近期研究所得結(jié)論的說服力：十八世紀(jì)英國對那些有用和瑣碎商品及服務(wù)的不知足的需求預(yù)示了我們目前的這個世界的特征。

第二篇：2018年可銳考研英語閱讀分析詳解

可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

2018年可銳考研英語閱讀分析詳解

（七）Traditionally, the study of history has had fixed boundaries and focal points — periods, countries, dramatic events, and great leaders.It also has had clear and firm notions of scholarly procedure: how one inquires into a historical problem, how one presents and documents one’s findings, what constitutes admissible and adequate proof.Anyone who has followed recent historical literature can testify to the revolution that is taking place in historical studies.The currently fashionable subjects come directly from the sociology catalog: childhood, work, leisure.The new subjects are accompanied by new methods.Where history once was primarily narrative, it is now entirely analytic.The old questions “What happened?” and “How did it happen?” have given way to the question “Why did it happen?” Prominent among the methods used to answer the question “Why” is psychoanalysis, and its use has given rise to psychohistory.Psychohistory does not merely use psychological explanations in historical contexts.Historians have always used such explanations when they were appropriate and when there was sufficient evidence for them.But this pragmatic use of psychology is not what psychohistorians intend.They are committed, not just to psychology in general, but to Freudian psychoanalysis.This commitment precludes a commitment to history as historians have always understood it.Psychohistory derives its “facts” not from history, the detailed records of events and their consequences, but from psychoanalysis of the individuals who made history, and deduces its theories not from this or that instance in their lives, but from a view of human nature that transcends history.It denies the basic criterion of historical evidence: that evidence be publicly accessible to, and therefore assessable by, all historians.And it violates the basic tenet of historical method: that historians be alert to the negative instances that would refute their theses.Psychohistorians, convinced of the absolute rightness of their own theories, are also convinced that theirs is the “deepest” explanation of any event, that other explanations fall short of the truth.Psychohistory is not content to violate the discipline of history;it also violates the past itself.It denies to the past an integrity and will of its own, in which people acted out of a variety of motives and in which events had a multiplicity of causes and effects.It imposes upon the past the same determinism that it imposes upon the present, thus robbing people and events of their individuality and of their complexity.Instead of respecting the particularity of the past, it assimilates all events, past and present, into a single deterministic schema that is presumed to be true at all times and in all circumstances.1.Which of the following best states the main point of the text?

[A] The approach of psychohistorians to historical study is currently in vogue even though it lacks the rigor and verifiability of traditional historical method.可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

[B] Traditional historians can benefit from studying the techniques and findings of psychohistorians.[C] Areas of sociological study such as childhood and work are of little interest to traditional historians.[D] The psychological assessment of an individual’s behavior and attitudes is more informative than the details of his or her daily life.2.The author mentions which of the following as a characteristic of the practice of psychohistorians?

[A] The lives of historical figures are presented in episodic rather than narrative form.[B] Archives used by psychohistorians to gather material are not accessible to other scholars.[C] Past and current events are all placed within the same deterministic diagram.[D] Events in the adult life of a historical figure are seen to be more consequential than are those in the childhood of the figure.3.The author of the text suggests that psychohistorians view history primarily as

[A] a report of events, causes, and effects that is generally accepted by historians but which is, for the most part, unverifiable.[B] an episodic account that lacks cohesion because records of the role of childhood, work, and leisure in the lives of historical figures are rare.[C] an uncharted sea of seemingly unexplainable events that have meaning only when examined as discrete units.[D] a record the way in which a closed set of immutable psychological laws seems to have shaped events.4.The author of the text puts the word “deepest” in quotation marks most probably in order to

[A] signal her reservations about the accuracy of psychohistorians’ claims for their work.[B] draw attention to a contradiction in the psychohistorians’ method.[C] emphasize the major difference between the traditional historians’ method and that of 可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

psychohistorians.[D] disassociate her opinion of the psychohistorians’ claims from her opinion of their method.5.In presenting her analysis, the author does all of the following EXCEPT.[A] Make general statements without reference to specific examples.[B] Describe some of the criteria employed by traditional historians.[C] Question the adequacy of the psychohistorians’ interpretation of events.[D] Point out inconsistencies in the psychohistorians’ application of their methods.[答案與考點(diǎn)解析]

1.【答案】A

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道中心主旨題。從第二段開始出現(xiàn)全文的主要談?wù)搩?nèi)容，第二段的最后一句出現(xiàn)了全文所談?wù)摰闹行摹皃sychohistory”，在第二段中談到了“psychohistory”的流行性，在第二段和第三段中作者談到了“psychohistory”缺乏歷史科學(xué)研究的“嚴(yán)密性和可考證性”。由此分析可見本題的正確選項(xiàng)應(yīng)該是包含“psychohistory”和“history”概念的選項(xiàng)A?？忌诮忸}時要善于首先捕捉全文的中心主旨句，并通過閱讀和理解去把握原文所表達(dá)的思想。

2.【答案】C

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道審題定位題。通過題干中的“psychohistorians”可將本題的答案信息確定在第三、四段，但是題干并沒有明確指出本題準(zhǔn)確的信息來源。但是題干中的“practice”(實(shí)踐)一詞暗示考生本題的答案信息可能在尾段，因?yàn)槿藗円话汴U述問題的規(guī)律是：從理論談到實(shí)踐。如果不出萬一本文的尾段應(yīng)該談到“psychohistorians”的實(shí)踐問題。通過閱讀尾段，尤其是尾段尾句，我們可得出本題的正確選項(xiàng)應(yīng)該是C。這道題的難點(diǎn)在于審題定位。審題定位不是一個簡單的問題，需要考生對文章的敘述結(jié)構(gòu)和人類的表達(dá)習(xí)慣有所認(rèn)識。

3.【答案】D

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道審題定位題。通過題干中的“psychohistorians view history primarily as”可判斷本題是要考生找出“psychohistorians”如何看待(view?as)歷史(history)，即要考生找出“psychohistorians”對歷史的看法和態(tài)度。根據(jù)行文和表達(dá)規(guī)律，這道題的答案信息應(yīng)該在第三段，準(zhǔn)確地說在第三段的第五句話，因?yàn)檫@句話包含“history”一詞。通過閱讀和理解第三段的第四、五、六句話，我們可以推導(dǎo)出本題的正確選項(xiàng)應(yīng)該是突出“psychological”含義的選項(xiàng)D?？忌诮忸}時一定要注意英語行文和表達(dá)的規(guī)則?？射J教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

4.【答案】A

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道標(biāo)點(diǎn)符號題。本題題干已將本題的答案信息確定在第三段的倒數(shù)第二行。此處引號所表達(dá)的含義是“所謂最深刻的”，即實(shí)際上是“不深刻的”。故本題的正確選項(xiàng)應(yīng)該是含有“reservations”(有保留)一詞的選項(xiàng)A?？忌谄平忾喿x理解題型時一定要注意標(biāo)點(diǎn)符號的應(yīng)用，以及它們所產(chǎn)生的相應(yīng)的含義。

5.【答案】D

【考點(diǎn)解析】本題是一道寫作手法題型。這是一道比較難的題，旨在考察考生的語言基本功，尤其是寫作手法和文章結(jié)構(gòu)方面的知識。本題A、B、C中所涉及的內(nèi)容可分別在第三段第六、七、八句、第一段第一、二句以及第三段的尾句找到。本文并沒有談到“psychohistorians”在應(yīng)用自己方法方面的前后矛盾不一致性，故本題的正確選項(xiàng)應(yīng)該是選項(xiàng)D?？忌诮忸}時應(yīng)注意原文中常用的寫作手法。

[參考譯文]

傳統(tǒng)上，歷史研究具有固定的界限和焦點(diǎn)——時期、國家、引人注目的事件，和偉大的領(lǐng)袖。在學(xué)術(shù)過程上的觀念也非常清晰和堅(jiān)定：研究者是如何探究歷史問題的，他們是如何展示他們的發(fā)現(xiàn)并歸納成文檔的，有什么令人信服的足夠的證據(jù)。

凡是注意最近的歷史文獻(xiàn)的人都能證明在歷史研究上正在發(fā)生一場革命。目前最流行的題材直接來源于社會學(xué)領(lǐng)域：兒童時代，工作，休閑。伴隨著新的題材的是新的研究方法。過去的歷史主要是敘述性的，現(xiàn)在則完全變成分析性的了。過去的問題是“發(fā)生了什么?”和“怎么發(fā)生的?”，現(xiàn)在它們則讓位給了“為什么會發(fā)生?”。在用來回答“為什么”這一問題的方法中，最突出的是心理分析，而對這種方法的使用則導(dǎo)致了心理歷史學(xué)的興起。

心理歷史學(xué)并不僅僅在歷史環(huán)境下使用心理解釋。過去，歷史學(xué)家也總是在適當(dāng)并有足夠證據(jù)支持的時候使用這樣的解釋。但這種對心理學(xué)的實(shí)用主義的應(yīng)用并不是心理歷史學(xué)家所希望的。他們通常不只局限于心理學(xué)，而是要使用弗洛伊德的心理分析。這樣，就同過去歷史學(xué)家所理解的歷史大相徑庭了。心理歷史學(xué)不是從歷史，從事件的詳細(xì)記錄和它們的前因后果中來獲取“事實(shí)”，而是對造成歷史的個人進(jìn)行心理分析，從中獲取“事實(shí)”;不是從這些創(chuàng)造歷史的人物一生的這個或那個實(shí)例中演繹出理論，而是從超越歷史的人類本性的角度來推導(dǎo)理論。它否定關(guān)于歷史證據(jù)的基本標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，即：這些證據(jù)應(yīng)該是公眾能夠了解的，因此，也就是所有歷史學(xué)家都能夠了解的。它還違反了歷史學(xué)方法的基本原則：歷史學(xué)家要警惕能夠駁倒他們的論題的反面事例。心理歷史學(xué)家，則相信他們的理論絕對正確，而且確信他們的理論是對任何事件的“最深刻”的解釋，而其它的解釋都遠(yuǎn)離真實(shí)。

心理歷史學(xué)家并不滿足于破壞歷史學(xué)的規(guī)范(在正確研究和書寫過去的意義上);它還要破壞過去本身。它否定過去是一個整體并有自身的發(fā)展規(guī)律，人們在這個整體中出于各種不同的動機(jī)行事，事件的發(fā)生是由多種原因和影響共同造成的。它把決定當(dāng)前情況的決定論強(qiáng)加給過去，這就剝奪了人和事件的獨(dú)特性和復(fù)雜性。它不是尊重過去的特殊性，而是把過去和現(xiàn)在的所有事件都吸收到一個單一的決定論模式中，假設(shè)這個模式在任意時間和任意環(huán)境可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

中都是正確的。

第三篇：2018年可銳考研英語閱讀分析詳解

可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

2018年可銳考研英語閱讀分析詳解

（五）As Gilbert White, Darwin, and others observed long ago, all species appear to have the innate capacity to increase their numbers from generation to generation.The task for ecologists is to untangle the environmental and biological factors that hold this intrinsic capacity for population growth in check over the long run.The great variety of dynamic behaviors exhibited by different population makes this task more difficult: some populations remain roughly constant from year to year;others exhibit regular cycles of abundance and scarcity;still others vary wildly, with outbreaks and crashes that are in some cases plainly correlated with the weather, and in other cases not.To impose some order on this kaleidoscope of patterns, one school of thought proposes dividing populations into two groups.These ecologists posit that the relatively steady populations have “density-dependent” growth parameters;that is, rates of birth, death, and migration which depend strongly on population density.The highly varying populations have “density-independent” growth parameters, with vital rates buffeted by environmental events;these rates fluctuate in a way that is wholly independent of population density.This dichotomy has its uses, but it can cause problems if taken too literally.For one thing, no population can be driven entirely by density-independent factors all the time.No matter how severely or unpredictably birth, death, and migration rates may be fluctuating around their long-term averages, if there were no density-dependent effects, the population would, in the long run, either increase or decrease without bound.Put another way, it may be that on average 99 percent of all deaths in a population arise from density-independent causes, and only one percent from factors varying with density.The factors making up the one percent may seem unimportant, and their cause may be correspondingly hard to determine.Yet, whether recognized or not, they will usually determine the long-term average population density.In order to understand the nature of the ecologist’s investigation, we may think of the density-dependent effects on growth parameters as the “signal” ecologists are trying to isolate and interpret, one that tends to make the population increase from relatively low values or decrease from relatively high ones, while the density-independent effects act to produce “noise” in the population dynamics.For populations that remain relatively constant, or that oscillate around repeated cycles, the signal can be fairly easily characterized and its effects described, even though the causative biological mechanism may remain unknown.For irregularly fluctuating populations, we are likely to have too few observations to have any hope of extracting the signal from the overwhelming noise.But it now seems clear that all populations are regulated by a mixture of density-dependent and density-independent effects in varying proportions.1.The author of the text is primarily concerned with

[A] discussing two categories of factors that control population growth and assessing their relative importance.可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

[B] describing how growth rates in natural populations fluctuate over time and explaining why these changes occur.[C] proposing a hypothesis concerning population size and suggesting ways to test it.[D] posing a fundamental question about environmental factors in population growth and presenting some currently accepted answer.2.It can be inferred from the text that the author considers the dichotomy discussed to be

[A] applicable only to erratically fluctuating populations.[B] instrumental, but only if its limitations are recognized.[C] dangerously misleading in most circumstances.[D] a complete and sufficient way to account for observed phenomena.3.According to the text, all of the following behaviors have been exhibited by different populations EXCEPT

[A] roughly constant population levels from year to year.[B] regular cycles of increases and decreases in numbers.[C] erratic increases in numbers correlated with the weather.[D] unchecked increases in numbers over many generations.4.The discussion concerning population in the third paragraph serves primarily to

[A] demonstrate the difficulties ecologists face in studying density-dependent factors limiting population growth.[B] advocate more rigorous study of density-dependent factors in population growth.[C] prove that the death rates of any population are never entirely density-independent.[D] underline the importance of even small density-dependent factors in regulating long-term population densities.5.In the text, the author does all of the following EXCEPT

[A] cite the views of other biologists.可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

[B] define a basic problem that the text addresses.[C] present conceptual categories used by other biologists.[D] describe the results of a particular study.[答案與考點(diǎn)解析]

1.【答案】A

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道中心主旨題。本文的中心主旨句在第三段的首句。如果考生能夠抓住第三段的首句就等于抓住了整篇文章的論述結(jié)構(gòu)。該句中的“dichotomy” 就是正確選項(xiàng)A中的“two categories”?？忌诮忸}時應(yīng)首先抓住每篇文章的中心主旨句，因?yàn)檫@決定了對全文結(jié)構(gòu)的認(rèn)識以及對原文整體的把握。

2.【答案】B

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道細(xì)節(jié)推導(dǎo)題。根據(jù)題干中的“dichotomy”可將本題的答案信息來源迅速確定在第二段的首句。如果考生能夠正確理解該句中“but”一詞前后的內(nèi)容，就可以找出本題的正確選項(xiàng)B。考生在解題時一定要正確理解原文所傳達(dá)的含義，即進(jìn)行正確的細(xì)節(jié)推導(dǎo)。

3.【答案】D

【考點(diǎn)解析】這是一道審題定位與中心主旨題。根據(jù)本題題干中的“different populations”可將本題的答案信息來源確定在首段的第一句，因?yàn)樵摼渲械摹癮ll species”實(shí)際上指的就是題干中的“different populations”。從第一段的首句入手并且仔細(xì)閱讀首段的第二句，就可以找出本題的正確選項(xiàng)D，因?yàn)樵撨x項(xiàng)所傳達(dá)的信息與原文第一段第一、二句所傳達(dá)的信息不一致?？忌诮忸}時一定要學(xué)會迅速審題定位的能力。

4.【答案】D

【考點(diǎn)解析】本題是一道歸納推導(dǎo)題。題干已明確指出該題的答案信息來源在第三段。第三段主要陳述“density-dependent factors”的作用，通過仔細(xì)閱讀第三段，尤其是第三段的最后三句話，考生可以得知本文作者在第三段是在強(qiáng)調(diào)“density-dependent factors”的作用?？梢奃是本題的正確選項(xiàng)?？忌诶斫庠臅r一定要注意掌握歸納推導(dǎo)的能力。

5.【答案】D

【考點(diǎn)解析】本題是一道寫作手法題。這是一道比較難的題目，旨在考察考生的語言功底。本文作者在論述自己的觀點(diǎn)時運(yùn)用了各種寫作手段。選項(xiàng)A、B、C中所涉及的內(nèi)容分別在第一段、第三段和第二段中出現(xiàn)?？忌欢ㄒ岣邔υ母鞣N寫作手段的認(rèn)識。可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

[參考譯文]

正如吉爾伯特?懷特、達(dá)爾文以及其它科學(xué)家很久以前觀察的那樣，所有的物種都具有一種天生的能力來一代一代地增加它們種群的數(shù)量。生態(tài)學(xué)家的使命就是調(diào)查清楚環(huán)境和生態(tài)因素長期以來是如何控制這種致使種群增長的內(nèi)在能力的。由于不同種群所表現(xiàn)出來的動態(tài)行為是如此多樣化，致使這項(xiàng)任務(wù)顯得非常困難：有些種群長期以來大致保持不變;有些表現(xiàn)出周期性的繁榮和稀少;而還有些變化非常大，時而暴增，時而銳減，這種增減有時顯然與氣候有關(guān)，而有時又與氣候無關(guān)。

為了賦予這些千變?nèi)f化的模式一種規(guī)律，科學(xué)家中的一種流派提出將所有種群劃分為兩類。這部分生態(tài)學(xué)家假設(shè)：那些相對穩(wěn)定的種群具有和“種群密度相關(guān)”的增長參數(shù);也就是說，這些種群的出生率、死亡率以及遷徙規(guī)律都大大地依賴于種群的密度。那些變化很大的種群具有“種群密度無關(guān)”的增長參數(shù)，其生存率隨環(huán)境因素的變化而變化，并且以一種完全獨(dú)立于種群密度的方式進(jìn)行波動。

這種二分法有它的用途，但如果死板地應(yīng)用也會引發(fā)一些問題。一方面，沒有任何種群在所有的時間里完全只受“種群密度無關(guān)”因素的影響。無論出生、死亡率以及遷徙規(guī)律相對于長期的平均值的變化是如何的劇烈和不可預(yù)測，如果沒有種群密度無關(guān)因素，從長遠(yuǎn)來看，這個種群的數(shù)量將無限地增加或減少(從而阻礙了得失正好相消的奇跡的發(fā)生)。換一句話講，也許種群內(nèi)平均99%的死亡都由“種群密度無關(guān)”因素導(dǎo)致的，只有1%由隨種群密度變化而變化的因素所導(dǎo)致。導(dǎo)致這1%的因素也許看起來并不重要，而且它們的影響也相應(yīng)地很難確定。但是，無論認(rèn)識到或沒有認(rèn)識到，它們都將對該種群密度長期的平均值起決定作用。

為了能夠理解生態(tài)學(xué)家們研究的性質(zhì)，我們可以把種群密度相關(guān)對增長參數(shù)的影響視為一種“信號”，生態(tài)學(xué)家試圖分離并解釋這些“信號”，這種“信號”將使種群中個體數(shù)量從相對低的數(shù)值增長或從相對高的數(shù)值減少，同時，密度無關(guān)因素將作為一種“噪音”來影響種群的動態(tài)變化。對于那些數(shù)量保持相對不變，或者以一種循環(huán)周期進(jìn)行擺動的種群而言，這種“信號”將會相當(dāng)容易提取特征并描述它的影響，即使我們?nèi)圆恢雷鳛樵虻纳餀C(jī)制。對那些變化不規(guī)則的種群，我們可能因?yàn)橛^察太小而無法從繁多的“噪音”中提取那一信號。但是，現(xiàn)在顯得很清楚的是，所有種群都受“種群密度相關(guān)”和“種群密度無關(guān)”兩類因素在不同程度上的共同制約。

第四篇：2018年可銳考研英語閱讀文章精選

可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

2018年可銳考研英語閱讀文章精選

（九）The view from the top, and bottom

老板與員工的意見分歧

Bosses think their firms are caring.Their minions disagree.老板們認(rèn)為公司對員工關(guān)懷備至，但其下屬卻不以為然。

AS WALMART grew into the world s largest retailer, its staff were subjected to a long list ofdos and don ts covering every aspect of their work.隨著沃爾瑪發(fā)展成為全球最大零售商，其員工在工作的各方各面都受到了一大堆規(guī)則的限制。

Now the firm has decided that its rules-based culture is too inflexible to cope with thechallenges of globalisation and technological change，如今，沃爾瑪已經(jīng)認(rèn)識到其以規(guī)則為基礎(chǔ)的公司文化過于死板，無法應(yīng)對全球化和科技變革所帶來的挑戰(zhàn)。

and is trying to instil a values-based culture, in which employees can be trusted to do theright thing because they know what the firm stands for.所以，沃爾瑪正嘗試逐漸培養(yǎng)一種以價(jià)值觀為基礎(chǔ)的公司文化，在這種文化中，員工了解公司的主張，所以能夠得到公司的信任，去做他們認(rèn)為正確的事情。

Values is the latest hot topic in management thinking.價(jià)值觀念 是管理學(xué)思維最新的熱門話題。

PepsiCo has started preaching a creed of performance with purpose.百事可樂公司已開始宣揚(yáng)一個信條： 目的性績效。

Chevron, an oil firm, brands itself as a purveyor of human energy , though presumably itdoes not really want you to travel by rickshaw.石油公司雪佛龍?jiān)谧约旱纳虡?biāo)上印上 ‘人類體能 的供應(yīng)商 的字樣，盡管它大概并非真的希望你用人力車代步。

Nearly every big firm claims to be building a more caring and ethical culture.可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

幾乎每一家大型企業(yè)都宣稱自身正在發(fā)展更為關(guān)懷體貼、合乎道德的企業(yè)文化。

A new study suggests there is less to this than it says on the label.一項(xiàng)新的研究顯示，實(shí)際情況與商家們所標(biāo)榜的有差距。

Commissioned by Dov Seidman, boss of LRN, a firm that advises on corporate culture, andauthor of How ，LRN的老板、同時也是《怎么做到的?》

a book arguing that the way firms do business matters as much as what they do, andconducted by the Boston Research Group, the National Governance, Culture and LeadershipAssessment is based on a survey of thousands of American employees, from every rung ofthe corporate ladder.的作者多弗?塞德曼委托波士頓研究集團(tuán)進(jìn)行這項(xiàng) 國家治理、文化和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力評估 的研究，該研究是以對來自公司各個級別的數(shù)千位美國雇員的調(diào)查為基礎(chǔ)的。

It found that 43% of those surveyed described their company s culture as based oncommand-and-control, top-down management or leadership by coercion—what MrSeidman calls blind obedience.研究發(fā)現(xiàn)，有43%的調(diào)查對象對其公司的文化有以下描述：以命令和指揮為基礎(chǔ)、自上而下的管理模式或強(qiáng)制式的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)——塞德曼先生稱之為 盲目服從型。

The largest category, 54%, saw their employer s culture as top-down, but with skilledleadership, lots of rules and a mix of carrots and sticks, which Mr Seidman calls informedacquiescence.所占百分比最多的調(diào)查對象，即有54%的人認(rèn)為其公司文化自上而下型的，但公司的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)也有技巧可言，只是規(guī)則繁多并存在軟硬兼施的手段，塞德曼先生稱這種為 知情服從型。

Only 3% fell into the category of self-governance , in which everyone is guided by a set ofcore principles and values that inspire everyone to align around a company s mission.只有3%的調(diào)查對象屬于 自我管理型，即每個員工都被一套 核心原則和價(jià)值 所引導(dǎo)，這套原則和價(jià)值激勵每個員工以公司的宗旨為中心進(jìn)行工作。

The study found evidence that such differences matter.研究也發(fā)現(xiàn)一些證據(jù)，證明這些公司文化之間的差異事關(guān)重大。

Nearly half of those in blind-obedience companies said they had observed 可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

unethicalbehaviour in the previous year, compared with around a quarter in the other sorts of firm.在盲目服從型企業(yè)中，幾乎有過半數(shù)員工都稱在前一年目睹過有違職業(yè)道德的行為，而在其他類型的企業(yè)中只有四分之一的員工有此經(jīng)歷。

Yet only a quarter of those in the blind-obedience firms said they were likely to blow thewhistle, compared with over 90% in self-governing firms.但是，在盲目服從型企業(yè)中只有約四分之一的員工說他們可能會揭發(fā)這種行為，而在自我管理型企業(yè)中卻有90%的員工會進(jìn)行揭發(fā)。

Lack of trust may inhibit innovation, too.同樣，上下級之間缺乏信任會抑制員工創(chuàng)新。

More than 90% of employees in self-governing firms, and two-thirds in the informed-acquiescence category, agreed that good ideas are readily adopted by my company.自我管理型公司中超過90%的員工承認(rèn) 絕妙的想法很容易會被公司采納，選擇性順從型公司中也有三分之二的員工這樣認(rèn)為。

At blind-obedience firms, fewer than one in five did.而在盲目服從型公司中，持這種想法的人少于五分之一。

Tragicomically, the study found that bosses often believe their own guff, even if theirunderlings do not.令人哭笑不得的是，研究還發(fā)現(xiàn)老板們時常對自己瞎掰的那一套信以為真，即便員工們不以為然。

Bosses are eight times more likely than the average to believe that their organisation is self-governing.老板們相信其公司是自我管理型公司的程度比普通員工高八倍。

Some 27% of bosses believe their employees are inspired by their firm.大約27%的老板認(rèn)為自己公司的員工能夠被公司所激勵。

Alas, only 4% of employees agree.奈何，只有4%的員工同意此說?？射J教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

Likewise, 41% of bosses say their firm rewards performance based on values rather thanmerely on financial results.同樣，41%的老板稱其公司對績效的獎勵是建基于價(jià)值觀之上的，而不僅是業(yè)績。

Only 14% of employees swallow this.然而只有14%的員工接受此說。

二．

A big, bad business

點(diǎn)肥成金不現(xiàn)實(shí)

Medical firms struggle to profit from weight-loss treatments

制藥公司試圖從減肥治療中獲利

OBESITY is an epidemic to some and an opportunity to others.肥胖癥對某些人來說是傳染病，對別的一些人來說則是機(jī)遇。

More than two-thirds of Americans are overweight.超過三分之二的美國人已經(jīng)超重。

Find a way to battle the bulge and a huge profit might be made.找個辦法和肥胖對抗，說必定就此大賺一筆。

On February 22nd one pharmaceutical firm, Vivus, took a small step towards this goal.找個辦法和肥胖對抗，說必定就此大賺一筆。

A committee advising America s Food and Drug Administration recommended that itapprove Vivus s diet drug, Qnexa.2月22日，Vivus制藥公司朝著這個目標(biāo)前進(jìn)了一步。給美國食品藥物管理局做咨詢的一家委員會推薦，Vivus公司的減肥藥Qnexa。

However, the pill s long-awaited final approval may not come until April, if at all.可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

但是，如果獲得批準(zhǔn)，該藥品的漫長的最終肯定直到四月份才會到來。

The announcement mostly served as a reminder of what a struggle it is to turn fat intogold.公告主要是提醒人們，這是一場點(diǎn)肥成金的抗?fàn)帯?/p>

Pharmaceutical and medical-device companies are quite good at treating the conditions thatcome with obesity.制藥和醫(yī)療器械公司非常善于解決肥胖帶來的問題。

However, they are dismal at helping consumers lose weight.但是他們無法幫助消費(fèi)者戰(zhàn)勝肥胖本身，減少體重。

This is not for lack of trying.這不是因?yàn)槿狈L試。

Take the curious case of the gastric band.以古怪的胃部束帶為例。

Bariatric surgery can lead to weight loss in the long term.Hospitals can make money fromall bariatric procedures, including gastric bypasses , but the gastric band is a rareexample of an opportunity for device-makers to profit from weight loss.肥胖治療手術(shù)可以幫助患者在較長的時間內(nèi)減少體重。醫(yī)院就是從這些減肥療程中賺錢，包括胃繞道手術(shù)，但是胃部束帶卻是一個罕見的例子，被當(dāng)成一個器械制造商用來從減肥中賺錢的法子。

Allergan, best known for selling Botox, has tried to use its Lap-Band to tap the obesitymarket.Allergan公司以銷售肉毒桿菌而出名，嘗試用產(chǎn)品Lap-Band打入減肥市場。

It is an inflatable loop which the surgeon fits near the top of the stomach, which helps thepatient feel sated earlier.Lap-Band是一圈松緊帶，外科醫(yī)生可以用它繞住患者胃的上部，這樣患者會提前有腹飽感。

Allergan has captured about 70% of the worldwide market for gastric bands and balloons, 可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

butsales are now shrinking.Allergan公司在全球胃部束帶和充氣袋市場占有率達(dá)70%，但是如今銷量卻有所下降。

The recession has sapped consumers desire for expensive surgery.經(jīng)濟(jì)不景氣讓消費(fèi)者忍住做昂貴的手術(shù)的欲望。

Some patients have had bands removed because they slipped or proved ineffective.有些病人甚至連束帶也不用了，因?yàn)槭鴰Т蚧蛘邲]有效果。

Last year the FDA approved the Lap-Band s use in patients who are only slightly overweight,but insurers have refused to pay.去年，美國食品藥物管理局同意，微超重病人使用 Lap-Band，但是保險(xiǎn)公司卻拒絕付款。

In January David Pyott, Allergan s chief executive, said he would scrap an effort to marketthe band for teenagers.一月份，Allergan公司首席執(zhí)行官David Pyott說，他將放棄在年輕人束帶市場的努力。

He is now trying to convince insurers of Lap-Band s merits, arguing that the $20,000surgery is recouped in saved medical costs within four years.他目前試圖讓保險(xiǎn)公司也看到Lap-Band的優(yōu)點(diǎn)，他認(rèn)為兩萬美元手術(shù)費(fèi)可以在四年之內(nèi)通過減少醫(yī)療支出收回。

There is some scepticism about his chances of success: The fact that banding is not as goodas bypass has been known by everybody except the PR firms for the band, says LeeKaplan, director of the Weight Centre at Massachusetts General Hospital.至今仍有人懷疑他是否能成功：“事實(shí)上使用束帶不必胃繞道手術(shù)好，所有人都知道，除了束帶的公關(guān)公司，”馬薩諸塞州中心醫(yī)院體重中心主任Lee Kaplan如是說。

Drug companies have had even more trouble than device-makers.制藥公司的麻煩甚至比醫(yī)療器械公司的還要多。

It has been 13 years since the FDA approved a prescription diet pill.從美國食品藥物管理局批準(zhǔn)減肥藥為處方藥到如今已經(jīng)過了十三年?？射J教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

That drug, Roche s Xenical, has notorious gastrointestinal side-effects.瑞士羅氏制藥公司的Xenical臭名昭著，該藥會引發(fā)胃腸功能的副作用。

The FDA rejected Vivus s Qnexa in 2010 over concerns for the safety of pregnant women andthe quickening of patients heart rates.美國食品藥物管理局于2010年拒絕批準(zhǔn)Vivus公司的Qnexa，因?yàn)閾?dān)心該藥對孕婦的安全造成傷害，擔(dān)心該藥會加快患者的心率。

Vivus s new data apparently satisfied the FDA s advisory committee.Vivus公司新的數(shù)據(jù)顯然讓管理局的咨詢委員會滿意。

However, the agency may yet reject the drug.但是該局還是可能拒絕批準(zhǔn)該藥。

Even if Qnexa is approved, it is unclear that patients will buy it.就算Qnexa獲得批準(zhǔn)，患者會不會買賬仍不明了。

Qnexa combines two treatments that are already on the market.Qnexa結(jié)合了兩種市面上上有的療效。

Both medicines are generic, which means that doctors may prescribe the existing drugsrather than Qnexa s more expensive version.這兩種藥物都是非專利藥，這說明醫(yī)生可能會給患者開已有的藥而不選擇Qnexa，后者更貴。

For now, it is more profitable to treat fat patients than to try to make them slim.到目前為止，治療肥胖患者還是要比讓他們減肥更有利可圖。

第五篇：2018年可銳考研英語閱讀文章精選

可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

2018年可銳考研英語閱讀文章精選

（三）Facebook and privacy Sorry, friends

臉譜和用戶隱私 對不起，朋友

The giant social network is castigated for serious privacy failings

社交網(wǎng)巨頭因嚴(yán)重隱私缺陷而遭受公眾譴責(zé)

FACEBOOK has been playing with fire and has got its fingers burned, again.臉譜一直在玩火，這次它又燒傷了自己的指頭。

On November 29th America s Federal Trade Commission announced that it hadreached a draft settlement with the giant social network over allegations that it hadmisled people about its use of their personal data.11月29日美國聯(lián)邦貿(mào)易委員會聲明已和該社交網(wǎng)巨頭關(guān)于公眾對它欺騙用戶、濫用用戶個人信息的控訴初步達(dá)成解決方案。

The details of the settlement make clear that Facebook, which boasts over 800m users,betrayed its users trust.這份解決方案的細(xì)目明確說明，臉譜網(wǎng)背叛了它所聲稱的八億用戶的信任。

It is also notable because it appears to be part of a broader attempt by the FTC to craft anew privacy framework to deal with the swift rise of social networks in America.FTC有個更大的計(jì)劃，那就是創(chuàng)建一個新的隱私框架以應(yīng)對美國快速攀升的社交網(wǎng)用戶。而這份方案似乎是這個計(jì)劃中的一部分，這也是它受到廣泛關(guān)注的另一個原因。

The regulator s findings come at a sensitive time for Facebook, which is said to be preparingfor an initial public offering next year that could value it at around $100 billion.調(diào)解員的調(diào)查對這個時候的臉譜網(wǎng)來說很敏感。據(jù)說它正在準(zhǔn)備明年的首次招股，這將使它的價(jià)值達(dá)到一千億。

To clear the way for its blockbuster flotation, the firm first needs to resolve its privacytussles with regulators in America and Europe.為了給這次非同一般的上市計(jì)劃掃清障礙，臉譜網(wǎng)必須首先解決與美國和歐洲協(xié)調(diào)員關(guān)于用戶隱私的爭端，因此這周它公開了商談意向?？射J教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

Hence its willingness to negotiate the settlement unveiled this week, which should befinalised at the end of December after a period for public comment.經(jīng)過征詢公共意見后，商談結(jié)果將在十二月底最終敲定。

Announcing the agreement, the FTC said it had found a number of cases where Facebook hadmade claims that were unfair and deceptive, and violated federal law.宣布協(xié)議時，F(xiàn)TC說發(fā)現(xiàn)有好幾回臉譜的聲明都是 不公平，虛假并觸犯聯(lián)邦法 的，F(xiàn)or instance, it passed on personally identifiable information to advertisers, even though itsaid it would not do so.比如，它把用戶身份信息透露給廣告商，但是嘴上卻聲稱不會做此類事情。

And it failed to keep a promise to make photos and videos on deactivated and deletedaccounts inaccessible.還有，賬戶不再活動或取消后，上面的相片和視頻卻仍然可以被搜索到，這完全與它的承諾不相符。

The settlement does not constitute an admission by Facebook that it has broken the law.臉譜沒有在這份協(xié)議中承認(rèn)自己觸犯法律。

But the regulator s findings are deeply embarrassing for the company nonetheless.但是，協(xié)調(diào)員的調(diào)查結(jié)果已經(jīng)讓這個公司陷入極為尷尬的境地。

In a blog post published the same day, Mark Zuckerberg, Facebook s boss, tried to play downthe impact of the deal.同一天，臉譜老板Mark Zuckerberg在一篇博文上極力淡化這份協(xié)議的影響。

First he claimed that a small number of high-profile mistakes were overshadowing thesocial network s good history on privacy.在這篇博文中他首先聲明 一小部分被高調(diào)炒作的錯誤 正在掩蓋臉譜網(wǎng)關(guān)于用戶隱私的 良好記錄。

Then he confessed that it could still do better and said he had hired two new chief privacyofficers.接著，他承認(rèn)確實(shí)有一些地方需要改進(jìn)，并說明他已經(jīng)雇用了兩名新的 首席隱私官。可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

The FTC is not relying on Facebook to police itself.FTC不指望臉譜自我監(jiān)督。

Among other things, the company will now have to seek consumers approval before itchanges the way it shares their data.And it has agreed to an independent privacy auditevery two years for the next 20 years.此外，在改變用戶信息共享方式前，它還必須征詢用戶的同意，并且它也同意在未來二十年里每兩年進(jìn)行一次獨(dú)立的隱私審核。

Jeff Chester of the Centre for Digital Democracy reckons this will make it somewhat easier forprivacy activists to hold the social network to account.數(shù)字民主中心的Jeff Chester認(rèn)為，這從某種程度上讓隱私主義者更容易相信臉譜會為自己的行為負(fù)責(zé)。

There is a clear pattern here.這里有個很清晰的模式。

In separate cases over the past couple of years the FTC has insisted that Twitter and Googleaccept regular external audits, too, after each firm was accused of violating its customers privacy.從過去幾年里Twitter和Google各自的案例來看，在這兩家公司分別被指控觸犯用戶隱私后，F(xiàn)TC也堅(jiān)持要求兩家公司接受定期的外部審核，The intent seems to be to create a regulatory regime that is tighter than the status quo,but one that still gives social networks plenty of room to innovate.目的似乎就是為了給此類社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)創(chuàng)造一個比現(xiàn)狀嚴(yán)格卻又有足夠空間革新的管理制度。

The audits can be used to tweak the framework in the light of new developments.從發(fā)展的角度講，這些審核有助于打破原本框架。

Some observers reckon web firms have agreed to all this in the hope that it will deflect apush for more onerous privacy legislation in America.一些觀測者認(rèn)為，這些網(wǎng)絡(luò)公司全盤接受這些審核，希望借此擺脫美國更為繁瑣的隱私保護(hù)法?？射J教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

But outrage over Facebook s behaviour could spur Congress into action anyway.And it willcertainly not be lost on regulators in Europe who are scrutinising the social network sprivacy record too.但是公眾對臉譜行為的不滿終將刺激國會做出反應(yīng)，而正在審閱該社交網(wǎng)隱私記錄的歐洲協(xié)調(diào)員們也必然會給予這些不滿的呼聲以相應(yīng)的重視。

Mr Zuckerberg s latest mea culpa is unlikely to be his last.看來Zuckerberg先生最近的這次檢討不會是最后一次。

二．

Drugmakers Cliffhanger

制藥企業(yè) 懸念

Big Pharma struggles to protect its blockbusters as they lose patent protection

大型制藥企業(yè)艱難保護(hù)著專利失效的 重磅炸彈 藥物

FOR some years the big drugmakers have been dreading an approaching patent cliff —aslump in sales as the patents on their most popular pills expire or are struck down by legalchallenges, with few new potential blockbusters to take their place.多年來，大型制藥企業(yè)一直擔(dān)心 專利懸崖 出現(xiàn)——最暢銷藥品的專利到期或?qū)＠蛟V訟而中止，而市場上鮮有新的 重磅炸彈 藥物，這時企業(yè)的銷售額將會銳減。

This week the patent on the best-selling drug in history expired—Lipitor, an anti-cholesterolpill which earned Pfizer nearly $11 billion in revenues last year.本周，史上最暢銷的藥物 立普妥 專利到期，這種降膽固醇藥去年就為輝瑞公司賺了近110億美元。

In all, blockbusters with a combined $170 billion in annual sales will go off-patent by 2015.到了2015年，多種 重磅炸彈 藥物的專利都將失效。

What is supposed to happen now is that lots of copycat firms rush in with generic versions of Lipitor at perhaps one-fifth of its price.可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

很多仿制藥公司現(xiàn)在大概正忙著推出與立普妥的非專利藥，價(jià)格僅為立普妥的1/5。

Patients and health-care payers should reap the benefit.病人和醫(yī)療費(fèi)用支付方會收益，而輝瑞的收入會縮水。

Pfizer s revenues should suffer.The same story will be repeated many times, as otherbest-selling drugs march over the patent cliff.同樣的事件將反復(fù)上演，因?yàn)槠渌麜充N藥也要臨近專利懸崖。

But generics makers may face delays getting their cheaper versions to market.然而，非專利制藥企業(yè)卻發(fā)現(xiàn)仿制藥上市一拖再拖。

Ranbaxy, a Japanese-owned drugmaker, struggled to get regulators approval for itsgeneric version of Lipitor, and only won it on the day the patent expired.蘭伯西這家日本制藥企業(yè)歷盡艱辛，獲得了立普妥非專利藥的生產(chǎn)許可，但該許可要到專利失效那天才生效。

More important, research-based drug firms are using a variety of tactics to make the patentcliff slope more gently.更重要的是，以研發(fā)為基礎(chǔ)的制藥公司正使用各種方法緩沖 專利懸崖 效應(yīng)。

Jon Leibowitz, chairman of America s Federal Trade Commission , is concerned bydrugmakers filing frivolous additional patents on their products to put off the day whentheir protection expires.美國聯(lián)邦貿(mào)易委員會主席Jon Leibowitz注意到，制藥商們千方百計(jì)地為產(chǎn)品增加后續(xù)專利，以延緩保護(hù)的失效，但其實(shí)那些專利沒什么價(jià)值。

Another tactic is pay-for-delay , in which a drugmaker facing a legal challenge to itspatent pays its would-be competitor to put off introducing its cheaper copy.另一種戰(zhàn)術(shù)是 有償延遲 協(xié)議，也就是說在專利訴訟時，制藥企業(yè)會付給未來競爭對手一筆錢，以延遲價(jià)錢更低的仿制藥進(jìn)入市場。

In the year to October the FTC identified what it believes to be 28 such settlements.截止到10月，F(xiàn)TC就發(fā)現(xiàn)了28起類似事件。

American and European regulators are looking into these deals.可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

美國和歐洲的監(jiān)管部門也開始調(diào)查這些協(xié)議。

However, legal challenges against them have faltered, and a bill to ban them is stuck inCongress.然而，反對這些協(xié)議的訴訟一再擱淺，而美國國會也未能通過禁止此類事件的一項(xiàng)法案。

To encourage generics makers to challenge patents on drugs, and introduce cheapercopies，為了鼓勵非專利制藥企業(yè)挑戰(zhàn)藥品專利、生產(chǎn)價(jià)錢更低的仿制藥，an American law passed in 1984 says that the first one to do so will get a 180-day exclusivityperiod，美國于1984年通過一項(xiàng)法案，其中提到 第一個挑戰(zhàn)成功的仿制藥企能獲得180天市場獨(dú)占期，in which no other generics maker can sell versions of the drug in question, as Ranbaxysupposedly won with Lipitor.在此期間其他仿制藥企不能販?zhǔn)弁粚＠幍钠渌轮扑?，就像蘭伯西獲得立普妥仿制藥的生產(chǎn)權(quán)一樣。

However, Pfizer is exploiting a loophole in the 1984 law, which lets it appoint a second,authorised copycat—in this case, Watson, another American firm.然而，輝瑞鉆了這個法案的空子，它讓第二家授權(quán)仿制藥企業(yè)——華生制藥公司來仿制。

According to BernsteinResearch, under the deal between the two drugmakers Pfizer willreceive about 70% of Watson s revenues from its approved copy of Lipitor.根據(jù)BernsteinResearch的分析，在此交易期間，華生公司獲得立普妥的仿制權(quán)，輝瑞將獲得華生公司年收入的70%。

More unusual, Pfizer has cut the price of its original version, and will keep marketing itvigorously.更為不同的是，輝瑞將降低立普妥專利藥的價(jià)格，并對其采取積極的營銷策略。

So Ranbaxy faces not one, but two competitors.所以說，蘭伯西的對手是兩個，而非一個?？射J教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

This strategy has precedent, says David Risinger of Morgan Stanley, but the scale andstructure of Pfizer s scheme is unmatched.摩根士丹利的David Risinger認(rèn)為，這項(xiàng)策略雖有先例，但就規(guī)模和結(jié)構(gòu)而言絕對不能與輝瑞的計(jì)劃相比。

Patients with a special discount card from Pfizer will make co-payments of just $4 for a month s worth of the originalLipitor, compared with about $10 for many generic medicines.輝瑞的患者，若使用一種特殊打折卡，通過共同支付方式，只花4美元就可以獲得一個月用量的立普妥專利藥，而其他仿制品需要花費(fèi)約10美元。

Pfizer is also offering Lipitor for a generic price to big firms such as Medco, which managehealth schemes prescription costs.輝瑞還以仿制藥價(jià)格向美可保健等大型公司提供立普妥。

All this may raise Pfizer s sales by nearly $500m in the first half of 2012 compared with whatthey would otherwise have been, says Tim Anderson of BernsteinResearch, with revenuesthen falling after the 180 days are over.BernsteinResearch的Tim Anderson認(rèn)為，所有這些舉措將使得輝瑞2012年上半年的銷售額比不采取措施時增加近5億美元，總收入在180天市場獨(dú)占期后會下降。

Medco argues that Pfizer s scheme will save money for all parties, and ensure a steadysupply of the drug.美可保健公司辯解說，輝瑞的項(xiàng)目是為各方省錢，并保證穩(wěn)定供貨。

Others fear that Pfizer s tactics may drive up costs for the employers who sponsor healthplans, thanks to the complexities of co-payment schemes, and confuse patients lectured foryears about the merits of generics.也有人擔(dān)心，由于共同支付計(jì)劃很復(fù)雜，輝瑞的戰(zhàn)術(shù)會增加雇主門支付健康計(jì)劃的成本，也讓患者們在數(shù)年內(nèi)都不明白仿制藥的重要意義。

Express Scripts is advising the health plans it works for to reject Pfizer s deals for Lipitor.快捷藥方公司正建議其所屬的健康計(jì)劃反對輝瑞的立普妥交易。

The biggest worry is that Pfizer s strategy, if copied, will make the 180-day exclusivityperiod worth far less, and thus discourage generics firms from challenging patents in thefirst place.他們最擔(dān)心，如若輝瑞的做法被仿制，那么180天專有期的價(jià)值會縮水，而仿制藥公司可銳教育官網(wǎng)http://004km.cn

挑戰(zhàn)專利的動力也會在初期被抑制。