第一篇：威爾遜關(guān)于宣戰(zhàn)對國會的演講(中英文)

伍德羅·威爾遜 關(guān)于宣戰(zhàn)對國會的演講

（1917年4月2日）

……今年1月3日我正式通知你們，德意志帝國政府爲(wèi)表了異乎尋常的通告，宣稱從1月1日起它的宗旨是把法律的限制或仁慈的考慮統(tǒng)統(tǒng)拋置一邊，用它的潛艇去擊沉任何駛近英國和愛爾蘭港口的船只，或駛近歐洲西海岸或地中海內(nèi)德國的敵人所控制的任何港口的船只。這似乎是德國潛艇戰(zhàn)在大戰(zhàn)之初的目標(biāo)。但從去年4月起，德意志帝國對其潛艇指揮官們多少有所限制，以實踐當(dāng)時它對我們許下的諾言即不擊沉客輪，對其它它的潛艇可能摧毀的船只，只要不作抵抗、留在原地，便會向它們預(yù)先發(fā)出警告，而且讓它們的船員至少有機會在不設(shè)防的船上逃生。在殘酷無情的戰(zhàn)爭中，一樁樁令人悲痛的事件證明，德方的克制是很不夠的，而且?guī)в腥我庑?，但確實有一定程度的節(jié)制。而新政策把任何限制都取消了。任何種類的船只，不論它掛什麼旗，具有什麼性質(zhì)，載什麼貨，駛向何處，完成什麼使命，全都被擊沉，不給預(yù)先警告，也全然不顧船上人員的死活；友好中立國的船只與敵國的船只同樣對待。甚至連醫(yī)護(hù)船以及向比利時死傷慘重的人民運送救濟物資的船只──后者被德國政府允許安全通過禁海而且?guī)в忻鞔_無誤的標(biāo)記──同樣也被喪失同情心和原則性的德軍擊沉。

有一度我無法相信，這種行徑竟然真是一個一貫贊同文明世界人道慣例的政府的所作所爲(wèi)。國際法起源于人類試圖制訂的某種的海洋上得到尊重和遵守的法律，該法律規(guī)定，任何國家無權(quán)統(tǒng)治海洋，世界各國的船只都可以在海上自由航行?！聡詧髲?fù)和必需爲(wèi)借口，已將這起碼的法律規(guī)定一腳踢開，因爲(wèi)德國在海上除了毫不顧忌人道，蔑視對國際交往的共識，窮兵黷武之外，干不了什麼別的事。我現(xiàn)在想到的不是德國在海上造成的財産損失，盡管損失慘重，而是對大批平民生命肆無忌憚的屠殺，而這些男人、婦女和兒童所追求的目標(biāo)向來──甚至在現(xiàn)代歷史最黑暗的時期──被認(rèn)爲(wèi)是無辜和合法的。財産可以賠償，而和平無辜人民的生命則無法賠償。目前德國對付海上貿(mào)易的潛艇戰(zhàn)其實是以人類爲(wèi)敵。

這是針對所有國家的戰(zhàn)爭。美國船只被擊沉，美國公民葬身海底，消息傳來令人震驚。但其它中立或友好國家的船只和人員在海上遭到相同的厄運，沒有什麼差別。這是對整個人類的挑戰(zhàn)。每個國家必須獨自決定它應(yīng)如何對付這一挑戰(zhàn)。我們必須適應(yīng)我國的特點和宗旨審時度勢，謹(jǐn)慎考慮，以作出我們自己的決定。我們絕對不應(yīng)感情用事。我們的動機既非爲(wèi)復(fù)仇也不是爲(wèi)了耀武揚威，而僅僅是爲(wèi)維護(hù)權(quán)利，維護(hù)人權(quán)，在這場斗爭中我們國家僅僅是一名斗士……

我深刻認(rèn)識到我正采取的步驟的嚴(yán)重乃至悲劇的性質(zhì)，以及它所包含的重大責(zé)任，但是我對履行自己由憲法規(guī)定的義務(wù)毫不遲疑。正是以這樣的態(tài)度我建議國會宣布，德意志帝國最近的行動事實上已是對美國政府和人民發(fā)動了戰(zhàn)爭；美國正式接受已強加于它的交戰(zhàn)國地位；美國將立即行動，不僅使國家處于完全的防御狀態(tài)，而且將竭盡全力，使用一切手段迫使德國政府屈服，結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭?！?/p>

當(dāng)我們采取行動，這些重大行動的時候，我們自己應(yīng)當(dāng)清楚，也應(yīng)讓全世界明白我們的動機和目的是什麼?！覀兊哪康摹蔷S護(hù)國際生活的和平與正義的原則，反對自私和專制的力量，我們要在世界上真正自由和自治的各國人民之中確立一種意志與行動的概念，有了它就能保證這些原則得到遵循。當(dāng)問題涉及世界和平，涉及世界各國人民的自由時，當(dāng)組織起來的勢力支持某些專制政府按自己的意志而非人民的意志獨斷專行，從而對世界人民的和平與自由構(gòu)成威脅時，中立便不再是可行或可取的了。我們看到，在這種情況下中立已成爲(wèi)歷史。我們處在一個新時代的開端，在這個時代中人們堅決要求，凡文明國家每個公民遵循的關(guān)于行爲(wèi)和承擔(dān)罪責(zé)的準(zhǔn)則，各個國家和它們的政府也必須同樣遵循。

我們與德國人民之間不存齟齬。對他們，我們除了同情和友誼沒有別的情感。他們的政府投入戰(zhàn)爭并不是因爲(wèi)人民的推動，他們事先一無所知，并未表示贊同。決定打這場戰(zhàn)爭與過去不幸的歲月中決定打一場戰(zhàn)爭的方式相同。舊時統(tǒng)治者從不征求人民的意見，戰(zhàn)爭的挑起和發(fā)動全都是爲(wèi)著王朝的利益或是爲(wèi)野心勃勃的人組成的小集團的利益，這些人慣于利用同胞作爲(wèi)走卒和工具。……

我們接受這一敵意的挑戰(zhàn)，因爲(wèi)我們知道與這樣一個采用這種手段的政府是絕對不可做朋友的；只要它組織起來的力量埋伏著準(zhǔn)備實現(xiàn)不可告人的目的，世界上一切民主政府便無法得到安全保障。我們接受的將是一場與這個自由的天敵展開的宏大戰(zhàn)役，如有必要，將動用我國的全部力量去制止和粉碎敵人的意圖和勢力。我們感到欣慰，因爲(wèi)敵人撕去僞善的面紗，使我們看清了真相，這樣我們將爲(wèi)世界最終和平，爲(wèi)世界各國人民包括德國人民的解放而戰(zhàn)：爲(wèi)大大小小各國的權(quán)利和世界各地人們選擇自己的生活與服從權(quán)威的方式的特權(quán)而戰(zhàn)。世界應(yīng)該讓民主享有安全。世界和平應(yīng)建立在政治自由歷經(jīng)考驗的基礎(chǔ)上。我們沒有什麼私利可圖。我們不想要征服，不想要統(tǒng)治。我們不爲(wèi)自己索取賠償，對我們將慷慨作出的犧牲不求物質(zhì)補償。我們只不過是爲(wèi)人類權(quán)利而戰(zhàn)的斗士之一。當(dāng)各國的信念和自由能確保人類權(quán)利不可侵犯之時，我們將心滿意足。

在我們面前很可能有曠日持久的戰(zhàn)火考驗和慘重犧牲。把我們偉大、愛好和平的人民領(lǐng)入戰(zhàn)爭是件可怕的事。因爲(wèi)這場戰(zhàn)爭是有史以來最血腥最殘酷的，甚至文明自身似已岌岌可危。然而權(quán)利比和平更寶貴。我們將爲(wèi)自己一向最珍惜的東西而戰(zhàn)──爲(wèi)了民主，爲(wèi)人民服從權(quán)威以求在自己的政府中擁有發(fā)言權(quán)，爲(wèi)弱小國家的權(quán)利和自由，爲(wèi)自由的各國人民和諧一致共同享有權(quán)利以給所有國家?guī)砗推脚c安全，使世界本身最終獲得自由。爲(wèi)完成這樣一個任務(wù)，我們可以獻(xiàn)出我們的生命財産，獻(xiàn)出我們自己以及我們所有的一切；我們滿懷自豪，因爲(wèi)我們知道，這樣的一天已經(jīng)到來：美國有幸得以用她的鮮血和力量捍衛(wèi)那些原則，正是它們給予她生命和快樂，給予她一向珍視的和平。上帝保佑她，她別無選擇。

Wilson's War Message to Congress 2 April, 1917

On 3 February 1917, President Wilson addressed Congress to announce that diplomatic relations with Germany were severed.In a Special Session of Congress held on 2 April 1917, President Wilson delivered this 'War Message.' Four days later, Congress overwhelmingly passed the War Resolution which brought the United States into the Great War.Gentlemen of the Congress:

I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.On the 3d of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the 1st day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed The new policy has swept every restriction aside.Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents.Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe-conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations.International law had its origin in the at tempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world.By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meagre enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of noncombatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate.Property can be paid for;the lives of peaceful and innocent people can not be.The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.It is a war against all nations.American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way.There has been no discrimination.The challenge is to all mankind.Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it.The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation.We must put excited feeling away.Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of February last, I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence.But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable.Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea.It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavour to destroy them before they have shown their own intention.They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend.The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be.Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best;in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual;it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent;it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents.There is one choice we can not make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated.The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs;they cut to the very roots of human life.With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States;that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it, and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.What this will involve is clear.It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with the governments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to those governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.It will involve the immediate full equipment of the Navy in all respects but particularly in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy's submarines.It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least 500,000 men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation....While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are.My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the 22d of January last;the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the 3d of February and on the 26th of February.Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people.We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances.We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.We have no quarrel with the German people.We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship.It was not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering this war.It was not with their previous knowledge or approval.It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbour states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest.Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions.Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class.They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs.A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations.No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants.It must be a league of honour, a partnership of opinion.Intrigue would eat its vitals away;the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart.Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honour steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose;and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naive majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace.Here is a fit partner for a league of honour.One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without our industries and our commerce.Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began;and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us(who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing.But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience.That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the intercepted [Zimmermann] note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a government, following such methods, we can never have a friend;and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic governments of the world.We are now about to accept gage of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience.The world must be made safe for democracy.Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty.We have no selfish ends to serve.We desire no conquest, no dominion.We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make.We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind.We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.Just because we fight without rancour and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we profess to be fighting for.I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honour.The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary;but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us--however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship--exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and native sympathy, who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbours and to the Government in the hour of test.They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance.They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose.If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern repression;but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you.There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us.It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts--for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured.God helping her, she can do no other.

第二篇：2015英國女王開啟英國國會大典演講中英文

2015英國女王開啟英國國會大典演講

My Lords and members of the House of Commons。各位上下議院的議員們

My government will legislate in the interests of everyone in our country.It will adopt a one nation approach, helping working people get on, supporting aspiration, giving new opportunities to the most disadvantaged and bringing different parts of our country together。

政府將立法保障全體英國人民的權(quán)益。政策將惠及全國，讓勞動者有穩(wěn)定的工作，支持創(chuàng)業(yè)，給弱勢群體提供新的就業(yè)機會，把全英國緊緊團結(jié)在一起。

My government will continue with its long-term plan to provide economic stability and security at every stage of life.They will continue the work of bringing the public finances under control and reducing the deficit, so Britain lives within its means.Measures will be introduced to raise the productive potential of the economy and increase living standards。

政府將繼續(xù)保持經(jīng)濟的長期穩(wěn)定與社會的長治久安。繼續(xù)把控公共財政、減少赤字，使人民能量入為出。同時政府將采取措施提高經(jīng)濟增長率以及人民生活水平。

Legislation will be brought forward to help achieve full employment and provide more people with the security of a job.New duties will require my ministers to report annually on job creation and apprenticeships.Measures will also be introduced to reduce regulation on small businesses so they can create jobs。

政府將立法幫助實現(xiàn)充分就業(yè)以及為更多人提供安全的工作環(huán)境。部長們也要求對創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機會及學(xué)徒機會做報告。同時也將出臺措施來減少對小型企業(yè)的限制，從而創(chuàng)造更多就業(yè)機會。

Legislation will be brought forward to ensure people working 30 hours a week on the National Minimum Wage do not pay income tax, and to ensure there are no rises in Income Tax rates, Value Added Tax or National Insurance for the next 5 years。

政府將立法以確保每周工作30個小時的低收入者不用交個人所得稅，并確保個人所得稅率、增值稅及國民保險在5年內(nèi)不會提高。

Measures will be brought forward to help working people by greatly increasing the provision of free childcare。

政府將采取措施，為勞動人民提供更多的免費兒童保育服務(wù)。

Legislation will be introduced to support home ownership and give housing association tenants the chance to own their own home。

政府將立法支持購房，給住房協(xié)會住戶提供擁有自己的住宅的機會。

Measures will be introduced to increase energy security and to control immigration.My government will bring forward legislation to reform trade unions and to protect essential public services against strikes。政府將采取措施，提高能源安全性以及控制移民數(shù)量。政府將立法對工會進(jìn)行改革及保障罷工下基本公共服務(wù)的正常運作。

To give new opportunities to the most disadvantaged, my government will expand the Troubled Families programme and continue to reform welfare, with legislation encouraging employment by capping benefits and requiring young people to earn or learn。

為了給弱勢群體提供新的就業(yè)機會，政府將擴大“困難家庭計劃”的覆蓋面，并繼續(xù)進(jìn)行福利改革，通過立法設(shè)置福利上限，鼓勵年輕人學(xué)習(xí)、工作，從而促進(jìn)就業(yè)。

Legislation will be brought forward to improve schools and give every child the best start in life, with new powers to take over failing and coasting schools and create more academies。政府將立法提升學(xué)校綜合實力，讓每一個孩子的人生都能有一個最燦爛的開始。劣等學(xué)校領(lǐng)導(dǎo)換班，打造更多優(yōu)質(zhì)高校。

In England, my government will secure the future of the National Health Service by implementing the National Health Service’s own 5 year plan, by increasing the health budget, integrating healthcare and social care, and ensuring the National Health Service works on a 7 day basis.Measures will be introduced to improve access to general practitioners and to mental healthcare。

政府將在英格蘭通過實施“國民醫(yī)療服務(wù)制度五年計劃”，增加衛(wèi)生預(yù)算，整合醫(yī)療保健和社會保障，并確保國民醫(yī)療服務(wù)制度每天有效運行，從而確保國民醫(yī)療服務(wù)制度在未來得以延續(xù)。政府將采取措施，改善民眾求醫(yī)渠道。

Measures will also be brought forward to secure the real value of the basic State Pension, so that more people live in dignity and security in retirement.Measures will be brought forward to increase the rights of victims of crime。政府將采取措施，確保民眾享有基本國家養(yǎng)老金，讓更多的退休人員能有得體及安全的住所。政府將采取措施，維護(hù)犯罪受害者的權(quán)益。

To bring different parts of our country together, my government will work to bring about a balanced economic recovery.Legislation will be introduced to provide for the devolution of powers to cities with elected metro mayors, helping to build a northern powerhouse。為了將全英國緊緊團結(jié)在一起，政府將努力實現(xiàn)經(jīng)濟的同步復(fù)蘇。政府將立法將權(quán)力下放給民選市長，幫助打造一個北方的生力軍。

My government will continue to legislate for high-speed rail links between the different parts of the country。

政府將繼續(xù)加強國家間高速鐵路的建設(shè)。

My government will also bring forward legislation to secure a strong and lasting constitutional settlement, devolving wide-ranging powers to Scotland and Wales.Legislation will be taken forward giving effect to the Stormont House Agreement in Northern Ireland。

政府也將立法，保證憲法的效力與持久性，將權(quán)力下放到蘇格蘭和威爾士。政府將立法施行北愛爾蘭的斯托蒙特眾議院協(xié)議。

My government will continue to work in cooperation with the devolved administrations on the basis of mutual respect。

政府將繼續(xù)在相互尊重的基礎(chǔ)上與權(quán)力下放政府進(jìn)行合作。

My government will bring forward changes to the standing orders of the House of Commons.These changes will create fairer procedures to ensure that decisions affecting England, or England and Wales, can be taken only with the consent of the majority of Members of Parliament representing constituencies in those parts of our United Kingdom。政府將變更下議院議事程序。這些改變將創(chuàng)造更公平的程序，以確保涉及英格蘭或威爾士的決議，只有在大多數(shù)代表各選區(qū)的國會議員同意的情況下才能予以執(zhí)行。

My government will renegotiate the United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Union and pursue reform of the European Union for the benefit of all member states。

政府將重新協(xié)商英國與歐盟的關(guān)系，并為所有會員國的利益尋求歐盟的改革。

Alongside this, early legislation will be introduced to provide for an in-out referendum on membership of the European Union before the end of 2017.此外，在2017年年底前，政府將會對歐盟成員國的全民公投進(jìn)行立法。

Measures will also be brought forward to promote social cohesion and protect people by tackling extremism.New legislation will modernise the law on communications data, improve the law on policing and criminal justice, and ban the new generation of psychoactive drugs。政府將采取措施提升社會凝聚力，通過打擊極端主義來保護(hù)人民安全。新的立法將通過通信數(shù)據(jù)使法律更加現(xiàn)代化，提升治安法及刑法公正性，并禁止新一代精神藥物。

My government will bring forward proposals for a British Bill of Rights。政府將針對權(quán)利法案提出新的議案。

Members of the House of Commons。下議院議員們。

Estimates for the public services will be laid before you。你們還將面臨許多有關(guān)公共服務(wù)的問題

My Lords and members of the House of Commons 各位上下議院的議員們

My government will continue to play a leading role in global affairs, using its presence all over the world to re-engage with and tackle the major international security, economic and humanitarian challenges。

政府將繼續(xù)在全球事務(wù)中發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)作用，并憑英國在世界上的影響力重新參與并解決重大國際安全、經(jīng)濟和人道主義問題。

My ministers will remain at the forefront of the NATO alliance and of international efforts to degrade and ultimately defeat terrorism in the Middle East。

政府官員將繼續(xù)與北約合作，走在打擊并最終戰(zhàn)勝中東恐怖主義的最前線。

The United Kingdom will continue to seek a political settlement in Syria, and will offer further support to the Iraqi government’s programme for political reform and national reconciliation。英國將繼續(xù)尋求從政治上解決敘利亞問題的辦法，并會進(jìn)一步支持伊拉克的政治改革和民族和解。

My government will maintain pressure on Russia to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, and will insist on the full implementation of the Minsk agreements。政府將對俄羅斯政府繼續(xù)施壓，英國尊重烏克蘭的領(lǐng)土完整和主權(quán)，并將堅持全面實施明斯克協(xié)議。

My government looks forward to an enhanced partnership with India and China。我國政府期待與中國和印度之間伙伴關(guān)系的進(jìn)一步深化。

Prince Philip and I look forward to our state visit to Germany next month and to our state visit to Malta in November, alongside the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting.We also look forward to welcoming His Excellency the President of The People’s Republic of China and Madame Peng on a state visit in October。

我和菲利普親王期待著下月對德國進(jìn)行的國事訪問，以及在十一月對馬耳進(jìn)行的國事訪問，同時也期待著英聯(lián)邦政府首腦會議的召開。我們同樣期待著今年10月中國國家主席習(xí)近平及夫人對我國進(jìn)行的國事訪問。

My government will seek effective global collaboration to sustain economic recovery and to combat climate change, including at the climate change conference in Paris later this year。

我國政府尋求積極有效的全球合作，以維持經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇，應(yīng)對氣候變化，包括參加今年年底在巴黎舉辦的氣候變化會議。

My government will undertake a full strategic defence and security review, and do whatever is necessary to ensure that our courageous armed forces can keep Britain safe。我國政府將進(jìn)行全面的戰(zhàn)略防御和安全審查，并采取一切必要措施，確保我們勇敢的軍隊可以保持英國的安全。

My government will work to reduce the threat from nuclear weapons, cyber-attacks and terrorism。

政府將致力于削減核武器，網(wǎng)絡(luò)攻擊和恐怖主義的威脅。

Other measures will be laid before you。

同時，各位還將面臨許多來自各方面的挑戰(zhàn)。

My Lords and members of the House of Commons 各位上下議院的議員們 I pray that the blessing of almighty God may rest upon your counsels。愿全能的上帝聽見你們的禱告。

WHUT

第三篇：羅斯福對日宣戰(zhàn)演講

要求國會對日本宣戰(zhàn)

富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福

副總統(tǒng)先生、議長先生、各位參議員和眾議員：

昨天，1941年12月7日，將成為我國的國恥日。美利堅合眾國遭到了日本帝國海、空軍有預(yù)謀的突然襲擊

在此之前，美國同日本處于和平狀態(tài)，并應(yīng)日本之請同該國政府及天皇談判，指望維持太平洋區(qū)域的和平。

日本空軍部隊在美國的瓦胡島。開始轟炸一小時后，日本駐美大使及其同僚居然還向美國國務(wù)卿遞交正式復(fù)函，回答美國最近致日本的一封函件。這份復(fù)函雖然聲言目前的外交談判已無繼續(xù)之必要，但卻未有威脅的言詞，也沒有暗示將發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭或采取軍事行動

夏威夷島距日本的距離說明此次襲擊顯然是許多天前甚至幾星期前所策劃的，此事將記錄在案。在此期間，日本政府有意用虛偽的聲明和表示繼續(xù)保持和平的愿望欺騙美國。日本昨天對夏威夷群島的襲擊，給美國海、陸軍造成了嚴(yán)重的破壞。我遺憾地告訴你們：許許多多美國人被炸死。同時，據(jù)報告，若干艘美國船只在舊金山與火奴魯魯之間的公海上被水雷擊中。

昨天，日本政府還發(fā)動了對馬來亞的襲擊。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了香港。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了關(guān)島。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了菲律賓群島。

昨夜日本部隊襲擊了威克島。

今晨日本人襲擊了中途島。

這樣，日本就在整個太平洋區(qū)域發(fā)動了全面的突然襲擊。昨天和今天的情況已說明了事實的真相。美國人民已經(jīng)清楚地了解到這是關(guān)系我國存亡安危的問題。

作為海、陸軍總司令，我已指令采取一切手段進(jìn)行防御。

我們將永遠(yuǎn)記住對我們這次襲擊的性質(zhì)。

無論需要多長時間去擊敗這次預(yù)謀的侵略，美國人民正義在手，有力量奪取徹底的勝利。我保證我們將完全確保我們的安全，確保我們永不再受到這種背信棄義行為的危害，我相信這話說出了國會和人民的意志。

大敵當(dāng)前，我國人民、領(lǐng)土和利益正處于極度危險的狀態(tài)，我們決不可稍有懈怠。我們相信我們的軍隊、我們的人民有無比堅定的決心，因此，勝利必定屬于我們。愿上帝保佑我們。

我要求國會宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日對我國無故進(jìn)行卑鄙的襲擊，美國同日本已經(jīng)處于戰(zhàn)爭狀態(tài)。

[當(dāng)時的美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福(Franklin Delano Roosevelt)，在發(fā)生突襲后第二日，在國會發(fā)表對日宣戰(zhàn)的著名演說--珍珠港演說(Pearl Harbor Speech)。美國人在日本偷襲珍珠港前，對應(yīng)否加入二次大戰(zhàn)存在分歧，偷襲事件激起民憤，結(jié)果全國團結(jié)起來，支持參戰(zhàn)。德國和意大利亦于3日后，對美國宣戰(zhàn)。]

第四篇：名人演講：國會大廈告別演講

道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur)，美國陸軍五星上將。出生于阿肯色州小石城的軍人世家。1899年中學(xué)畢業(yè)后考入西點軍校，1903年以名列第一的優(yōu)異成績畢業(yè)，到工程兵部隊任職，并赴菲律賓執(zhí)勤。麥克阿瑟有過50年的軍事實踐經(jīng)驗，被美國國民稱之為“一代老兵”，而其自身的又曾是“美國最年輕的準(zhǔn)將、西點軍校最年輕的校長、美國陸軍歷史上最年輕的陸軍參謀長”，憑借精妙的軍事謀略和敢戰(zhàn)敢勝的膽略，麥克阿瑟堪稱美國戰(zhàn)爭史上的奇才。

提起這句話：“老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，只會慢慢凋零”（Old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那個叼著玉米棒子煙斗的麥克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解職后在國會大廈發(fā)表的題為《老兵不死》著名演講。

我即將結(jié)束五十二年的軍旅生涯。我從軍是在本世紀(jì)開始之前，而這是我童年的希望與夢想的實現(xiàn)。自從我在西點軍校的教練場上宣誓以來，這個世界已經(jīng)過多次變化，而我的希望與夢想早已消逝，但我仍記著當(dāng)時最流行的一首軍歌詞，極為自豪地宣示“老兵永遠(yuǎn)不死，只會慢慢凋零”。

I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”

就像這首歌中的老兵，一位想盡一已之責(zé)的老兵，而上帝也賜予光輝使他能看清這一項責(zé)任，而我現(xiàn)在結(jié)束了軍旅生涯，而逐漸凋謝。

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.演講全文：MacArthur: Farewell Address to Congress

Mr.president, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:

“Men since the beginning of time have

sought peace.Various methods through the

ages have been attempted to devise an

international process to prevent or settle

disputes between nations.From the very

start workable methods were found in so

far as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality of

larger international scope have never

been successful.Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path to

be by way of the crucible of war.The

utter destructiveness of war now blocks

out this alternative.We have had our last

chance.If we will not devise some

greater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door.The

problem basically is theological and

involves a spiritual recrudescence and

improvement of human character that will

synchronize with our almost matchless

advances in science, art, literature, and all

material and cultural developments of

the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit

if we are to save the flesh.”

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the pacific!”

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.

第五篇：丘吉爾在國會的演講

Winston Churchill 丘吉爾

“At four o’clock this morning, Hitler attacked and invaded Russia.All his usual formalities of perfidy were observed with scrupulous technique.A non-aggression treaty had been solemnly signed and was in force between the two countries.No complaint had been made by Germany of its non-fulfillment.Under its cloak of false confidence, the German armies drew up in immense strength along a line which stretched from the White Sea to the Black Sea.And their air fleets and armoured divisions, slowly and methodically.took up their stations.Then suddenly, without declaration of war, without even an ultimatum, the German bombs rained down from the sky upon the Russian cities.The German troops violated the Russian frontiers.And an hour later, the German ambassador, who ’til the night before was lavishing his assurances of friendship-almost of alliance-upon the Russians, called upon the Russian Foreign Minister to tell him that a state of war existed between Germany and Russia.Thus was repeated, on a far larger scale, the same kind of outrage against every form of signed compact and international faith which we had witnessed in Norway, in Denmark, in Holland, in Belgium.And which Hitler’s accomplice and jackal Mussolini, so faithfully imitated in the case of Greece.All this was no surprise to me.In fact, I gave clear and precise warnings to Stalin of Stalin of what was coming.I gave him warnings, as I have given warnings to others before.I can only hope that these warnings did not fall unheeded.All we know at present is that the Russian people are defending their native soil, and that their leaders have called upon them to resist to the utmost.”

…………….The Russian danger is therefore our danger and the danger of the United States.Just as the cause of any Russian fighting for his hearth and home is the cause of free men and free people in every quarter of the globe.Let us learn the lessons already taught by such cruel experience.Let us re-double our exertion and strike with united strength while life and power remain.”

注釋：

formalities：形式，手段，伎倆

perfidy：背信棄義，背叛

scrupulous：嚴(yán)格認(rèn)真的in force

有效，在有效期中。cloak：斗篷；偽裝

methodically：有條理地

ultimatum：最后通牒

violated：侵犯

ambassador：大使

lavish：慷慨地給予

alliance：聯(lián)盟，同盟

accomplice：同謀，幫兇 jackal：走狗，爪牙

unheeded：被忽視的utmost：最遠(yuǎn)的，極度的，最大的 hearth and home 家園

exertion：盡力，努力

中文對照：

今天凌晨4時，希特勒已進(jìn)攻并侵入俄國。他所有形式的狡詐與不忠都被極其審慎地記錄下來。德俄曾簽署了互不侵犯條約，并互相遵守著。德國在不履行條約之前也沒有過任何抱怨。在虛偽的諾言掩護(hù)下，德國糾集大量兵力，布置在從波羅地海到黑海的戰(zhàn)線上。他們的大機群、裝甲師也緩慢而又有序地進(jìn)入陣地。然后，突然間，沒有宣戰(zhàn)，甚至沒有最后通牒，德國的炸彈突然在俄國城市的上空雨點般地落下，德國軍隊已侵犯到俄國邊境。一小時后，德國大使拜見俄國外交部長，稱兩國已處于戰(zhàn)爭狀態(tài)。而正是這位大使，昨夜還在大放厥詞地向俄國人保證友誼和結(jié)盟。在很大程度上，這種不顧協(xié)約和國際信譽的暴行，是德軍在挪威、丹麥、荷蘭、比利時等國的暴行，以及希特勒的同黨及走狗墨索里尼在希臘對其行為忠實模仿的重演。對于這一切，我都沒有什么詫異。事實上，我曾清楚明確地警告過斯大林將要發(fā)生的事情。我提醒他，就像我提醒別的國家一樣。我只能期望這些警告沒有完全落空?，F(xiàn)在我們所知道的是俄國人民正在為保衛(wèi)祖國而戰(zhàn)，他們的領(lǐng)袖正在號召他們?nèi)Φ挚雇鈦砬致浴?/p>

……

因此，俄國的危險就是我們的危險，就是美國的危險；為保衛(wèi)家園而戰(zhàn)的俄國人民的事業(yè)，就是世界各地自由人民和自由民族的事業(yè)。

讓我們從如此殘酷的經(jīng)歷中吸取教訓(xùn)吧！趁生命和力量尚存之際，讓我們加倍努力，團結(jié)奮戰(zhàn)吧！