第一篇：杰斐遜總統(tǒng)就職演說

Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address

First Inaugural Address

March 4, 180

1FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to

express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire.A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye--when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the

happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking.Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I shall find

resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties.To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those

associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think;but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good.All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable;that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression.Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore;that this should be more felt

and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety.But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle.We have called by different names brethren of the same principle.We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough;but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this

Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not.I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth.I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern.Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself.Can he, then, be trusted with the

government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government.Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe;too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others;possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation;entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them;enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter--with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens--a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to

regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned.This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its

Administration.I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations.Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political;peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none;the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies;the preservation of the General Government in

its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad;a jealous care of the right of election by the people--a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided;absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism;a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them;the supremacy of the civil over the military authority;economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened;the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith;encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid;the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason;freedom of religion;freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the

protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected.These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation.The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment.They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust;and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me.With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs.I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment.When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground.I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts.The approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make.And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.譯文：

同心同德地團(tuán)結(jié)起來

托馬斯-杰斐遜 第一次就職演講

華盛頓,星期三,1801年3月4日

朋友們、同胞們：

我應(yīng)召擔(dān)任國家的最高行政長官，值此諸位同胞集會之時，我衷心感謝大家寄予我的厚愛，誠摯地說，我意識到這項(xiàng)任務(wù)非我能力所及，其責(zé)任之重大，本人能力之淺簿，自然使我就任時憂懼交加。一個沃野千里的新興國家，帶著豐富的工業(yè)產(chǎn)品跨海渡洋，同那些自恃強(qiáng)權(quán)、不顧公理的國家進(jìn)行貿(mào)易，向著世人無法預(yù)見的天命疾奔——當(dāng)我思考這些重大的目標(biāo)，當(dāng)我想到這個可愛的國家，其榮譽(yù)、幸福和希望都系于這個問題和今天的盛典，我就不敢再想下去，并面對這宏圖大業(yè)自慚德薄能鮮。確實(shí)，若不是在這里見到許多先生們在場，使我想起無論遇到什么困難，都可以向憲法規(guī)定的另一高級機(jī)構(gòu)尋找智慧、美德和熱忱的源泉，我一定會完全心灰意懶。因此，負(fù)有神圣的立法職責(zé)的先生們和各位有關(guān)人士，我鼓起勇氣期望你們給予指引和支持，使我們能夠在亂世紛爭中同舟共濟(jì)，安然航行。

在我們過去的意見交鋒中，大家熱烈討論，各展所長，這種緊張氣氛，有時會使不習(xí)慣于自由思想、不習(xí)慣于說出或?qū)懴伦约合敕ǖ娜烁械讲话?；但如今，這場爭論既已由全國的民意作出決定，而且根據(jù)憲法的規(guī)定予以公布，大家當(dāng)然會服從法律的意志，妥為安排，為共同的利益齊心協(xié)力，大家也會銘記這條神圣的原則；盡管在任何情況下，多數(shù)人的意志是起決定作用的，但這種意志必須合理才矚公正；少數(shù)人享有同等權(quán)利，這種權(quán)利必須同樣受到法律保護(hù)，如果侵犯，便是壓迫。因此，公民們，讓我們同心同德地團(tuán)結(jié)起來。讓我們在社會交往中和睦如初、恢復(fù)友愛，如果沒有這些，自由，甚至生活本身都會索然寡味，讓我們再想一想，我們已經(jīng)將長期以來造成人類流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不寬容現(xiàn)象逐出國上，如果我們鼓勵某種政治上的不寬容，其專演、邪惡和可能造成的殘酷、血腥迫害均與此相仿，那么我們必將無所收獲。當(dāng)舊世界經(jīng)歷陣痛和騷動，當(dāng)憤怒的人掙扎著想通過流血、殺戮來尋求失去已人的自由，那波濤般的激情甚至也會沖擊這片遙遠(yuǎn)而寧靜的海岸；對此，人們的感觸和憂患不會一樣，因而對安全措施的意見就出現(xiàn)了分歧，這些都不足為奇。但是，各種意見分歧并不都是原則分歧。我們以不同的名字呼喚同一原則的兄弟。我們都是共和黨人，我們都是聯(lián)邦黨人，如果我們當(dāng)中有人想解散這個聯(lián)邦，或者想改變它的共和體制，那就讓他們不受干擾而作為對平安的紀(jì)念碑吧，因?yàn)橛辛似桨?，錯誤的意見就可得到寬容，理性就得以自由地與之抗?fàn)?。誠然，我知道，有些正直人士擔(dān)心共和制政府無法成為強(qiáng)有力的政府，擔(dān)心我們這個政府不夠堅強(qiáng)；但是，在實(shí)驗(yàn)取得成功的高潮中，一個誠實(shí)的愛國者，難道會因?yàn)橐环N假設(shè)的和幻想的疑懼，就以為這個被世界寄予最大希望的政府可能需要力量才得以自存，因而就放棄這個迄今帶給我們自由和堅定的政府嗎？我相信下會。相反，我相信這是世界上最堅強(qiáng)的政府。我相信唯有在這種政府的治理下，每個人才會響應(yīng)法律的號召，奔向法律的旗幟下，像對待切身利益那樣，迎擊侵犯公共秩序的舉動：有時我們聽到一種說法：不能讓人們自己管理自己。那么，能讓他去管理別人嗎？或者?我們在統(tǒng)治人民的君王名單中發(fā)現(xiàn)了無使嗎？這個問題讓歷史來回答吧。

因此，讓我們以勇氣和信心，迫求我們自己的聯(lián)邦與共和原則，擁戴聯(lián)邦與代議制政府。我們受惠于大自然和大洋的阻隔，幸免于地球上四分之一地區(qū)發(fā)生的那場毀滅性浩動；

我們品格高尚，不能容忍他人的墮落； 們天賜良邦，其幅員足以容納子孫萬代；我們充分認(rèn)識到在發(fā)揮個人才干、以勤勞換取收入、受到同胞的尊敬與信賴上，大家享有平等的權(quán)利，但這種尊敬和信賴不是出于門第，而是出于我們的行為和同胞的評判；我們受到仁慈的宗教的啟迪，盡管教派不同，形式各異，但它們都教人以正直、忠誠、節(jié)制、恩義和仁愛；我們承認(rèn)和崇拜全能的上帝，而天意表明，他樂于使這里的人們得到幸福，今后還將得到更多的幸?！覀冇辛诉@些福祉，還需要什么才能夠使我們成為快樂而興旺的民族呢？公民們，我們還需要一件，那就是賢明而節(jié)儉的政府，它會制止人們相互傷害，使他們自由地管理自己的實(shí)業(yè)和進(jìn)步活動，它不會侵奪人們的勞動果實(shí)。這就是良好政府的集粹，這也是我們達(dá)到幸福圓滿之必需。

公民們，我即將履行職責(zé)，這些職責(zé)包括你們所珍愛的一切，因此，你們應(yīng)當(dāng)了解我所認(rèn)為的政府基

本原則是什么，確定其行政依據(jù)的原則又是什么。我將盡量扼要地加以敘述，只講一般原則，不講其種種限制。實(shí)行人人平等和真正的公平，而不論其宗教或政治上的地位或派別；同所有國家和平相處、商務(wù)往來、真誠友好，而下與任何國家結(jié)盟，維護(hù)備州政府的一切權(quán)利，將它們作為我國最有權(quán)能的內(nèi)政機(jī)構(gòu)，和抵御反共和趨勢的最可靠屏障；維持全國政府在憲制上的全部活力，將其作為國內(nèi)安定和國際安全的最后依靠；忠實(shí)地維護(hù)人民的選舉僅——將它作為一種溫和而穩(wěn)妥的矯正手段，對革命留下的、尚無和平補(bǔ)救辦法的種種弊端予以矯正；絕對同意多數(shù)人的決定，因?yàn)檫@是共和制的主要原則，反之，不訴諸輿論而訴諸武力乃是專制的主要原則和直接根源；建立一支訓(xùn)練有來的民兵，作為平時和戰(zhàn)爭初期的最好依靠，直到正規(guī)軍來接替；實(shí)行文職權(quán)高于軍職權(quán)；節(jié)約政府開支，減輕勞工負(fù)擔(dān)；誠實(shí)地償還債務(wù)，莊嚴(yán)地維護(hù)政府信譽(yù)；鼓勵農(nóng)業(yè)，輔之以商業(yè)；傳播信息，以公眾理智力準(zhǔn)繩補(bǔ)偏救弊；實(shí)行宗教自由；實(shí)行出版自由和人身自由，根據(jù)人身保護(hù)法和公正選出陪審團(tuán)進(jìn)行審判來保證人身自由。這些原則構(gòu)成了明亮的星座，它在我們的前方照閘，指引我們經(jīng)歷了革命和改革時朗，先皙的智慧和英雄的鮮血都曾為實(shí)現(xiàn)這些原則作出過奉獻(xiàn)，這些原則應(yīng)當(dāng)是我們的政治信條，公民教育的課本，檢驗(yàn)我們所信曹的人的工作的試金石，如果我們因一時錯誤或驚恐而背日這些原則，那就讓我們趕緊回頭，重返這唯一通向和平、自由和安全的大道。

各位公民，我即將擔(dān)當(dāng)起你們委派給我的職務(wù)。根據(jù)我擔(dān)任許多較低職務(wù)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，我已經(jīng)意識到這是最艱巨的職務(wù)，圇此，我能夠預(yù)期，當(dāng)一個并非盡善盡奏的人從這個職位卸任時，很少能像就任時那樣深手眾望。我不敢奢皇大家如同信任我們第一位最偉大的革命元勛那樣對我高度信任，因?yàn)樗淖恐鴦讋谑顾钣匈Y格受到全國的愛戳，使他在忠實(shí)的史書中占有汲輝煌的一頁，我只要求大家給我相當(dāng)?shù)男湃危谷俗阋詧远ǖ?、有效地依法管理大家的事?wù)。由于判斷有誤，我會常常犯錯誤。即使我是正確的，那些不是站在統(tǒng)籌全局的立場上看問題的人，也會常常認(rèn)為我是錯誤的，我請求你們寬容我自己犯的鍺誤，而這些錯誤決不是故意犯的，我請求你們支持我反對別人的錯誤，而這些人如果通盤考慮，也是決不會犯的。從投票結(jié)果來看，大家對我的過去甚為嘉許，這是我莫大的安慰；今后我所渴望的是，力求賜予我好評的各位能保持這種好評，在我職權(quán)范圍內(nèi)為其他各位效勞以博得他們的好評，并為所有同胞們的幸福和自由而盡力。

現(xiàn)在，我仰承各位的好意，恭順地就任此職，一旦你們覺得需要作出你們有權(quán)作出的更好的選擇，我便準(zhǔn)備辭去此職。愿主宰夭地萬物命運(yùn)的上帝引導(dǎo)我們的機(jī)構(gòu)臻于完善，并為大家的和平與昌盛，賜給它一個值得贊許的結(jié)果。

第二篇：華盛頓總統(tǒng)就職演說

First Inaugural Address of George Washington

THE CITY OF NEW YORK

THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil

deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified

or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文譯文】：

美國人民的實(shí)驗(yàn)

喬治-華盛頓

第一次就職演講

紐約 星期四,1789年4月30日

參議院和眾議院的同胞們：

在人生沉浮中，沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據(jù)你們的命令送達(dá)的通知更使我焦慮不安，一方面，國家召喚我出任此職，對于她的召喚，我永遠(yuǎn)只能肅然敬從；而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿，由于愛好和習(xí)慣，且時光流逝，健康漸衰，時感體力不濟(jì)，愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面，國家召喚我擔(dān)負(fù)的責(zé)任如此重大和艱巨，足以使國內(nèi)最有才智和經(jīng)驗(yàn)的人度德量力，而我天資愚飩，又無民政管理的實(shí)踐，理應(yīng)倍覺自己能力之不足，因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情，我唯一敢斷言的是，通過正確估計可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來克盡厥職，乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標(biāo)。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在執(zhí)行這項(xiàng)任務(wù)時因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴，因而受到過多影響，以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時，忽視了自己的無能和消極，我的錯誤將會由于使我誤人歧途的各種動機(jī)而減輕，而大家在評判錯誤的后果時；也會適當(dāng)包涵產(chǎn)生這些動機(jī)的偏見。

既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現(xiàn)職時的感想，那么，在此宣誓就職之際，如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當(dāng)，因?yàn)樯系劢y(tǒng)治著宇宙，主宰著各國政府，它的神助能彌補(bǔ)人類的任何不足，愿上帝賜福，侃佑一個為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府，保佑它為這些基本目的而作出奉獻(xiàn)，保佑政府的各項(xiàng)行政措施在我負(fù)責(zé)之下都能成功地發(fā)揮作用。我相信，在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻(xiàn)上這份崇敬時，這些活也同樣表達(dá)了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國人更堅定不移地承認(rèn)和崇拜掌管人間事務(wù)的上帝。他們在邁向獨(dú)立國家的進(jìn)程中，似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象；他們在剛剛完成的聯(lián)邦政府體制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報，如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預(yù)示的賜福的到來，那么，通過眾多截然不同的集團(tuán)的平靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革，這種方式是不能與大多數(shù)政府的組建方式同日而語的。在目前轉(zhuǎn)折關(guān)頭，我產(chǎn)生這些想法確實(shí)是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家會和我懷有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一個新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據(jù)設(shè)立行政部門的條款，總統(tǒng)有責(zé)任“將他認(rèn)為必要而妥善的措施提請國會審議”。但在目前與各位見面的這個場合，恕我不進(jìn)一步討論這個問題，而只提一下偉大的憲法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它規(guī)定了各位的權(quán)限，指出了各位應(yīng)該注意的目標(biāo)。在這樣的場合，更恰當(dāng)、也更能反映我內(nèi)心激情的做法是不提出具體措施，而是稱頌將要規(guī)劃和采納這些措施的當(dāng)選者的才能、正直和愛國心。我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證：其一，任何地方偏見或地方感情，任何意見分歧或黨派敵視，都不能使我們偏離全局觀點(diǎn)和公平觀點(diǎn)，即必須維護(hù)這個由不同地區(qū)和利益所組成的大聯(lián)合；因此，其二，我國的政策將會以純潔而堅定的個人道德原則為基礎(chǔ)，而自由政府將會以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點(diǎn)而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠(yuǎn)景，因?yàn)楦鶕?jù)自然界的構(gòu)成和發(fā)展趨勢，在美德與幸福之間，責(zé)任與利益之間，恪守誠實(shí)寬厚的政策與獲得社會繁榮幸福的碩果之間，有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一；因?yàn)槲覀儜?yīng)該同樣相信，上帝親自規(guī)定了水恒的秩序和權(quán)利法則，它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家慈祥地加以贊許；因?yàn)槿藗兝硭?dāng)然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護(hù)神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運(yùn)，系于美國人所遵命進(jìn)行的實(shí)驗(yàn)上。

我已將有感于這一聚會場合的想法奉告各位，現(xiàn)在我就要向大家告辭；但在此以前，我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因?yàn)槌忻缮系鄣亩髻n，美國人有了深思熟慮的機(jī)會，以及為確保聯(lián)邦的安全和促進(jìn)幸福，用前所未有的一致意見來決定政府體制的意向；因而，同樣明顯的是，上帝將保佑我們擴(kuò)大眼界，心平氣和地進(jìn)行協(xié)商，并采取明智的措施，而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。

第三篇：老布什總統(tǒng)就職演說

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989

Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends:

There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history.President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America.I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his.It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country.And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day;for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began.We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends.For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended.And my first act as President is a prayer.I ask you to bow your heads:

Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love.Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely.Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: “Use power to help people.” For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name.There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people.Help us to remember it, Lord.Amen.I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise.We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better.For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn;for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over.The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree.A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on.There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken.There are times when the future seems thick as a fog;you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right path.But this is a time when the future seems a door you can walk right through into a room called tomorrow.Great nations of the world are moving toward democracy through the door to freedom.Men and women of the world move toward free markets through the door to prosperity.The people of the world agitate for free expression and free thought through the door to the moral and intellectual satisfactions that only liberty allows.We know what works: Freedom works.We know what's right: Freedom is right.We know how to secure a more just and prosperous life for man on Earth: through free markets, free speech, free elections, and the exercise of free will unhampered by the state.For the first time in this century, for the first time in perhaps all history, man does not have to invent a system by which to live.We don't have to talk late into the night about which form of government is better.We don't have to wrest justice from the kings.We only have to summon it from within ourselves.We must act on what we know.I take as my guide the hope of a saint: In crucial things, unity;in important things, diversity;in all things, generosity.America today is a proud, free nation, decent and civil, a place we cannot help but love.We know in our hearts, not loudly and proudly, but as a simple fact, that this country has meaning beyond what we see, and that our strength is a force for good.But have we changed as a nation even in our time? Are we enthralled with material things, less appreciative of the nobility of work and sacrifice?

My friends, we are not the sum of our possessions.They are not the measure of our lives.In our hearts we know what matters.We cannot hope only to leave our children a bigger car, a bigger bank account.We must hope to give them a sense of what it means to be a loyal friend, a loving parent, a citizen who leaves his home, his neighborhood and town better than he found it.What do we want the men and women who work with us to say when we are no longer there? That we were more driven to succeed than anyone around us? Or that we stopped to ask if a sick child had gotten better, and stayed a moment there to trade a word of friendship?

No President, no government, can teach us to remember what is best in what we are.But if the man you have chosen to lead this government can help make a difference;if he can celebrate the quieter, deeper successes that are made not of gold and silk, but of better hearts and finer souls;if he can do these things, then he must.America is never wholly herself unless she is engaged in high moral principle.We as a people have such a purpose today.It is to make kinder the face of the Nation and gentler the face of the world.My friends, we have work to do.There are the homeless, lost and roaming.There are the children who have nothing, no love, no normalcy.There are those who cannot free themselves of enslavement to whatever addiction——drugs, welfare, the demoralization that rules the slums.There is crime to be conquered, the rough crime of the streets.There are young women to be helped who are about to become mothers of children they can't care for and might not love.They need our care, our guidance, and our education, though we bless them for choosing life.The old solution, the old way, was to think that public money alone could end these problems.But we have learned that is not so.And in any case, our funds are low.We have a deficit to bring down.We have more will than wallet;but will is what we need.We will make the hard choices, looking at what we have and perhaps allocating it differently, making our decisions based on honest need and prudent safety.And then we will do the wisest thing of all: We will turn to the only resource we have that in times of need always grows——the goodness and the courage of the American people.I am speaking of a new engagement in the lives of others, a new activism, hands-on and involved, that gets the job done.We must bring in the generations, harnessing the unused talent of the elderly and the unfocused energy of the young.For not only leadership is passed from generation to generation, but so is stewardship.And the generation born after the Second World War has come of age.I have spoken of a thousand points of light, of all the community organizations that are spread like stars throughout the Nation, doing good.We will work hand in hand, encouraging, sometimes leading, sometimes being led, rewarding.We will work on this in the White House, in the Cabinet agencies.I will go to the people and the programs that are the brighter points of light, and I will ask every member of my government to become involved.The old ideas are new again because they are not old, they are timeless: duty, sacrifice, commitment, and a patriotism that finds its expression in taking part and pitching in.We need a new engagement, too, between the Executive and the Congress.The challenges before us will be thrashed out with the House and the Senate.We must bring the Federal budget into balance.And we must ensure that America stands before the world united, strong, at peace, and fiscally sound.But, of course, things may be difficult.We need compromise;we have had dissension.We need harmony;we have had a chorus of discordant voices.For Congress, too, has changed in our time.There has grown a certain divisiveness.We have seen the hard looks and heard the statements in which not each other's ideas are challenged, but each other's motives.And our great parties have too often been far apart and untrusting of each other.It has been this way since Vietnam.That war cleaves us still.But, friends, that war began in earnest a quarter of a century ago;and surely the statute of limitations has been reached.This is a fact: The final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory.A new breeze is blowing, and the old bipartisanship must be made new again.To my friends——and yes, I do mean friends——in the loyal opposition——and yes, I mean loyal: I put out my hand.I am putting out my hand to you, Mr.Speaker.I am putting out my hand to you Mr.Majority Leader.For this is the thing: This is the age of the offered hand.We can't turn back clocks, and I don't want to.But when our fathers were young, Mr.Speaker, our differences ended at the water's edge.And we don't wish to turn back time, but when our mothers were young, Mr.Majority Leader, the Congress and the Executive were capable of working together to produce a budget on which this nation could live.Let us negotiate soon and hard.But in the end, let us produce.The American people await action.They didn't send us here to bicker.They ask us to rise above the merely partisan.“In crucial things, unity”——and this, my friends, is crucial.To the world, too, we offer new engagement and a renewed vow: We will stay strong to protect the peace.The “offered hand” is a reluctant fist;but once made, strong, and can be used with great effect.There are today Americans who are held against their will in foreign lands, and Americans who are unaccounted for.Assistance can be shown here, and will be long remembered.Good will begets good will.Good faith can be a spiral that endlessly moves on.Great nations like great men must keep their word.When America says something, America means it, whether a treaty or an agreement or a vow made on marble steps.We will always try to speak clearly, for candor is a compliment, but subtlety, too, is good and has its place.While keeping our alliances and friendships around the world strong, ever strong, we will continue the new closeness with the Soviet Union, consistent both with our security and with progress.One might say that our new relationship in part reflects the triumph of hope and strength over experience.But hope is good, and so are strength and vigilance.Here today are tens of thousands of our citizens who feel the understandable satisfaction of those who have taken part in democracy and seen their hopes fulfilled.But my thoughts have been turning the past few days to those who would be watching at home to an older fellow who will throw a salute by himself when the flag goes by, and the women who will tell her sons the words of the battle hymns.I don't mean this to be sentimental.I mean that on days like this, we remember that we are all part of a continuum, inescapably connected by the ties that bind.Our children are watching in schools throughout our great land.And to them I say, thank you for watching democracy's big day.For democracy belongs to us all, and freedom is like a beautiful kite that can go higher and higher with the breeze.And to all I say: No matter what your circumstances or where you are, you are part of this day, you are part of the life of our great nation.A President is neither prince nor pope, and I don't seek a window on men's souls.In fact, I yearn for a greater tolerance, an easy-goingness about each other's attitudes and way of life.There are few clear areas in which we as a society must rise up united and express our intolerance.The most obvious now is drugs.And when that first cocaine was smuggled in on a ship, it may as well have been a deadly bacteria, so much has it hurt the body, the soul of our country.And there is much to be done and to be said, but take my word for it: This scourge will stop.And so, there is much to do;and tomorrow the work begins.I do not mistrust the future;I do not fear what is ahead.For our problems are large, but our heart is larger.Our challenges are great, but our will is greater.And if our flaws are endless, God's love is truly boundless.Some see leadership as high drama, and the sound of trumpets calling, and sometimes it is that.But I see history as a book with many pages, and each day we fill a page with acts of hopefulness and meaning.The new breeze blows, a page turns, the story unfolds.And so today a chapter begins, a small and stately story of unity, diversity, and generosity——shared, and written, together.Thank you.God bless you and God bless the United States of America.

第四篇：克林頓總統(tǒng)就職演說

My fellow citizens:

Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.同胞們，今天，我們在這里隆重集會來慶祝復(fù)興美國偉大時刻的到來。

This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But by the words we speak and faces we show the world.We force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent American.現(xiàn)在雖然仍是寒月隆冬，但在對世界發(fā)出的誓言和展示的姿態(tài)中，我們已經(jīng)讓春暖花開悄然降臨到了每個人的心里。春天已經(jīng)來到了世界上最古老的民主國家，它為美利堅的中興帶來了一派欣欣向榮的新氣象和令人鼓舞的勇氣。

When our founder boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the almighty,they knew that America, would have to change.，to endure,Not change for change's sake,but change to preserve America's ideals, life,liberty ,the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time,our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what if means to be an American.當(dāng)美利堅合眾國的締造者向全世界宣告這個國家的獨(dú)立和我們的遠(yuǎn)大目標(biāo)的時候，他們已然知道，美利堅合眾國必須在不斷的變革中才能得到長足的生存和發(fā)展。然而，我們并不是僅僅為了改變而改變，我們要變革是為了保持美利堅尊重生命，尊重國家公民自由和追求幸福的權(quán)利的立國思想萬代千秋永垂不朽！此刻，雖然我們已經(jīng)伴隨著時代的行進(jìn)曲抬頭挺進(jìn)，但我們?nèi)匀恍枰c時俱進(jìn)。每一個時代的美國人都必須清楚的了解自己作為一個美國公民的使命所在。

On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, president Bush,for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and communism.在這里，請允許我代表國家，向我的前任——布什總統(tǒng)致敬，他盡忠職守的為這個國家奉獻(xiàn)了半個世紀(jì)。同時，我還要感謝數(shù)以百萬的美國人，他們在艱難困苦中堅定信念，犧牲奉獻(xiàn)，最終戰(zhàn)勝了大蕭條，法西斯和共產(chǎn)主義。

Today, a generation raised in shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threaten still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.今天，在冷戰(zhàn)陰影下成長的一代在我們這個被自由陽光溫暖的世界中肩負(fù)著新的責(zé)任，但是我們?nèi)悦媾R著新仇與舊恨的威脅。

Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant(停滯的)wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.盡管我們在無與倫比的物質(zhì)繁華中成長，盡管我們?nèi)匀焕^承了世界上最為強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)體，但實(shí)際上我們的社會同時也被商業(yè)蕭條，收入停滯不前，不平等現(xiàn)象不斷增加以及階層隔閡加劇所削弱。

When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.當(dāng)喬治華盛頓在宣誓我剛才所宣誓過的誓詞的時候，消息是通過馬背和艦船緩慢的穿過陸地，跨過海洋的。而此刻，盛會現(xiàn)場的現(xiàn)場音頻視頻信號正在向全球的億萬觀眾不間斷直播。

Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.現(xiàn)代社會，溝通和商業(yè)是全球化的，技術(shù)發(fā)展令人驚訝，同時讓生活更美好也成為了大家的愿望。我們在全球性的公平競爭中營造我們自己的生活。

Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.深厚和強(qiáng)大的力量正在動搖和改寫我們的世界，而能否讓變革成為我們的朋友而非敵人成為了我們這個時代最為緊迫的問題。

This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.這個新世界已經(jīng)讓數(shù)以百萬計的美國人通過努力奮斗過上了富足的生活，但當(dāng)大部分的人每天都在努力工作卻只能勉強(qiáng)維持生計，當(dāng)還有人得不到工作，當(dāng)醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生的支出正在讓許多的家庭支離破碎，當(dāng)大大小小的企業(yè)正在面臨破產(chǎn)威脅的時候，當(dāng)犯罪案件頻發(fā)給遵紀(jì)守法的人們帶來極大恐慌而無法正常享受生活的時候，當(dāng)還有數(shù)以百萬計的貧苦兒童甚至還過著我們無法想象的生活的時候，我們還沒有讓變革成為我們的朋友。

We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.我們知道我們必須面對殘酷的現(xiàn)實(shí)和采取更有力的措施。但是我們還沒有付諸實(shí)際行動，而是聽天由命隨波逐流，而恰恰正是這種聽之任之的不作為正在腐蝕我們的根基，削弱我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)，它正在動搖我們的信心。

Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.盡管我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)令人畏懼，但是我們的力量也同樣不容忽視。美利堅的國民從來就不甘于現(xiàn)狀，我們一直都在不斷探索進(jìn)取，樂觀向上。我們肩膀上的使命帶著美利堅的先驅(qū)們賦予的美好愿望和堅強(qiáng)意志。

From our revolution, to the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.從我們的革命開始，到南北戰(zhàn)爭到大蕭條再到民權(quán)運(yùn)動，我們的人民一次又一次的從危機(jī)中萬眾一心眾志成城的書寫著歷史的豐碑。

Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow Americans, this is our time.Let us embrace it.托馬斯杰斐遜堅信為了維護(hù)我們國家的根基，我們必須與時俱進(jìn)義無返顧的進(jìn)行變革。現(xiàn)在，親愛的同胞們，我們改革的時刻到來了，讓我們一起緊密擁抱它吧。

Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.我們的民主不單單是世界向往的楷模同時更是美利堅自我復(fù)興的強(qiáng)勁動力，它將帶領(lǐng)著偉大的美利堅這艘巨艦一如既往乘風(fēng)破浪無往不前。

And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.今天，我們要在這里宣告僵持和隨波逐流時代的結(jié)束，一個美利堅復(fù)興的全新時代已經(jīng)開始。為了重振美利堅雄風(fēng)，除了披荊斬棘勇往向前，我們別無選擇。我們必須排除萬難做一些前人從未做過的創(chuàng)舉。我們的政策需要向美國本土的就業(yè)，未來傾斜，同時減縮巨額債務(wù)。我們還要建立一個公平競爭的社會，這不是一件容易的事情，它需要我們做出犧牲，但它一定會實(shí)現(xiàn)，犧牲并不是我們的目的，實(shí)現(xiàn)我們的目標(biāo)才是我們的最終目的，我們要像一個家庭對待自己的孩子一樣對待我們的國家。

Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity(子孫，后裔)is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.美利堅的開國元勛們從建國伊始就一直從子孫萬代的長遠(yuǎn)利益出發(fā)考慮國家的發(fā)展規(guī)劃。我們更需要考慮更多。每一個注視過在夢想中熟睡的孩子眼睛的的人都明白子孫后代意味著什么。孩子就意味著未來的世界，一個我們?yōu)橹葱l(wèi)美利堅普世價值觀思想的世界，從他們那里我們借用了這一個星球，而為了他們我們承擔(dān)了很多神圣的責(zé)任。我們必須傾盡我們所有讓這個國家至善完美，那就是，賦予所有國民更多機(jī)會以及責(zé)任！

It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.現(xiàn)在該是到了打破只管索取而不付出這一壞習(xí)慣的時候了，不管是我們的政府還是任何一方。讓我們承擔(dān)其更多的責(zé)任吧，不僅僅是為了我們的家庭，而是為了我們的社區(qū)和國家。要復(fù)興美利堅，我們就必須重建我們的民主制度。

This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.這個美麗的首都，就像每一個文明初生的首都一樣，常常是一個充滿陰謀和較量的地方，權(quán)貴們?yōu)榱烁吖俸竦摱M(fèi)盡心思盤算著誰進(jìn)誰出，誰上誰下。他們也許早已忘記了那些為了我們今天的生而付出了艱辛汗水和多少磨難的先輩們。

Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.美利堅的國民本該得到更好的生活，就在這城市，就在今天，還有很多的人向往著那些更令人憧憬的美好生活。在這里我要跟所有的人說，同胞們，讓我們堅決地把我們的政治制度改革事業(yè)進(jìn)行到底吧，那樣那些權(quán)貴和利益集團(tuán)從此往后再也不能覆蓋來自人民的聲音，讓我們把我們的政府變成一個富蘭克林羅斯福稱之為持續(xù)進(jìn)行大刀闊斧變革的試驗(yàn)場，變成一個給我們帶來更美好的明天而不是讓生活倒退的政府。讓我們把這個美麗的首都?xì)w還給到她本來的主人——我們美利堅公民的手上！

To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well as at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.要復(fù)興美利堅，我們要面臨來自國內(nèi)外的挑戰(zhàn)！這些挑戰(zhàn)無法區(qū)分哪些是來自海外哪些來自本土，全球經(jīng)濟(jì)，世界環(huán)境，艾滋病危機(jī)，還有全球軍備競賽，這些問題無時不刻不在影響著我們。

Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities（仇恨）and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.時至今日，作為一個舊的秩序的過渡，新的世界獲得了更多的自由同時也更加動蕩。共產(chǎn)主義的垮臺帶來了新仇舊恨，我們清楚的認(rèn)識到美國必須繼續(xù)一如既往的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界向前開進(jìn)。

While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize[i:] the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.當(dāng)我們重建美國的時候，面對挑戰(zhàn)我們不會退縮，不會放棄我們主導(dǎo)新世界的機(jī)會，我們將和我們的盟友一起重塑變革，讓它順應(yīng)我們的意志。

When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.當(dāng)美國的重要利益受到挑戰(zhàn)，或者國際社會的道德秩序受到公然挑釁的時候，我們不會袖手旁觀，我們將采取和平的外交手段及一切可能的方法，必要的時候甚至訴諸武力解決問題。就在現(xiàn)在，驍勇善戰(zhàn)的美軍士兵正在波斯灣，在索馬里以及其他任何需要他們?nèi)ヂ男忻绹庵镜牡胤綄?shí)現(xiàn)美國的決心。

But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.實(shí)際上我們最強(qiáng)大的力量所在是我們的思想，在很多的領(lǐng)域都占據(jù)領(lǐng)先地位?？v觀全球，我們看到這些思想為世人所接受，而我們也深感欣慰，我們的希望，我們的熱心，我們的雙手，靠著這些我們幫助了其他國家的人民在每一塊大陸建立了民主和自由，他們的成就也是美國的成就。

The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.美國人民一直在召喚著我們做出今天所提出的變革，你們已經(jīng)發(fā)出圣歌的強(qiáng)音，你們已經(jīng)投出了具有歷史意義的一票，是你們，讓國會舊貌換新顏，你們改變了美利堅的總統(tǒng)制度和政治進(jìn)程。是的，親愛的美國同胞們，是你們促使了美利堅春暖花開的早日到來。同胞們，現(xiàn)在，到了我們響應(yīng)時代要求付諸實(shí)際行動的時候了。

To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.我將和本屆政府的所有職能部門來肩負(fù)這一重要使命，我也將請求國會和我們站在一起。但是，沒有哪一個總統(tǒng)，哪一屆國會哪一屆政府能單獨(dú)扛起這樣的重任。親愛的同胞們，你們，我們需要你們和我們一起參與到偉大的美利堅復(fù)興運(yùn)動中來。我呼吁美國的年青一代加入到報效國家的行列中來，去通過幫助貧困交加和需要幫助的兒童來實(shí)現(xiàn)你的理想，陪伴那些有需要的人們，重新連接我們撕裂的社區(qū)，這是一項(xiàng)浩瀚的工程，足以讓成千上萬有理想的年輕人投身其中。

In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.加入效力國家的行列，我們就會明白一個很簡單但卻很令人振奮的道理，我相互需要。所以我們需要關(guān)愛彼此。今天，我們來這里不是僅僅為了歡呼為了慶祝，我們更需要把自己奉獻(xiàn)給最重要的美國思想。

An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.這是一種誕生于隆隆的革命洪潮并經(jīng)受了兩個世紀(jì)洗禮的理念。這是一種煉就于知識與智慧的理念，它在影響著我們的一生，不管幸與不幸的人們，我們都身處這種思想當(dāng)中。

And so, my fellow Americans, as we stand at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

所以，親愛的同胞們，當(dāng)我們已經(jīng)站在二十一世紀(jì)的邊緣，讓我們帶著希望和力量，帶著信念和紀(jì)律，讓我們把美利堅的復(fù)興進(jìn)行到底吧，正如圣經(jīng)所說：不要厭于行善，在收獲的季節(jié)，假如沒有倒下，我們將得到收獲。

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.在歡樂的慶祝巔峰之中，我聽到了山谷中傳來的召喚，我們聽到了凱旋的號角聲，我們已經(jīng)換崗各就各位，現(xiàn)在，每一個和我們站在一起的人，在神的幫助之下，我們都必須響應(yīng)國家的呼喚。

Thank you, and God bless you all.謝謝大家，愿上帝保佑你們！

第五篇：林肯總統(tǒng)就職演說

林肯總統(tǒng)第一次就職演說(1861年3月4日)

林肯

[學(xué)術(shù)交流網(wǎng)按：林肯是美國人民和政治家推崇的偉大人物之一，他的維護(hù)國家同意，反對分裂的主張，反對擴(kuò)張奴隸制的主張尤其受到廣泛贊揚(yáng)。自2005年3月1日起發(fā)布林肯總統(tǒng)有關(guān)維護(hù)國家統(tǒng)一、反對分裂的演說、信件、咨文的內(nèi)容。] 合眾國的同胞們： 1861年3月4日

按照一個和我們的政府一樣古老的習(xí)慣，我現(xiàn)在來到諸位的面前，簡單地講幾句話，并在你們的面前，遵照合眾國憲法規(guī)定一個總統(tǒng)在他“到職視事之前”必須宣誓的儀式，在大家面前宣誓。

我認(rèn)為沒有必要在這里來討論并不特別令人憂慮和不安的行政方面的問題。

在南方各州人民中似乎存在著一種恐懼心理。他們認(rèn)為，隨著共和黨政府的執(zhí)政，他們的財產(chǎn)，他們的和平生活和人身安全都將遭到危險。這種恐懼是從來沒有任何事實(shí)根據(jù)的。說實(shí)在的，大量相反的證據(jù)倒是一直存在，并隨時可以供他們檢查的。那種證據(jù)幾乎在現(xiàn)在對你們講話的這個人公開發(fā)表的每一篇演說中都能找到。這里我只想引用其中的一篇，在那篇演說中我曾說，“我完全無意，對已經(jīng)存在奴隸制的各州的這一制度，進(jìn)行直接或間接的干涉。我深信我根本沒有合法權(quán)利那樣做，而且我無此意圖?！蹦切┨崦也⑦x舉我的人都完全知道，我曾明確這么講過，并且還講過許多類似的話，而且從來也沒有收回過我已講過的這些話。不僅如此，他們還在綱領(lǐng)中，寫進(jìn)了對他們和對我來說，都具有法律效力的一項(xiàng)清楚明白、不容含糊的決議讓我接受。這里我來對大家談?wù)勥@一決議：

“決議，保持各州的各種權(quán)利不受侵犯，特別是各州完全憑自己的決斷來安排和控制本州內(nèi)部各種制度的權(quán)利不受侵犯，乃是我們的政治結(jié)構(gòu)賴以完善和得以持久的權(quán)力均衡的至為重要的因素；我們譴責(zé)使用武裝力量非法入侵任何一個州或準(zhǔn)州的土地，這種入侵不論使用什么借口，都是最嚴(yán)重的罪行?！?/p>

我現(xiàn)在重申這些觀點(diǎn)：而在這樣做的時候，我只想提請公眾注意，最能對這一點(diǎn)提出確切證據(jù)的那就是全國任何一個地方的財產(chǎn)、和平生活和人身安全決不會在任何情況下，由于即將上任的政府而遭到危險。這里我還要補(bǔ)充說，各州只要符合憲法和法律規(guī)定，合法地提出保護(hù)要求，政府便一定會樂于給予保護(hù),不管是出于什么原因一一而且對任何一個地方都一視同仁。

有一個爭論得很多的問題是，關(guān)于逃避服務(wù)或引渡從勞役中逃走的人的問題。我現(xiàn)在要宣讀的條文，也和任何有關(guān)其它問題的條款一樣，明明白白寫在憲法之中：

“凡根據(jù)一個州的法律應(yīng)在該州于服務(wù)或從事勞役的人，如逃到另一州，一律不得按照這一州的法律或條例，使其解除該項(xiàng)服務(wù)或勞役，而必，須按照有權(quán)享有該項(xiàng)服務(wù)或勞役當(dāng)事人的要求，將其引渡?！?/p>

毫無疑問，按照制訂這一條款的人的意圖，此項(xiàng)規(guī)定實(shí)際指的就是，對我們所說的逃亡奴隸有權(quán)索回；而法律制訂人的這一意圖實(shí)際已成為法律。國會的所有議員都曾宣誓遵守憲法中的一切條款——對這一條和其它各條并無兩樣。因此，關(guān)于適合這一條款規(guī)定的奴隸應(yīng) 1 “將其引渡”這一點(diǎn)，他們的誓言是完全一致的。那么現(xiàn)在如果他們心平氣和地作一番努力，他們難道不能以幾乎同樣完全一致的誓言，制訂一項(xiàng)法律，以使他們的共同誓言得以實(shí)施嗎? 究竟這一條款應(yīng)該由國家當(dāng)局，還是由州當(dāng)局來執(zhí)行，大家的意見還不完全一致；但可以肯定地說，這種分歧并不是什么十分重要的問題。只要奴隸能被交還，那究竟由哪一個當(dāng)局來交還，對奴隸或?qū)e的人來說，沒有什么關(guān)系。任何人，在任何情況下，也決不會因?yàn)閼?yīng)以何種方式來實(shí)?，F(xiàn)他的誓言這樣一個無關(guān)緊要的爭執(zhí)，他便會認(rèn)為完全可以不遵守自己的誓言吧? 另外，在任何有關(guān)這一問題的法律中，應(yīng)不應(yīng)該把文明和人道法學(xué)中關(guān)于自由的各項(xiàng)保證都寫上，以防止在任何情況下使一個自由人被作為奴隸交出嗎?同時，憲法中還有一條規(guī)定，明確保證“每一州的公民都享有其它各州公民所享有公民的一切特權(quán)和豁免權(quán)”，我們用法律保證使這一條文得以執(zhí)行，那不是更好嗎? 我今天在這里正式宣誓，思想上決無任何保留，也決無意以任何過于挑剔的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來解釋憲法或法律條文。我現(xiàn)在雖不打算詳細(xì)指出國會的哪些法令必須要遵照執(zhí)行；但我建議，我們大家，不論以個人身份還是以公職人員的身份，為了有更多的安全，我們最好服從并遵守現(xiàn)在還沒有廢除的一切法令，而不要輕易相信可以指之為不合憲法，便可以逃脫罪責(zé)，而對它們公然違反。

自從第一任總統(tǒng)根據(jù)國家憲法宣誓就職以來，七十二年已經(jīng)過去了。在這期間，十五位十分杰出的公民相繼主持過政府的行政部門。他們引導(dǎo)著它度過了許多艱難險阻；一般都獲得極大的成功。然而，盡管有這么多可供參考的先例，我現(xiàn)在將在憲法所規(guī)定的短短四年任期中來擔(dān)任這同一任務(wù)，卻．面臨著巨大的非同一般的困難。在此以前，分裂聯(lián)邦只是受到了威脅，而現(xiàn)在卻是已出現(xiàn)力圖分裂它的可怕行動了。

從一般法律和我們的憲法來仔細(xì)考慮，我堅信，我們各州組成的聯(lián)邦是永久性的。在一切國民政府的根本大法中永久性這一點(diǎn)，雖不一定寫明，卻是不言而喻的。我們完全可以肯定說，沒有一個名副其實(shí)的政府會在自己的根本法中定出一條，規(guī)定自己完結(jié)的期限。繼續(xù)執(zhí)行我國憲法所明文規(guī)定的各項(xiàng)條文，聯(lián)邦便將永遠(yuǎn)存在下去——除了采取并未見之于憲法的行動，誰也不可能毀滅掉聯(lián)邦。

還有，就算合眾國并不是個名副其實(shí)的政府，而只是依靠契約成立的一個各州的聯(lián)合體，那既有契約的約束，若非參加這一契約的各方一致同意，我們能說取消就把它取消嗎?參加訂立契約的一方可以違約，或者說毀約；但如果合法地取消這一契約，豈能不需要大家一致同意嗎? 從這些總原則出發(fā)，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)，從法學(xué)觀點(diǎn)來看，聯(lián)邦具有永久性質(zhì)的提法，是為聯(lián)邦自身的歷史所證實(shí)的。聯(lián)邦本身比憲法更為早得多。事實(shí)上，它是由1774年，簽訂的《聯(lián)合條款》建立的。到1776年的《獨(dú)立宣言》才使它進(jìn)一步成熟和延續(xù)下來。然后，通過1778年的“邦聯(lián)條款”使它更臻成熟，當(dāng)時參加的十三個州便已明確保證要使邦聯(lián)永久存在下去。最后，到1787年制訂的憲法公開宣布的目的之一，便是“組建一個更為完美的聯(lián)邦”。但是，如果任何一個州，或幾個州也可以合法地把聯(lián)邦給取消掉，加這個聯(lián)邦可是比它在憲法制訂以前還更不完美了，因?yàn)樗咽チ怂囊粋€至關(guān)重要因素——永久性。從這些觀點(diǎn)我們可以認(rèn)定，任何一個州，都不可能僅憑自己動議，便能合法地退出聯(lián)邦——而任何以此為目的的決議和法令在法律上都是無效的；至于任何一州或幾州的反對合眾國當(dāng)

局的暴力行為，都可以依據(jù)具體情況視為叛亂或革命行為。

因此我認(rèn)為,從憲法和法律的角度來看，聯(lián)邦是不容分裂的；我也將竭盡全力，按照憲法明確賦于我的責(zé)任，堅決負(fù)責(zé)讓聯(lián)邦的一切法令在所有各州得以貫徹執(zhí)行。這樣做，我認(rèn)為只是履行我應(yīng)負(fù)的簡單職責(zé)；只要是可行的，我就一定要履行它，除非我的合法的主人美國人民，收回賦予我的不可缺少的工具，或行使他們的權(quán)威，命令我采取相反的行動。我相信我這話決不會被看成是一種恫嚇，而只會被看作實(shí)現(xiàn)聯(lián)邦已公開宣布的目的，它必將按照憲法保衛(wèi)和維持它自己的存在。

要做到這一點(diǎn)并不需要流血或使用暴力，除非有人把它強(qiáng)。加于國家當(dāng)局，否則便決不會發(fā)生那種情況。賦予我的權(quán)力將被用來保持、占有和掌管屬于政府的一切財產(chǎn)和土地。征收各種稅款和關(guān)稅；但除開為了這些目的確有必要這外，決不會有什么入侵問題——決不會在任何地方對人民，或在人民之間使用武力。任何內(nèi)地，即使對聯(lián)邦政府的敵對情緒已十分嚴(yán)重和普遍，以致妨害有能力的當(dāng)?shù)毓駡?zhí)行聯(lián)邦職務(wù)的時候，政府也決不會強(qiáng)制派進(jìn)令人厭惡的外來人去擔(dān)任這些職務(wù)。盡管按嚴(yán)格的法律規(guī)定，政府有權(quán)強(qiáng)制履行這些職責(zé)，但一定要那樣做，必然非常使人不愉快，也幾乎不切實(shí)際，所以我認(rèn)為最好還是暫時先把這些職責(zé)放一放。

郵政，除非遭到拒收，仍將在聯(lián)邦全境運(yùn)作。在可能的情況下，一定要讓各地人民，都享有完善的安全感，這十分有利于冷靜思索和反思。我在這里所講的這些方針必將奉行，除非當(dāng)前事態(tài)和實(shí)際經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明修改或改變方針是合適的。對任何一個事件和緊急問題，我一定會根據(jù)當(dāng)時出現(xiàn)的具體形勢謹(jǐn)慎從事，期望以和平手段解決國內(nèi)糾紛，力圖恢復(fù)兄弟愛手足情。

至于說某些地方總有些人不顧一切一心想破壞聯(lián)邦，并不惜以任何借口圖謀不軌，我不打算肯定或否定；如果確有這樣一些人，我不必要再對他們講什么。但對那些真正熱愛聯(lián)邦的人,我不可以講幾句嗎? 在我們著手研究如此嚴(yán)重的一件事情之前，那就是要把我們的國家組織連同它的一切利益，一切記憶和一切希望全給消滅掉，難道明智的做法不是先仔細(xì)研究一下那樣做究竟是為了什么?當(dāng)事實(shí)上極有可能你企圖逃避的禍害并不存在的時候，你還會不顧一切采取那種貽害無窮的步驟嗎?或者你要逃避的災(zāi)禍雖確實(shí)存在，而在你逃往的地方卻有更大的災(zāi)禍在等著你；那你會往那里逃嗎?你會冒險犯下如此可怕的一個錯誤嗎? 大家都說，如果憲法中所規(guī)定的一切權(quán)利都確實(shí)得到執(zhí)行，那他也就會留在聯(lián)邦里。那么，真有什么如憲法申明文規(guī)定的權(quán)利被否定了嗎?我想沒有。很幸運(yùn)，人的頭腦是這樣構(gòu)造出來的，沒有一個黨敢于如此冒天下之大不韙。如果可能，請你們講出哪怕是一個例子來，說明有什么憲法中明文規(guī)定的條款是沒有得到執(zhí)行的。如果多數(shù)派完全靠人數(shù)上的優(yōu)勢，剝奪掉少數(shù)派憲法上明文規(guī)定的權(quán)利，這件事從道義的角度來看，也許可以說革命是正當(dāng)?shù)摹绻粍儕Z的是極為重要的權(quán)利，那革命就肯定無疑是合理行動。但我們的情況卻并非如此。少數(shù)派和個人的一切重要權(quán)利，在憲法中，通過肯定和否定、保證和禁令；都一一向他們作了明確保證,以致關(guān)于這類問題，從來也沒有引起過爭論。但是，在制訂基本法時卻不可能對實(shí)際工作中出現(xiàn)的任何問題，都一一寫下可以立即加以應(yīng)用的條文。再高明的預(yù)見也不可能料定未來的一切，任何長度適當(dāng)?shù)奈募膊豢赡馨菹箩槍σ磺锌赡馨l(fā)生的問題的條文。逃避勞役的人到底應(yīng)該由聯(lián)邦政府交還還是由州政府交還呢?憲法上沒有具體規(guī)定。國會可以在準(zhǔn)州禁止奴隸制嗎?憲法沒有具體規(guī)定。國會必須保護(hù)準(zhǔn)州的奴隸制嗎?憲法也沒有具體規(guī)定。

從這類問題中引出了我們對憲法問題的爭端，并因這類問題使我們分成了多數(shù)派和少數(shù)派。如果少數(shù)派不肯默認(rèn)，多數(shù)派便必須默認(rèn)，否則政府便只好停止工作了。再沒有任何別的路可走；要讓政府繼續(xù)行使職權(quán)，便必須要這一方或那一方默認(rèn)。在這種情況下，如果一 個少數(shù)派寧可脫離也決不默認(rèn)，那他們也就開創(chuàng)將來必會使他們分裂和毀滅的先例；因?yàn)椋?dāng)多數(shù)派拒絕接受這樣一個少數(shù)派的控制的時候，他們中的少數(shù)派便必會從他們之中再脫離出去。比如說，一個新的聯(lián)盟的任何一部分，在一兩年之后，為什么就不會像現(xiàn)在的聯(lián)邦中的一些部分堅決要脫離出去一樣，執(zhí)意要從從那個新聯(lián)盟中脫離出去。所有懷著分裂聯(lián)邦思想的人現(xiàn)在都正接受著分裂思想的教育。難道要組成一個新聯(lián)邦的州，它們的利益竟會是那樣完全一致，它們只會有和諧，而不會再出現(xiàn)脫離行動嗎? 非常清楚，脫離的中心思想實(shí)質(zhì)就是無政府主義。一個受著憲法的檢查和限制的約束，總是隨著大眾意見和情緒的慎重變化而及時改變的多數(shù)派，是自由人民的唯一真正的統(tǒng)治者。誰要想排斥他們，便必然走向無政府主義或?qū)Ｖ浦髁x。完全一致是根本不可能的；把少數(shù)派的統(tǒng)治作為一種長期安排是完全不能接受的，所以，一旦排斥了多數(shù)原則，剩下的便只有某種形式的無政府主義或某專制主義了。

我沒有忘記某些人的說法，認(rèn)為憲法問題應(yīng)該由最高法院來裁決。我也不否認(rèn)這種裁決，在任何情況下，對訴訟各萬，以及訴訟目的，完全具有約束力，而且在類似的情況中，—應(yīng)受到政府的一切其它部門高度的尊重和重視。盡管非常明顯，這類裁決在某一特定案例中都很可能會是錯誤的，然而，這樣隨之而來的惡果總只限于該特定案件，同時裁決還有機(jī)會被駁回，不致成為以后判案的先例，那這種過失比起其它的過失來當(dāng)然更讓人容易忍受。同時，正直的公民必須承認(rèn)，如果政府在有關(guān)全體人民利害的重大問題的政策，都得由最高法院的裁決，作出決定那一旦對個人之間的一般訴訟作出裁決時，人民便已不再是自己的主人，而達(dá)到了將他們的政府交給那個高于一切的法庭的地步了。我這樣說，決無意對法院或法官表示不滿。一件案子按正常程序送到他們面前，對它作出正當(dāng)裁決，是他們的不可推卸的責(zé)任；如果別的人硬要把他們的判決用來達(dá)到政治目的，那并不是他們的過錯。

我國有一部分人相信奴隸制是正確的。應(yīng)該擴(kuò)展，而另一部分人又相信它是錯誤的，不應(yīng)該擴(kuò)展。這是唯一的實(shí)質(zhì)性的爭執(zhí)，憲法中有關(guān)逃亡奴隸的條款，以及制止對外奴隸貿(mào)易的法

律，在一個人民的道德觀念并不支持該法的，社會里，它們的執(zhí)行情況也許不次于任何一項(xiàng)法律所能達(dá)到的程度。在兩種情況下，絕大多數(shù)的人都遵守枯燥乏味的法律義務(wù)，但又都有少數(shù)人不聽那一套。關(guān)于這一點(diǎn)，我想，要徹底解決是根本不可能的；如果寸巴兩個地區(qū)分離。以后，情況只會更壞。對外奴隸貿(mào)易現(xiàn)在并未能完全加以禁止，最后在一個地區(qū)中必將全面恢復(fù)；對于逃亡奴隸，在另一個地區(qū)，現(xiàn)在送回的只是一部分，將來會完全不肯交出來了。

就自然條件而言，我們是不能分離的。我們決不能把我們的各個地區(qū)相互搬開，也不可能在它們之間修建起一道無法逾越的高墻。一對夫妻可以離婚，各走各的路，彼此再不見面。但我們國家的各部分可無法這么辦。它們只能面對面相處，友好也罷。仇視也罷，他們?nèi)员仨毐舜私煌?。我們維道能有任何辦法使得這種交往在分離之后，比分離：之前更為有利，更為令，人滿意嗎?難道在外人之間訂立條約，比在朋友之間制訂法律還更為容易嗎?難道在外人之間履行條約，比在朋友之間按法律辦事還更忠實(shí)嗎?就算你們決定。訴諸戰(zhàn)爭，你們，總不能永遠(yuǎn)打下去吧；最后當(dāng)兩敗俱傷而雙方都一無所獲時，你們停止戰(zhàn)斗，那時依照什么條件相互交往，這同一個老問題仍會照樣擺在你們面前了。

這個國家，連同它的各種機(jī)構(gòu)，都屬于居住在這里的人民。任何時候，他們對現(xiàn)存政府感到厭倦了，他們可以行使他們的憲法權(quán)利，改革這個政府，或者行使他們的革命權(quán)利解散它或者推翻它。我當(dāng)然知道，現(xiàn)在就有許多尊貴的、愛國的公民極于想修訂我們的憲法。盡管我自己不會那么建議，我卻也完全承認(rèn)他們在這個問題上的合法權(quán)利，承認(rèn)他們可以按照憲法所規(guī)定的兩種方式中的任何一種來行使這種權(quán)利；而且，在目前情況下，我不但不反對，而倒是贊成給人民一個公正的機(jī)會讓他們?nèi)バ袆印?/p>

我還不禁要補(bǔ)充一點(diǎn)，在我看來，采取舉行會議的方式似乎更好一些，這樣可以使修訂方案完全由人民自己提出，而不是只讓他們?nèi)ソ邮芑蚓芙^一些并非特別為此目的而選出的一些人提出的方案，因?yàn)橐部赡苣切┓桨盖∏〔⒉皇撬麄冊敢饨邮芑蚓芙^的。我了解到現(xiàn)在已有人提出一項(xiàng)憲法修正案——這修正案我并沒有看到，但在國會中已經(jīng)通過了，大意說，聯(lián)邦政府將永遠(yuǎn)不再干涉各州內(nèi)部制度，包括那些應(yīng)服勞役者的問題。為了使我講的話不致被誤解，我現(xiàn)在改變我不談具體修正案的原來的打算，明確聲明，這樣一個條款，既然現(xiàn)在可能列入憲法，我不反對使它成為明確而不可改動的條文。

合眾國總統(tǒng)的一切權(quán)威都來之于人民，人民并沒有授于他規(guī)定條件讓各州脫離出去的權(quán)力。人民自己如果要那樣干，那自然也是可以的；可是現(xiàn)在的行政當(dāng)局不能這樣做。他的職責(zé)，是按照他接任時的樣子管理這個政府，然后,毫無損傷地再移交給他的繼任者。我們?yōu)槭裁床荒苣托牡貓詻Q相信人民的最終的公道呢?難道在整個世界上還有什么更好的，或與之相等的希望嗎?在我們今天的分歧中，難道雙方不都是認(rèn)為自己正確嗎?如果萬國的全能統(tǒng)治者，以他的永恒的真理和公正，站在你們北方一邊，或你們南方一邊，那么，依照美國人民這一偉大法官的判決，真理和公正必將勝利。

按照目前我們生活其下的現(xiàn)政府的構(gòu)架，我國人民十分明智；授于他們的公仆的胡作非為的權(quán)力是微乎其微的；而且同樣還十分明智地規(guī)定，即使那點(diǎn)微乎其微的權(quán)力，經(jīng)過很短一段時間后，就必須收回到他們自己手中。

由于人民保持他們的純正和警惕，任何行政當(dāng)局，在短短的四年之中，也不可能用極其惡劣或愚蠢的行為對這個政府造成嚴(yán)重的損害。

我的同胞們，請大家對這整個問題平心靜氣地好好想一想，真正有價值的東西是不會因從容從事而喪失的。如果有個什么目標(biāo)使你迫不及待地要取得它，你采取的步驟是在審慎考慮的

情況下不會采取的，那個目標(biāo)的確可能會由于你的從容不迫而達(dá)不到；但一個真正好的自標(biāo)是不會因?yàn)閺娜輳氖露サ?。你們中現(xiàn)在感到不滿的人，仍然必須遵守原封未動的老憲法，新個敏感的問題上，仍然有根據(jù)憲法制訂的法律；而對此二者，新政府即使想要加以改變，它自身也立即無此權(quán)力。即使承認(rèn)你們那些心懷不滿的人在這一爭執(zhí)中站在正確的一邊，那也絲毫沒有正當(dāng)?shù)睦碛梢扇≠Q(mào)然行動。明智、愛國主義、基督教精神，以及對從未拋棄過這片得天獨(dú)厚的土地的上帝的依賴，仍然完全能夠以最理想的方式來解決我們當(dāng)前的一切困難。

決定內(nèi)戰(zhàn)這個重大問題的是你們，我的心懷不滿的同胞們，而并非決定于我。政府決不會攻擊你們。只要你們自己不當(dāng)侵略者，就不會發(fā)生沖突。你們并沒有對天發(fā)誓必須毀滅這個政

府，而我卻曾無比莊嚴(yán)地宣誓，一定要“保持、保護(hù)和保衛(wèi)”這個政府。

我真不想就此結(jié)束我的講話，我們不是敵人，而是朋友。我們決不能成為敵人。盡管目前的情緒有些緊張，但決不能容許它使我們之間的親密情感紐帶破裂?；貞浀纳衩厍傧?，在整個這片遼闊的土地上，從每一個戰(zhàn)場，每一個愛國志士的墳?zāi)?，延伸到每一顆跳動的心和每一個家庭，它有一天會被我們的良知所觸動，再次奏出聯(lián)邦合唱曲。

第二任就職演說Second Inaugural Address

亞伯拉罕．林肯(ABRAHAM LINCOLN)

在這第二任的就職宣誓典禮中，并不需要像第一任就職時那樣發(fā)表長篇演說。那時，對當(dāng)時所要采取的方針政策多少作一些詳細(xì)說明，似乎是適當(dāng)?shù)摹，F(xiàn)在四年任期屆滿，在這期間于戰(zhàn)爭的每個重要時刻和階段──這場戰(zhàn)爭至今仍為舉國所關(guān)注、并且占用了國家的大部分力量──我都經(jīng)常發(fā)布文告，所以現(xiàn)在也提不出什么新的主張。我們的軍事進(jìn)展，是一切其它問題的關(guān)鍵所在，大家對其情形和我一樣明了，而且我相信進(jìn)展的情況可以使我們?nèi)w人民有理由感到滿意和鼓舞。既然將來很有希望，那么我也無須在這方面作什么預(yù)言了。四年前，在與此相同的時刻，所有人的思想都焦慮地集中在一場即將來臨的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)上。誰都害怕內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，都想盡辦法去避免它。當(dāng)我在這個地方作就職演說時，我曾想盡量不訴諸戰(zhàn)爭而保存聯(lián)邦，然而反叛分子的代理人卻設(shè)法在這個城市里以不打仗的方式(推毀聯(lián)邦──他們力圖以談判的方式來瓦解聯(lián)邦，分享財物。雙方都聲稱反對戰(zhàn)爭，可是有一方寧愿打仗而不愿讓國家生存，另一方則寧可接受戰(zhàn)爭而不愿讓國家滅亡，于是戰(zhàn)爭就來臨了。我們?nèi)珖丝诘陌朔种皇呛谂麄儾⒉皇潜椴加谌珖?，而是局部地分布于南方。這些奴隸形成一種特殊而重大的利益。大家都知道這種利益可說是這場戰(zhàn)爭的原因。為了加強(qiáng)、永久保持并擴(kuò)大這種利益，反叛分子會不惜以戰(zhàn)爭來分裂聯(lián)邦，而政府只不過要限制這種利益的地區(qū)擴(kuò)張。當(dāng)初，任何一方都沒有想到戰(zhàn)爭會發(fā)展到目前這么大的范圍，持續(xù)這么長的時問，也沒有料到?jīng)_突的原因會隨沖突本身終止而終止，甚至?xí)跊_突本身終止以前而終止。雙方都在尋求一個較輕易的勝利，都不期盼有什么帶根本性的或驚人的結(jié)果。雙方都誦讀同樣的圣經(jīng)，向同一個上帝祈禱，甚至每一方都祈求同一個上帝的幫助以反對另一方。人們竟敢要求公正的上帝來幫助他們奪取他人以血汗換來的面包，這看來似乎很奇怪?？墒牵覀冞€是別評判人家，以免別人來評判我們。雙方的祈禱都無法如愿，而且從沒全部如愿以償。萬能的上帝自有他自己的意旨：“世界由于罪惡而受苦難，因?yàn)槭澜缈偸怯凶飷旱?，然而那個作惡的人，要受苦難。”假如我們認(rèn)為美國的奴隸制是這種罪惡之一，而這些罪惡按上帝的意志又在所不免，但既經(jīng)持續(xù)了他所指定的一段時間，他現(xiàn)在便要消除這些罪惡。假如我們認(rèn)為上帝把這場慘烈的戰(zhàn)爭加在南北雙方的頭上，作為對那些作惡的人的責(zé)罰，難道我們可以由此認(rèn)為這有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒們所歸諸上帝的那些圣德嗎?我們殷切地希塑，熱忱地祈禱，但愿這戰(zhàn)爭的重罰會很快過去。可是，假使上帝要讓戰(zhàn)爭再繼續(xù)下去，直到二百五十年來奴隸無償勞動所積聚的財富化為烏有，并像三千年前人們所說的那樣，直至被鞭苔所流的每一滴血為刀劍下流的每一滴血所償付為止，那么，我也只好說：“主的裁判是完全正確而公道的?！?/p>

我們對任何人都不懷惡意，我們對任何人都抱好感。上帝讓我們看到哪一邊是正確的，我們就堅信那正確的一邊。讓我們繼續(xù)奮斗，以完成我們正在進(jìn)行的工作，去治療國家的創(chuàng)傷，去照顧艱苦作戰(zhàn)的戰(zhàn)士和他們的遺孀遺孤，盡一切努力實(shí)現(xiàn)并維護(hù)我們自己之間以及我國與他國之間的公正和持久的和平。

蓋茲堡獻(xiàn)儀演說－－亞.林肯1863年

距進(jìn)八十七年以前，我們的先輩在這個大陸之上曾經(jīng)締造了一個新的國家，這個國家孕育于自由，并以人人生而平等之主張為其奮斗宗旨。目前，我們正在進(jìn)行一場偉大的國內(nèi)戰(zhàn)爭，其結(jié)果必將表明，一個如此孕育與如此奮斗而建成的國家（乃至任何這類的國家），是否能夠運(yùn)作久長。我們今天集會的地方就是這場戰(zhàn)爭中的偉大戰(zhàn)場，而我們來此則是為向那為國捐生因而國賴以存的烈士英靈，恭行獻(xiàn)土之儀；從中辟地一方，以為他們殮骨歸骸之所。我們這樣做乃是完全必要，完全恰當(dāng)?shù)摹５?，從一種更深廣的意義來講，我們卻又深感這種獻(xiàn)儀的不足，崇仰的不足，至于為墓地增光，就更說不上。一切曾經(jīng)在這里奮戰(zhàn)過的英勇的人們，不論是生者死者，他們所作的奉獻(xiàn)之大，遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不是我們所能妄加損益。世人對我們 在這里所說的種種，未必會給予注意，或者很快忘記，但對他們所成就的一切，卻將永志不忘。對于我們生者來說，有所報效，似更應(yīng)奮力于他們一向堅貞以赴、多所推進(jìn)的事業(yè)，奮力于留待我們?nèi)ネ瓿山涞膫タ兪鈩?；誠能這樣，我們必將更能從英魂那里汲引壯志，奮發(fā)忠誠，而他們正是為了我們的事業(yè)而肝腦涂地，竭盡忠誠；這樣，我們必將益發(fā)堅信這些死者之不枉犧牲，這樣，這個國家，上帝之鑒，必將在自由上重獲新生，而這樣，一個民有，民治與民享的政府必將在世界上永遠(yuǎn)立于不敗之地。

That we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain;that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom;and that this government of the people, by the people，for the people, shall not perish from the earth.主耶穌基督欣賞“簡單”之美。

寧可住在房頂?shù)慕巧希辉趯掗煹姆课?，與爭吵的婦人同住。

你要盡心、盡性、盡意、盡力愛主你的神。其次，就是說，要愛人如己。

救恩的得著，簡單的法門，只要“信”。雖然救恩的設(shè)立，是一道復(fù)雜的過程，但神費(fèi)盡心思，把救恩的得著，簡化成一個“信”字。

——所羅門