第一篇:美國第35任總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說中英文
美國第35任總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說中英文(全文)John F.Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly 1
supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.2
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.” And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.uUlsda E In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.3
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
第二篇:肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說(中英文)
肯尼迪總統(tǒng)就職演說(1961年1月20日)
Inaugural Address of John F.KennedyJanuary 20, 1961
Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President
Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
約翰遜副總統(tǒng)、議長先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)、尼克松副總統(tǒng)、杜魯門總統(tǒng)、尊敬的牧師、同胞們:
We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我們今天所看到的,并非是某一黨派的勝利,而是自由的慶典。它象征著結(jié)束,亦象征著開始;意味著更新,亦意味著變化。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兗叭f能的上帝面前,依著我們先輩175年前寫下的誓言宣誓。
The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.世界已然今非昔比,因?yàn)槿祟愂种幸呀?jīng)掌握了巨大的力量,既可以用來消除各種形式的貧困,亦可用以毀滅人類社會(huì)。然而,我們先輩曾為之戰(zhàn)斗的那些革命性的信念還依然在世界上受人爭議——那就是,每個(gè)人享有的各項(xiàng)權(quán)利決非來自國家政權(quán)的慷慨賜予,而是出自上帝之手。
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.今天,我們不敢有忘,我們乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此時(shí),讓這個(gè)聲音從這里同時(shí)向我們的朋友和敵人傳達(dá):火炬現(xiàn)已傳遞到新一代美國人手中——他們生于本世紀(jì),既經(jīng)受過戰(zhàn)火的錘煉,又經(jīng)歷過艱難嚴(yán)峻的和平歲月的考驗(yàn)。他們深為我們古老的遺產(chǎn)所自豪——決不愿目睹或聽任諸項(xiàng)人權(quán)受到無形的侵蝕,這些權(quán)利不僅為這個(gè)國家始終信守不渝,亦是我們正在國內(nèi)和世界上誓死捍衛(wèi)的東西。
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.讓每一個(gè)國家都知道,無論它們對(duì)我們抱有善意還是惡意,我們都準(zhǔn)備付出任何代價(jià)、承受任何重任、迎戰(zhàn)任何艱險(xiǎn)、支持任何朋友、反對(duì)任何敵人,以使自由得以維系和勝利。This much we pledge--and more.這是我們矢志不移的承諾,且遠(yuǎn)不止此!
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.對(duì)于那些與我們共享同一文化和精神源頭的老朋友,我們?cè)S以朋友的忠誠。在許許多多的合作事業(yè)中,我們會(huì)盡己所能以促進(jìn)我們的團(tuán)結(jié),而決不故意制造分裂,因?yàn)槲覀儾桓逸p易面對(duì)由分歧或體系崩潰而導(dǎo)致的巨大挑戰(zhàn)。
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to
remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.對(duì)于那些新成立的國家,我們歡迎它們加入自由陣營,并在此許以忠告:某種形式的殖民控制決不會(huì)僅僅因?yàn)楸涣硪环N更為殘酷的霸權(quán)所取代就消聲匿跡。我們不會(huì)期待他們始終支持我們的觀點(diǎn),但我們希望他們能始終堅(jiān)定地維護(hù)他們自己的自由——并且牢記,在過去,那些愚蠢地騎上獨(dú)裁的虎背以謀求權(quán)力的人最終都以葬身虎腹而告終。
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.對(duì)于那些寄居于大半個(gè)地球上的草舍村落、為著掙脫無盡苦難的枷鎖而奮斗的人民,我們承諾將盡我們最大的努力,以使他們獲得自助的能力。因?yàn)檫@是時(shí)代對(duì)我們提出的要求——不是因?yàn)楣病a(chǎn)~黨人可能如此行事、不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票,僅僅是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正當(dāng)?shù)摹?/p>
If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.如果一個(gè)自由的社會(huì)不能幫助貧窮的多數(shù),它就不能拯救那富裕的少數(shù)。
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.對(duì)于我們的南部鄰邦共和國,我們?cè)S以特殊的承諾:將我們的良言轉(zhuǎn)為善行,在為了進(jìn)步而結(jié)成的新盟邦里,幫助自由的人民和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困。但這一希翼中的和平革命不能成為敵對(duì)勢力的犧牲品,讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道,我們將與他們一道,反對(duì)發(fā)生在美洲任何地區(qū)的侵略和顛覆。
And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.讓所有其他勢力都知道,這一半球的人民致力于維護(hù)他們作為自己家園主人的地位。
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.對(duì)于那個(gè)主權(quán)國家的世界性會(huì)議組織——聯(lián)合國,我們最后一次良好祝愿是發(fā)生在戰(zhàn)爭機(jī)器遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過和平機(jī)器的時(shí)代。為了防止它淪為僅僅用來謾罵攻訐的論壇,為了加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新成立國家及弱小國家的保障功能、為了擴(kuò)展其權(quán)力涵蓋的領(lǐng)域,我們現(xiàn)在重申對(duì)它的支持承諾。Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace--before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后,對(duì)于那些主動(dòng)站到我們敵對(duì)面的國家,我們提出的不是許諾,而是懇求:在被科學(xué)釋放出的、黑暗的破壞力量以有計(jì)劃的或偶然性的自我毀滅方式吞噬全人類之前,懇求雙方再一次地開始謀求和平的努力。
We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.我們不敢以軟弱誘惑它們,因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們的軍備充足到確切無疑的程度時(shí),我們才能確切無疑地肯定它們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)被投入使用。但這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從彼此當(dāng)前的做法中得到安慰——雙方都背負(fù)了過高的現(xiàn)代武器系統(tǒng)的成本、雙方都理所當(dāng)然地對(duì)致死性原子武器的持續(xù)擴(kuò)散感到驚恐不安,但雙方都競相改變不確定的恐怖均衡,這種均衡恰恰抑制了人類最后攤牌的沖動(dòng)。
Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.讓我們永遠(yuǎn)不要因?yàn)閼峙露勁?,讓我們永遠(yuǎn)不要懼怕談判。
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.讓雙方探尋那些能將我們團(tuán)結(jié)在一起的因素,而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我們的因素。Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.讓雙方首先提出認(rèn)真細(xì)致的方案來核查及控制軍備,并將毀滅其他國家的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國家的絕對(duì)控制之下。
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.讓雙方努力去激發(fā)科學(xué)的奇跡,而非科學(xué)的恐怖。讓我們一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、開發(fā)海洋深處,鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)。
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...[and] let the oppressed go free.”
讓雙方在世界每一個(gè)角落,都共同信守《圣經(jīng).以賽亞書》中的教誨——“卸下重負(fù)……讓被壓迫者自由?!?/p>
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.如果合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑,讓雙方攜手進(jìn)行新的努力——不是為了建立新的勢力均衡,而是為了建立新的規(guī)則體系——以使強(qiáng)者正義,弱者安全,和平維系
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.所有這些工作將不會(huì)在從現(xiàn)在起的一百天、一千天內(nèi)完成,也不會(huì)在本屆行政分支任期內(nèi)完成,甚至可能不會(huì)在我們的有生之年完成,但是,請(qǐng)讓我們現(xiàn)在開始工作。
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.我的同胞們,我們事業(yè)的最終成敗將掌握在你們的手中而不僅僅是我的手中。從這個(gè)國家被創(chuàng)建那天起,每一代美國人都被召喚去證實(shí)自己對(duì)國家的忠誠。那些響應(yīng)號(hào)召獻(xiàn)身國家的年輕美國人的安息之所遍布全球。
Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.現(xiàn)在,召喚的號(hào)角又一次吹響——不是號(hào)召我們扛起武器,雖然武器是我們所需要的——也不是號(hào)召我們?nèi)⒓討?zhàn)斗,雖然我們準(zhǔn)備戰(zhàn)斗——而是號(hào)召我們年復(fù)一年地去進(jìn)行一場漫長而未分勝負(fù)的搏斗,在希望中歡樂,而患難中忍耐,以反對(duì)人類共同的敵人:暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰(zhàn)爭本身。
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
為了反對(duì)這些敵人,我們能夠?qū)⒛戏脚c北方、東方與西方團(tuán)結(jié)起來,熔鑄成一個(gè)偉大的和全球性的聯(lián)盟,以確保全人類得享更為成果累累的生活嗎?你們?cè)敢鈪⑴c這項(xiàng)歷史性的努力嗎?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在世界歷史的長河里,只有少數(shù)幾代人被賦予了在自由面臨最大危機(jī)時(shí)捍衛(wèi)自由的使命,我不會(huì)畏縮于這一責(zé)任——我歡迎它!我也不相信我們中的任何人會(huì)愿意與其他國家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而處。我們?cè)谶@場努力中所傾注的精力、信念和奉獻(xiàn)將照耀我們的國家以及所有為之獻(xiàn)身的人,火焰所放射出的光芒必將普照全世界。
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.所以,我的美國同胞們,不要問你的國家為你做了什么,而應(yīng)問你能為你的國家做些什么。My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.我的世界同胞們,不要問美國將為你做些什么,而應(yīng)問我們應(yīng)該一起為了全人類的自由做些什么Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.最后,無論是美國公民還是世界其他國家的公民,請(qǐng)用我們要求于你們的關(guān)于力量和犧牲的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來要求我們,本著我們唯一可以指望有所回報(bào)的善意良知,依著能最終裁決我們功業(yè)的歷史,讓我們著手領(lǐng)導(dǎo)我們所熱愛的國家,在祈求神的賜福和神的幫助的同時(shí),也能深切體認(rèn),在這片土地上,神的工作必定也是我們自己所應(yīng)承擔(dān)的使命。
第三篇:美國第35任總統(tǒng)肯尼迪就職演說
John F.Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS
FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961
Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice
President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and
Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich./
5To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free
governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to
strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental
self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.uUlsda E/ 5
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this
responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.肯尼迪就職典禮
時(shí)間:1961年1月20日 地點(diǎn):國會(huì)大廈
今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利,而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束,也象征著一個(gè)開端;意味著延續(xù)也意味著變革。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲?,宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴(yán)誓言。
現(xiàn)在的世界已大不相同了。
人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困,又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個(gè)信念就是:人的權(quán)利并非來自國家的慷慨,而是來自上帝恩賜。
今天,我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時(shí)此地的講話:火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀(jì)誕生,在戰(zhàn)爭中受過鍛煉,在艱難困苦的和平時(shí)期受過陶冶,他們?yōu)槲覈凭玫膫鹘y(tǒng)感到自豪--他們不愿目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內(nèi)外作出保證的人權(quán)漸趨毀滅。/
5讓每個(gè)國家都知道--不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落--為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利,我們將付出任何代價(jià),承受任何負(fù)擔(dān),應(yīng)付任何艱難,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敵人。
這些就是我們的保證--而且還有更多的保證。
對(duì)那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友、我們保證待以誠實(shí)朋友那樣的忠誠。我們?nèi)绻麍F(tuán)結(jié)一致,就能在許多合作事業(yè)中無往不勝;我們?nèi)绻制鐚?duì)立,就會(huì)一事無成--因?yàn)槲覀儾桓以跔幊巢恍?、四分五裂時(shí)迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)。
對(duì)那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家,我們格守我們的誓言:決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統(tǒng)治。我們并不總是指望他們會(huì)支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由--而且要記住,在歷史上,凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者,終必葬身虎口。
對(duì)世界各地身居茅舍和鄉(xiāng)村、為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭的人們,我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立,不管需要花多長時(shí)間--之所以這樣做,并不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做,也不是因?yàn)槲覀冃枰麄兊倪x票,而是因?yàn)檫@樣做是正確的。自由社會(huì)如果不能幫助眾多的窮人,也就無法挽救少數(shù)富人。
對(duì)我國南面的姐妹共和國,我們提出一項(xiàng)特殊的保證--在爭取進(jìn)步的新同盟中,把我們善意的話變?yōu)樯埔獾男袆?dòng),幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是,這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對(duì)國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道,我們將和他們?cè)谝黄?,反?duì)在美洲任何地區(qū)進(jìn)行侵略和顛覆活動(dòng)。讓所有其他國家都知道,本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。
對(duì)聯(lián)合國,主權(quán)國家的世界性議事機(jī)構(gòu),我們?cè)趹?zhàn)爭手段大大超過和平手段的時(shí)代里最后的、最美好的希望所在,我們重申予以支持:防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所;加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新生國家和弱小國家的保護(hù);擴(kuò)大它的行使法令的管束范圍。
最后,對(duì)那些與我們作對(duì)的國家,我們提出一個(gè)要求而不是一項(xiàng)保證:在科學(xué)釋放出可怕的破壞力量,把全人類卷入預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前,讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。
我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因?yàn)橹挥挟?dāng)我們毫無疑問地?fù)碛凶銐虻能妭?,我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)使用這些軍備。
但是,這兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰--發(fā)展現(xiàn)代武器所需的費(fèi)用使雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重,致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散理所當(dāng)然使雙方憂心忡忡,但是,雙方卻爭著改變那制止人類發(fā)動(dòng)最后戰(zhàn)爭的不穩(wěn)定的恐怖均勢。
因此,讓我們雙方重新開始--雙方都要牢記,禮貌并不意味著怯弱,誠意永遠(yuǎn)有待于驗(yàn)證。讓我們決不要由于畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。
讓雙方都來探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來的問題,而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。
讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控制制訂認(rèn)真而又明確的提案,把毀滅他國的絕對(duì)力量置于所有國家的絕對(duì)控制之下。
讓雙方尋求利用科學(xué)的奇跡,而不是乞靈于科學(xué)造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球,征服沙漠,根除疾患,開發(fā)深海,并鼓勵(lì)藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的發(fā)展。/
5讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來,在全世界各個(gè)角落傾聽以賽亞的訓(xùn)令--“解下軛上的索,使被欺壓的得自由。”(注:《圣經(jīng)·舊約全書·以塞亞書》第58章6節(jié)。)
如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林,那么就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力;不是建立一種新的均勢,而是創(chuàng)造一個(gè)新的法治世界,在這個(gè)世界中,強(qiáng)者公正,弱者安全、和平將得到維護(hù)。
所有這一切不可能在今后一百天內(nèi)完成,也不可能在今后一千天或者在本屆政府任期內(nèi)完成,甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個(gè)星球上的有生之年內(nèi)完成。但是,讓我們開始吧。公民們,我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中,不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來,每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對(duì)國家的忠誠。響應(yīng)召喚而獻(xiàn)身的美國青年的墳?zāi)贡榧叭颉?/p>
現(xiàn)在,號(hào)角已再次吹響--不是召喚我們拿起武器,雖然我們需要武器;不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn),雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待。它召喚我們?yōu)橛永杳鞫缲?fù)起漫長斗爭的重任,年復(fù)一年,從希望中得到歡樂,在磨難中保持耐性,對(duì)付人類共同的敵人--專制、社團(tuán)、疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。
為反對(duì)這些敵人,確保人類更為豐裕的生活,我們能夠組成一個(gè)包括東西南北各方的全球大聯(lián)盟嗎?你們?cè)敢鈪⒓舆@一歷史性的努力嗎?
在漫長的世界歷史中,只有少數(shù)幾代人在自由處于最危急的時(shí)刻被賦予保衛(wèi)自由的責(zé)任。我不會(huì)推卸這一責(zé)任,我歡迎這一責(zé)任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時(shí)代的人交換位置。我們?yōu)檫@一努力所奉獻(xiàn)的精力、信念和忠誠,將照亮我們的國家和所有為國效勞的人,而這火焰發(fā)出的光芒定能照亮全世界。
因此,美國同胞們,不要問國家能為你們做些什么,而要問你們能為國家做些什么。全世界的公民們,不要問美國將為你們做些什么,而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什么。
最后,不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民,你們應(yīng)要求我們獻(xiàn)出我們同樣要求于你們的高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎(jiǎng)賞,歷史是我們行動(dòng)的最終裁判,讓我們走向前去,引導(dǎo)我們所熱愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助,但我們知道,確切地說,上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。/ 5
第四篇:美國第32任總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演說中英文
美國第32任總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演說中英文(全文)
2009-01-21 10:30 來源:互聯(lián)網(wǎng)作者:佚名 [打印] [評(píng)論]
美國第32任總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演說中英文(全文)
1933年,羅斯福當(dāng)選美國總統(tǒng)就職大典
時(shí)間:1933年3月4日 地點(diǎn):國會(huì)大廈 我來說兩句
胡佛總統(tǒng),首席法官先生,朋友們:
今天,對(duì)我們的國家來說,是一個(gè)神圣的日子。我肯定,同胞們都期待我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí),會(huì)像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣,坦率而果斷地向他們講話。現(xiàn)在正是坦白、勇敢地說出實(shí)話,說出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻。我們不必畏首畏尾,不老老實(shí)實(shí)面對(duì)我國今天的情況。這個(gè)偉大的國家會(huì)一如既往地堅(jiān)持下去,它會(huì)復(fù)興和繁榮起來。因此,讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念:我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據(jù)的恐懼,它把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻,坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得到過人民的理解和支持,從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件。我相信,在目前危急時(shí)刻,大家會(huì)再次給予同樣的支持。我和你們都要以這種精神,來面對(duì)我們共同的困難。感謝上帝,這些困難只是物質(zhì)方面的。價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了;課稅增加了;我們的支付能力下降了;各級(jí)政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺;交換手段在貿(mào)易過程中遭到了凍結(jié);工業(yè)企業(yè)枯萎的落葉到處可見;農(nóng)場主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路;千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流。
更重要的是,大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題,還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動(dòng)換取微薄的報(bào)酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會(huì)否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)。
但是,我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)槿狈ξ镔Y。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災(zāi)害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安,比起他們經(jīng)歷過的險(xiǎn)阻,我們?nèi)源罂筛械叫牢俊4笞匀蝗栽诮o予我們恩惠,人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺,但就在我們見到這種 情景的時(shí)候,寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因?yàn)橹髟兹祟愇镔Y交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了,他們固執(zhí)己見而又無能為力,因而已經(jīng)認(rèn)定失敗了,并撒手不管了。貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑。將受到輿論法庭的起訴,將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄。
是的,他們是努力過,然而他們用的是一種完全過時(shí)的方法。面對(duì)信貸的失敗,他們只是提議借出更多的錢。沒有了當(dāng)誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯(cuò)誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的金錢,他們只得求助于講道,含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心。他們只知自我追求者們的處世規(guī)則。他們沒有眼光,而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的。
如今,貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃。我們要以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現(xiàn)比金錢利益更高尚的社會(huì)價(jià)值的程度。
幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢;幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅,在于創(chuàng)造努力時(shí)的激情。務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來的喜悅和激勵(lì),而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到,我們真正的天命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉,而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù),那么,我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的。
認(rèn)識(shí)到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的,我們就會(huì)拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè)人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn),來衡量公職和高級(jí)政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念;我們必須制止銀行界和企業(yè)界的一種行為,它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當(dāng)行為。難怪信心在減弱,信心,只有靠誠實(shí)、信譽(yù)、忠心維護(hù)和無私履行職責(zé)。而沒有這些,就不可能有信心。
但是,復(fù)興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念。這個(gè)國家要求行動(dòng)起來,現(xiàn)在就行動(dòng)起來。
我們最大、最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣,這個(gè)問題就可以解決。這可以部分由政府直接征募完成,就象對(duì)待臨戰(zhàn)的緊要關(guān)頭一樣,但同時(shí),在有了人手的情況下,我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源的工程。
我們齊心協(xié)力,但必須坦白地承認(rèn)工業(yè)中心的人口失衡,我們必須在全國范圍內(nèi)重新分配,使土地在最適合的人手中發(fā)表揮更大作用。
明確地為提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)值并以此購買城市產(chǎn)品所做的努力,會(huì)有助于任務(wù)的完成。避免許多小家庭業(yè)、農(nóng)場業(yè)被取消贖取抵押品的權(quán)利的悲劇也有助于任務(wù)的完成。聯(lián)邦、州、各地政府立即行動(dòng)回應(yīng)要求降價(jià)的呼聲,有助于任務(wù)的完成。將現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)、不平等的救濟(jì)活動(dòng)統(tǒng)一起來有助于任務(wù)的完成。對(duì)所有公共交通運(yùn)輸,通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設(shè)施作全國性的計(jì)劃及監(jiān)督有助于任務(wù)的完成。許多事情都有助于任務(wù)完成,但這些決不包括空談。我們必須行動(dòng),立即行動(dòng)。
最后,為了重新開始工作,我們需要兩手防御,來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來;一定要有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)、信貸及投資的機(jī)制:一定要杜絕投機(jī);一定要有充足而健康的貨幣供應(yīng)。
以上這些,朋友們,就是施政方針。我要在特別會(huì)議上敦促新國會(huì)給予詳細(xì)實(shí)施方案,并且,我要向18個(gè)州請(qǐng)求立即的援助。通過行動(dòng),我們將予以我們自己一個(gè)有秩序的國家大廈,使收入大于支出。我們的國際貿(mào)易,雖然很重要,但現(xiàn)在在時(shí)間和必要性上,次于對(duì)本國健康經(jīng)濟(jì)的建立。我建議,作為可行的策略、首要事務(wù)先行。雖然我將不遺余力通過國際經(jīng)濟(jì)重新協(xié)調(diào)所來恢復(fù)國際貿(mào)易,但我認(rèn)為國內(nèi)的緊急情況無法等待這重新協(xié)調(diào)的完成。
指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國性復(fù)蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國家主義。我首先考慮的是堅(jiān)持美國這一整體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對(duì)美國式的開拓精神的古老而永恒的證明的體現(xiàn)。這才是復(fù)蘇之路,是即時(shí)之路,是保證復(fù)蘇功效持久之路。
在國際政策方面,我將使美國采取睦鄰友好的政策。做一個(gè)決心自重,因此而尊重鄰國的國家。做一個(gè)履行義務(wù),尊重與他國協(xié)約的國家。
如果我對(duì)人民的心情的了解正確的話,我想我們已認(rèn)識(shí)到了我們從未認(rèn)識(shí)的問題,我們是互相依存的,我們不可以只索取,我們還必須奉獻(xiàn)。我們前進(jìn)時(shí),必須象一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠的軍隊(duì),愿意為共同的原則而獻(xiàn)身,因?yàn)?,沒有這些原則,就無法取得進(jìn)步,領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能得力。我們都已做好準(zhǔn)備,并愿意為此原則獻(xiàn)出生命和財(cái)產(chǎn),因?yàn)檫@將使志在建設(shè)更美好社會(huì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)成為可能。我倡議,為了更偉大的目標(biāo),我們所有的人,以一致的職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)起來。這是神圣的義務(wù),非戰(zhàn)亂,不停止。
有了這樣的誓言,我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)偉大人民大軍的任務(wù),致力于對(duì)我們普遍問題的強(qiáng)攻。這樣的行動(dòng),這樣的目標(biāo),在我們從祖先手中接過的政府中是可行的。我們的憲法如此簡單,實(shí)在。它隨時(shí)可以應(yīng)付特殊情況,只需對(duì)重點(diǎn)和安排加以修改而不喪失中
心思想,正因?yàn)槿绱耍覀兊膽椃w制已自證為是最有適應(yīng)性的政治體制。它已應(yīng)付過巨大的國土擴(kuò)張、外戰(zhàn)、內(nèi)亂及國際關(guān)系所帶來的壓力。
而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等,能充分地?fù)?dān)負(fù)前所未有的任務(wù)。但現(xiàn)在前所未有的對(duì)緊急行動(dòng)的需要要求國民暫時(shí)丟棄平常生活節(jié)奏,緊迫起來。
讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月,懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣,懷著尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識(shí),懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長治久安。
我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民并沒有失敗。他們?cè)诶щy中表達(dá)了自己的委托,即要求采取直接而有力的行動(dòng)。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈(zèng)。
在此舉國奉獻(xiàn)之際,我們謙卑地請(qǐng)求上帝賜福。愿上帝保信我們大家和每一個(gè)人,愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。
SATURDAY, JANUARY 20, 1945
Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.Vice President, my friends, you will understand and, I believe, agree with my wish that the form of this inauguration be simple and its words brief.We Americans of today, together with our allies, are passing through a period of supreme test.It is a test of our courage——of our resolve——of our wisdom——our essential democracy.If we meet that test——successfully and honorably——we shall perform a service of historic importance which men and women and children will honor throughout all time.As I stand here today, having taken the solemn oath of office in the presence of my fellow countrymen——in the presence of our God—— I know that it is America's purpose that we shall not fail.In the days and in the years that are to come we shall work for a just and honorable peace, a durable peace, as today we work and fight for total victory in war.We can and we will achieve such a peace.We shall strive for perfection.We shall not achieve it immediately——but we still shall strive.We may make mistakes——but they must never be mistakes which result from faintness of heart or abandonment of moral principle.I remember that my old schoolmaster, Dr.Peabody, said, in days that seemed to us then to be secure and untroubled: “Things in life will not always run smoothly.Sometimes we will be rising toward the heights——then all will seem to reverse itself and start downward.The great fact to remember is that the trend of civilization itself is forever upward;that a line drawn through the middle of the peaks and the valleys of the centuries always has an upward trend.”
Our Constitution of 1787 was not a perfect instrument;it is not perfect yet.But it provided a firm base upon which all manner of men, of all races and colors and creeds, could build our solid structure of democracy.And so today, in this year of war, 1945, we have learned lessons—— at a feaarful cost——and we shall profit by them.We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace;that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations far away.We have learned that we must live as men, not as ostriches, nor as dogs in the manger.We have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.We have learned the simple truth, as Emerson said, that “The only way to have a friend is to be one.” We can gain no lasting peace if we approach it with suspicion and mistrust or with fear.We can gain it only if we proceed with the understanding, the confidence, and the courage which flow from conviction.The Almighty God has blessed our land in many ways.He has given our people stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blows for freedom and truth.He has given to our country a faith which has become the hope of all peoples in an anguished world.So we pray to Him now for the vision to see our way clearly——to see the way that leads to a better life for ourselves and for all our fellow men——to the achievement of His will to peace on earth.
第五篇:美國第16任總統(tǒng)林肯就職演說
美國第16任總統(tǒng)林肯就職演說(全文)
合眾國的公民們:
遵從和政府本身一樣古老的慣例,我在你們面前做一次簡明扼要的演講,并當(dāng)場立下誓言,這是美國憲法所規(guī)定的在總統(tǒng)“行使職責(zé)之前”所要履行的儀式。
我覺得沒有必要探討行政公務(wù),目前沒有特別憂慮或高興的事情。
南部諸州的人民看起來存在著疑慮:共和黨執(zhí)政意味著他們的財(cái)產(chǎn)、和平和人身安全將會(huì)出現(xiàn)危險(xiǎn)。這種疑慮絕無明智的理由。真的,事實(shí)是最有力的證據(jù),供大家去檢視。你們可以從他幾乎所有的演講中發(fā)現(xiàn)這一點(diǎn)——就是現(xiàn)在在你們面前演講的這人。我只能從這些演講中挑選一篇,當(dāng)時(shí)我發(fā)表宣言——我并不企圖,直接地或間接地去干涉蓄奴州的慣例。我相信我沒有這樣做的合法權(quán)力,我也不傾向這樣去做。
提名和選舉我的這些人完全清楚,我已做了這個(gè)聲明和許多類似聲明,而且決不改變;不僅如此,在政綱宣言中,我接納選舉人的一項(xiàng)清晰明確的決議,這對(duì)他們、對(duì)我都是一個(gè)法律,我現(xiàn)在宣讀一遍:
決議:保持各州的權(quán)利不被褻瀆,特別是各州依靠自己的獨(dú)立判斷去命令和管理自身機(jī)構(gòu)的權(quán)利,這種權(quán)力平衡是必要的,能保證我們的政體盡善盡美和持久長遠(yuǎn);我們公開抨擊,用非法武力去侵犯各州或準(zhǔn)州的土地的行為,不論用何種托詞,都是最大的惡行。
我現(xiàn)在重申這些主張,只是向公眾表明一個(gè)最鮮明的事實(shí),沒有哪個(gè)地區(qū)的財(cái)產(chǎn)、和平和安全會(huì)受到即將上任的政府的蓄意侵犯。我還要加上一句,不論出于何種理由,只要各州的要求合法,政府都會(huì)高興地給予與憲法和法律一致的保護(hù)——對(duì)各州不會(huì)厚此薄彼。
對(duì)于遣返逃避服兵役和服勞役者這個(gè)問題有很多分歧。現(xiàn)在我宣布一個(gè)條款,這個(gè)條款和任何其他條款一樣都是標(biāo)明在憲法里:
任何據(jù)一州之法律在該州中服役或服勞役之人逃往另一州,不能根據(jù)另一州任何法律或條例判決,而解除其服役或服勞役,而應(yīng)依照有權(quán)要求該項(xiàng)服役或服勞役之當(dāng)事一方的要求,把該人遣送。
毫無疑問,這一條款的訂立者是要求歸還我們通常所說的逃亡奴隸,法律制訂者的目的就是法律。所有國會(huì)議員都宣誓擁護(hù)整個(gè)憲法——這個(gè)條款和其他條款一樣遵守。因此對(duì)于適合這一條款情況的奴隸“應(yīng)該遣送”,他們的誓言是相同的?,F(xiàn)在,如果他們平心靜氣地作一番努力的話,為何不能用差不多相同的看法,去通過一項(xiàng)法律,使得這一致的宣誓長久地保有?
這一條款是由國家還是由州政府來實(shí)施,有著不同的看法,但實(shí)際上這并非什么很重要的問題。如果這個(gè)奴隸要遣返,那么不管哪個(gè)官方來實(shí)施,對(duì)他或其他人來說,都是沒有影響的。對(duì)于怎樣去履行一個(gè)誓言,任何人在任何情況下怎會(huì)只因一個(gè)非實(shí)質(zhì)性的爭論而不去信守諾言,誰愿意這樣呢?
再說:在這個(gè)問題上,處于文明和人道的法律體系中,就不能把捍衛(wèi)自由的任何法律讓人人知曉,以便一個(gè)自由人不會(huì)在任何情況下被當(dāng)作一個(gè)奴隸遣送?而同時(shí),憲法的這一條款的法律執(zhí)行不也是得到了貫徹嗎?憲法不是保證“每一個(gè)州的公民擁有其他州公民一樣的基本人權(quán)和豁免權(quán)”嗎?
今天我莊嚴(yán)宣誓,既無保留意見,也不用苛求的尺度去分析憲法或法律。我現(xiàn)在不能做這樣的選擇:國會(huì)的某些特別法案要去徹底實(shí)施。但我做一個(gè)建議,不論是正式和私下場合上,配合和服從還未撤消的所有法令會(huì)更為安全,不要指望違背憲法而觸犯其中一項(xiàng)會(huì)不受懲處。在我們的國家憲法約束之下,從第一位總統(tǒng)任職開始到現(xiàn)在已有72年了。其間有15位性格各異和非常卓越的公民先后執(zhí)掌了政府的行政部門。他們克服了許多艱難險(xiǎn)阻管理著政府部門,一般而言都贏得了偉大的成就。繼承這些前人的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和智慧,在這偉大而特殊的困境中,我擔(dān)當(dāng)起同樣的工作,去度過憲法規(guī)定的四年短暫任期。聯(lián)邦的分裂,以前只是一種威嚇,如今卻是難以避免的侵襲了。
我相信在普通法和憲法中各州構(gòu)成的聯(lián)邦是永恒存在的。在所有國家政府的基本法中如果沒有明確指出這種永恒性,那也暗含著這一點(diǎn)??梢詳喽?,沒有一個(gè)合法政府為它的基本法規(guī)定了終結(jié)的期限。不斷地執(zhí)行我們國家憲法明文規(guī)定的條款,聯(lián)邦將會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)存續(xù),這不可能終結(jié),除非是超越憲法本身的某些行為。
再說:如果合眾國不是一個(gè)正規(guī)政府,而只是各州的一個(gè)契約性質(zhì)的聯(lián)盟,作為一紙契約,難道就能夠不經(jīng)過所有締約者而無聲無息地失效了嗎?締約的一方可以違反它——或者說,撕毀它——但不是需要所有的締約者才能合法地廢止它嗎?
從這些普遍法則來推理,我們發(fā)現(xiàn)從法律上去考察這種永恒性的主張,已被聯(lián)邦自身的歷史永久地確立。聯(lián)邦比憲法古老得多。事實(shí)上,它是在1774年聯(lián)合訂約而成立的。1776年的《獨(dú)立宣言》使其完善并延續(xù)下來。1778年聯(lián)合政府條款使其進(jìn)一步成熟,當(dāng)時(shí)13個(gè)州由此明確宣誓和保證聯(lián)邦會(huì)永恒存在。最后在1787年,宣布制定和認(rèn)可憲法的一個(gè)目的是“組成一個(gè)更完美的聯(lián)邦?!?/p>
但如果只由一州或一部分州破壞聯(lián)邦而合法化,那么聯(lián)邦比沒有憲法之前更不完美,它已喪失了永恒性這一要素。
從這些觀點(diǎn)推斷,沒有哪個(gè)州能根據(jù)自身意圖就可以合法地脫離聯(lián)邦;所作出的決議和法令在法律上是徒勞的,一州或數(shù)州反抗美國執(zhí)政當(dāng)局的暴力行動(dòng),可依其實(shí)際情形,認(rèn)定為反叛或革命。
從憲法和法律的觀點(diǎn)出發(fā),我認(rèn)為聯(lián)邦是不可分裂的,我將竭盡全能、精心細(xì)致地依據(jù)憲法本身明確授予我的權(quán)力,使聯(lián)邦的法律忠實(shí)地在各州得到實(shí)施。做到這一點(diǎn),我認(rèn)為只是應(yīng)盡的一個(gè)基本職責(zé),我將依實(shí)際情況來履行它,除非我的合法主人——美國人民限制必要的手段或采取一些鄭重的方式指示我相反的做法。我相信這不會(huì)視作一種危害,只是把它視作聯(lián)邦明確表示的意圖,即它要用憲法來維護(hù)和延續(xù)自身。
做到這一點(diǎn)并不需要流血或暴力,不會(huì)有上述情況發(fā)生,除非國家執(zhí)政者被迫去這樣做。
給予我的權(quán)力將是執(zhí)掌、使用和保有屬于政府的財(cái)富和名分,征收普通稅和關(guān)稅;為了這些目標(biāo)所必需的措施之外的手段,將不會(huì)涉及,不會(huì)使用暴力去反對(duì)或離間任何地區(qū)的人民。要是國內(nèi)任何地方對(duì)聯(lián)邦的敵對(duì)勢力強(qiáng)大和普遍,因而可以阻擋稱職的公民去就任聯(lián)邦職務(wù),這個(gè)地方的人民就不會(huì)強(qiáng)迫那位討厭的異類人去任職。盡管政府有充分合法的權(quán)力去執(zhí)行這些職責(zé),但這種實(shí)施會(huì)引起極大的憤怒,是缺乏洞察力的,因之我認(rèn)為這段時(shí)間暫緩落實(shí)這些職責(zé)。
郵件,除非是受到拒斥,仍將在聯(lián)邦的各處予以投遞,竭盡所能采取一切辦法,將會(huì)使各地人民得到完全安全的感覺,這最有助于從容地思考和反省。這里講述的措施將會(huì)予以實(shí)施,除非目前的事態(tài)和過去的經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明需要適當(dāng)?shù)恼{(diào)整和改變,在任何情況和危機(jī)狀態(tài)中,我將極其清醒地履行職責(zé),以應(yīng)對(duì)目前的實(shí)際形勢,心中懷抱和平解決國家**的信念和希望,恢復(fù)友愛和融洽的和諧秩序。
在某些地方有些人尋找各種理由去破壞聯(lián)邦,為得到任何借口而歡欣鼓舞,這是否屬實(shí),我無意肯定也無意否定。但如果真是如此,對(duì)他們我不需要去說什么,然而對(duì)那些真心愛戀聯(lián)邦的人,我不應(yīng)該說說話嗎?
在進(jìn)入事關(guān)我們國家組織和它的利益、記憶和希望這樣重大的問題之前,詳細(xì)闡釋我們?yōu)楹我槿脒@個(gè)問題,不是很明智嗎?當(dāng)你們要逃避的苦難完全可能并不真正存在,你們?cè)敢馊绱私^望地走出冒險(xiǎn)的一步嗎?比起你們要從一切真實(shí)的災(zāi)難旁逃避而言,這種逃避使你們?cè)庥龈鼮榫薮蟮枚嗟臑?zāi)難,你們?cè)敢饷半U(xiǎn)寄希望于這樣可怕的一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤之上嗎?如果憲法的所有權(quán)利都得到了保障,那么人們都會(huì)承認(rèn)處于聯(lián)邦之中是滿意的。那么現(xiàn)在憲法明文規(guī)定的權(quán)利是否已被否定?是這樣嗎?我想不會(huì)。讓人快慰的是,人們的想法是如此的一致,沒有哪一方敢如此大膽行事。想想吧,如果你能,那么就舉出一個(gè)憲法明文規(guī)定數(shù)量的威力去剝奪少數(shù)派憲法上明文規(guī)定的權(quán)利,那么從道德上看,革命是有理的;如果這項(xiàng)權(quán)利舉足輕重,那么就更是如此了。但我們這里并非這樣的情形。少數(shù)派和個(gè)人的所有重要權(quán)利在憲法中通過保證和拒絕、擔(dān)保和禁令這樣的方式得到明確的保證,有關(guān)憲法的爭議從未涉及到這一方面。但從沒有哪一部根本大法能制定出一項(xiàng)特別條款去解決實(shí)際行政工作出現(xiàn)的各種問題。既沒有人有如此先見之明,也沒有任何精確適度的文件,能圈定所有可能出現(xiàn)的問題。逃奴是由國家還是州政府去遣送?憲法沒有明確說明,國會(huì)是否可以在準(zhǔn)州禁止奴隸制?憲法沒有明確說明。國會(huì)是否必須在準(zhǔn)州內(nèi)維護(hù)奴隸制?憲法沒有明文規(guī)定。
從這類問題導(dǎo)致了我們?nèi)康膽椃幷?,我們由此分成了多?shù)派和少數(shù)派。如果少數(shù)派不愿服從,那么多數(shù)派必須讓他們服從,否則政府就此毀滅。不存在其他的可取之道,為了延續(xù)下去政府要從屬一方或另一方。如果少數(shù)派寧愿脫離而不愿服從,他們就制造了一個(gè)榜樣,這榜樣反過來將分裂和毀滅他們,因?yàn)楫?dāng)他們中的多數(shù)派不愿服從少數(shù)派的支配的話,那么少數(shù)派將從中脫離出去。比如說,一個(gè)新聯(lián)盟的任何一個(gè)部分一年或兩年以后為什么就不可以隨心所欲地再次脫離呢?目前聯(lián)邦中的某些州宣稱脫離聯(lián)邦不也是這樣?那些堅(jiān)持分裂意見的人現(xiàn)在正受到這種性質(zhì)的教育。
這些組成新聯(lián)盟的各州存在純粹同一的利益嗎?會(huì)做得親密無間,能防止再一次脫離嗎?
很明顯脫離聯(lián)邦的核心觀念是無政府主義。多數(shù)派在憲法的檢驗(yàn)和約束下執(zhí)掌政權(quán),總
是能隨著大眾那種深思的意見和深厚的情感而順應(yīng)變化,那么這樣的多數(shù)派就是自由人民唯一的真正領(lǐng)袖,誰拒絕它就會(huì)陷入無政府狀態(tài)或?qū)V浦?。全體一致是不可能的。少數(shù)人的統(tǒng)治,以長治久安之道而言,是完全不可取的;因此,拒絕多數(shù)人的原則,所剩下的只會(huì)是某些形式的無政府狀態(tài)和專制。
我并沒有忘記一些人提出的設(shè)想——把憲法問題交給最高法院來裁斷,我也不否認(rèn)這類裁斷在任何案例中對(duì)訴訟當(dāng)事人及訴訟對(duì)象都有約束力,而他們也有權(quán)在所有同類案件中受到政府所有其他部門非常高的敬意和重視。盡管在司法中這類裁斷可能出現(xiàn)錯(cuò)誤,仍會(huì)產(chǎn)生不良后果,但局限在特定的案例中,有機(jī)會(huì)可以去改變,決不會(huì)成為其他案例的一個(gè)榜樣,比起其他實(shí)踐所產(chǎn)生的不良后果,它更容易忍受。與此同時(shí),公正的公民必須坦承,如果政府事關(guān)全體國民的方針無法逆轉(zhuǎn)地由最高法院來裁斷,那么一當(dāng)這種用于個(gè)人訴訟當(dāng)事人中間的一般訴訟介入的話,人民就會(huì)失去了他們自身的主宰地位,到了這個(gè)地步,實(shí)際上已順從地把人民的政府交到顯赫的大法官手上。從這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)看不存在對(duì)法官或法庭的指責(zé)。對(duì)于嚴(yán)格地按程序交到他們手中的案件作出裁斷那是他們無法推諉的職責(zé),要是有人尋求把法官的裁斷轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)檎我鈭D,這可不是他們的錯(cuò)誤。
我們國家一部分區(qū)域的人相信蓄奴制是對(duì)的,應(yīng)該繼續(xù)下去,而另一部分區(qū)域的人相信它是錯(cuò)的,不應(yīng)該繼續(xù)下去。這是唯一本質(zhì)上的分歧。憲法中有關(guān)逃奴的條款和禁止外國奴隸貿(mào)易的法律都得到良好的執(zhí)行,也許,就像人民的道義觀念不完全同意法律本身,但法律仍得到執(zhí)行一樣。對(duì)于兩項(xiàng)事實(shí)所引起的無趣的法律義務(wù),人民中的絕大多數(shù)是遵從的,很少數(shù)的一部分均予以違反。對(duì)于此,我認(rèn)為,不可能完全予以消除,在一部分地區(qū)分裂出去之后,會(huì)比以前更糟。外國奴隸的流入,現(xiàn)在沒有完全消失,但之后會(huì)在一部分地區(qū)毫不限制地復(fù)蘇過來;而逃亡奴隸,現(xiàn)在只是部分的遣返,但在另一地區(qū),將來是完全不遣返。
就地緣而言,我們不可能分離。我們不能彼此各自遷移開去,也不能建立起不可逾越的高墻隔開彼此。丈夫和妻子可以離婚,不再相見,互不來往,我們國家的不同部分卻不能這樣做。他們不只是要面對(duì)面,而且要交往,不管和睦的還是仇視的,彼此必須不停地交往。那么交往在分裂后會(huì)比分裂前更為方便或更為適當(dāng)嗎?外國人之間訂立協(xié)議會(huì)比朋友間制定法律更容易嗎?陌生人之間的協(xié)議會(huì)比朋友間的法律更為忠實(shí)地被執(zhí)行嗎?假設(shè)你要進(jìn)行戰(zhàn)爭,你不能一直打下去,當(dāng)雙方損失巨大、毫無所獲時(shí),你會(huì)停止戰(zhàn)斗,作為交往的方式,這個(gè)完全同一的老問題再次擺在你的面前。這個(gè)國家,和它的社會(huì)事業(yè)機(jī)構(gòu)屬于居住其間的人民。任何時(shí)候他們對(duì)現(xiàn)政府產(chǎn)生了厭惡,他們可以根據(jù)改進(jìn)政府的憲法權(quán)利來行動(dòng),或者用革命的權(quán)利進(jìn)行分割或者摧毀現(xiàn)政府。我不可能不知道這些事:許多可敬的和愛國的公民渴望修改國家憲法。盡管我沒有提出修改的建議,但我坦承人民在整個(gè)事情上擁有合法的權(quán)利,去運(yùn)用憲法自身規(guī)定的任一模式;在目前的形勢下,我不會(huì)阻礙而會(huì)幫助人民運(yùn)用公正的機(jī)會(huì)正實(shí)行這種權(quán)利。我決心加上一條意見,對(duì)我而言,更喜歡人民代表大會(huì)的模式,它允許人民自己去提出修正案,它可以代替那種由別人提出的倡議,而人民僅僅被允許贊成或反對(duì)的模式,這些倡議并非專門為了人民的意圖而特別選定的,而且不可能像那些人所希望的那樣,僅僅贊成或否決那樣簡單明了。我知道一項(xiàng)憲法修改的提議——這項(xiàng)修正案,畢竟,我沒有看到——國會(huì)已經(jīng)通過了,其目的是聯(lián)邦決不能介入各州內(nèi)部機(jī)構(gòu),包括人員服役的事宜。為了避開對(duì)我已說的發(fā)生誤會(huì),我脫離我的意圖,不再談及特定的修正案,盡管這樣,我還是要說一句,現(xiàn)在把這一條款作為憲法意味的法律,明文確定,不得更改,我并不拒絕這樣做。
最高執(zhí)政官所擁有的一切權(quán)力都來自于人民,他們從未指定他去確立分裂各州的條款。如果他們要做抉擇,他們能夠自己去這樣做,但與執(zhí)政官?zèng)]有什么干系。他的職責(zé)是管理他執(zhí)掌的政府,把政府毫無損害地傳遞到他的繼任者。
為何不對(duì)人民最終的裁斷抱著堅(jiān)毅的信任?在這世界里就沒有更好或同等的希望了?在我們當(dāng)前的分歧中,雙方就不相信自己是正確的?如果統(tǒng)率萬國的萬能之主,帶著他的永恒真理和正義,站在你們北方這邊,或站在你們南方那邊,經(jīng)過美國人民這位偉大法官的裁決,真理和正義將真正地大白于天下。
作為我們賴以生存的政府機(jī)構(gòu),人民為了避免傷害明智地只給予他們的公務(wù)員一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)權(quán)力,同樣高明的是規(guī)定只隔很短的時(shí)間就把那點(diǎn)權(quán)力收回到他們自己手中。當(dāng)人民保有正直的品性和警醒的心靈,即便行政機(jī)構(gòu)極度腐敗或愚蠢都不能在四年的短暫舞臺(tái)上,對(duì)政府造成非常嚴(yán)重的損害。
我的國人們,所有人一起冷靜地、好好地思考這整個(gè)問題。沒有價(jià)值的事情會(huì)隨著時(shí)間而消失。如果你們中任何一個(gè)人慌慌忙忙對(duì)一個(gè)目標(biāo)邁出了熱情沖動(dòng)的一步,這一步你絕對(duì)沒有經(jīng)過深思熟慮,這個(gè)目標(biāo)隨著時(shí)間流逝而無法抵達(dá),不好的目標(biāo)只能受到挫敗。你們當(dāng)中不滿的人仍擁有古老的憲法,它未受到損害,再者還可以微妙地表明,你們有自己在憲法之下的法律;而新政府如果有心,也沒有直接權(quán)力去改變其中任何一項(xiàng)。如果表明不滿的人在這場爭論中占據(jù)了正確的一邊,也沒有單獨(dú)的好理由去貿(mào)然行事。理解力、愛國心、基督教精神,還有對(duì)上帝的堅(jiān)定信仰,他從未放棄這塊偏愛的土地——這一切仍可以用最好的方式充分調(diào)解我們目前的全部困難。
在你們的手里,我的同胞,不是在我的手里,握有內(nèi)戰(zhàn)的抉擇權(quán)。政府不會(huì)襲擾你們。你們不會(huì)受到攻擊,除非你們自己挑釁。你們沒有向天發(fā)誓去毀壞政府,而我要做一個(gè)最嚴(yán)肅的承諾,要去“維持、保衛(wèi)和支撐它?!?/p>
我不愿意就此結(jié)束。我們不是敵人,而是朋友;我們必須不成為敵人。盡管激情會(huì)讓我們的情感關(guān)系扭曲,但沒必要繃斷?;貞浀纳衩刂遥瑥拿恳黄瑧?zhàn)場和愛國者之墓伸展開琴弦,在這寬廣的國土上與每一顆搏動(dòng)的心房、溫暖的壁爐聯(lián)結(jié)起來,當(dāng)我們本性中的更為美好的天使——只要他們真的樂意——去再次觸撫琴弦,我們?nèi)詫⑻兆碛诼?lián)邦大合唱之中。
已經(jīng)是三月底了,安德森那里的情況越來越危急,或許現(xiàn)在要塞里的將士們已經(jīng)開始挨餓了。此時(shí)的白宮卻正在舉辦總統(tǒng)就任后的第一次大型招待會(huì):身穿一套嶄新燕尾服的林肯和身材姣好、光彩照人的瑪麗站在一處迎接著來賓。上百雙幸災(zāi)樂禍的眼睛在等待著林肯出丑??山裉?,他卻一直自然地和眾人聊著天,自始至終表現(xiàn)得十分得體。明天的泰晤士報(bào)記者準(zhǔn)又能寫出這位新任總統(tǒng)講的許多故事了:關(guān)于他喝醉了的馬車夫,或是他在西部生活時(shí)遇到的種種趣事。告辭時(shí),客人們或許還會(huì)想,當(dāng)前的局勢似乎還并不太危險(xiǎn)。事實(shí)上,這歌舞升平的一幕不過是林肯有意安排,避人耳目的。招待會(huì)期間,他就以十分嚴(yán)肅的態(tài)度通知了各位部長,當(dāng)晚要召開一次緊急會(huì)議。招待會(huì)結(jié)束之后,部長們都留了下來,林肯通知大家說,斯科特將軍催他們趕快放棄薩姆特要塞,問大家該怎么辦。那天晚上,每位部長回家時(shí),心里都一定是忐忑不安的。幾個(gè)小時(shí)之后,也就是第二天一早,他們還要再去參加一次會(huì)議,聽取總統(tǒng)的意見。林肯決定派一艘船給要塞運(yùn)送給養(yǎng);在此之前要通知南部的官方,船只不過是給要塞里斷了口糧的將士們送糧食的。倘若南方反應(yīng)正常,那么一舉兩得:一則
政府的聲望得到了保障,再則要塞內(nèi)官兵性命也都保住了;若是南方真像幾個(gè)星期以前所叫囂的那樣,動(dòng)用起武力來,那么雖然戰(zhàn)爭打響,但挑釁的罪名卻自然而然地落到了南方人的頭上,是他們先放了第一炮,引發(fā)了緊張局勢,他們理應(yīng)為此負(fù)責(zé)。同時(shí),北方人民的憤怒也會(huì)被激了起來,要知道,沒有這種群情激昂,戰(zhàn)爭是打不勝的。