第一篇:里根總統(tǒng)演講稿
January 20, 1981
Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice president Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:
議員海特菲爾德先生、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾先生、議員貝克先生、發(fā)言人奧尼爾先生、尊敬的摩麥先生,以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們:
To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.今天對于我們中間的一些人來說,是一個非常莊嚴(yán)隆重的時刻。當(dāng)然,對于這個國家的歷史來說,卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求,政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交,我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀(jì),很少有人覺得這有什么特別的。但在世界上更多人看來,這個我們已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式,卻實在是一個奇跡。
Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統(tǒng)先生,我希望我們同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作,你向觀察者展示了這么一個事實:我們是發(fā)誓要團(tuán)結(jié)起來維護(hù)這樣一個政治體制的團(tuán)體,這樣的體制保證了我們能夠得到比其他政體更為廣泛的個人自由。同時我也要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助,因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承,而這恰恰是我們共和國的根基。
1The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹,它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策,打擊著節(jié)儉的風(fēng)氣,壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。
Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人,也因稅收制度的緣故而得不到公正的勞動報酬,因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就,使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。
But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重,但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來,我們的赤字額屢屢上升,我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時的方便,把自己的前途和子孫的前途抵押出去了。這一趨勢如果長此以往,必然引起社會、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)等方面的大動蕩。
You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個人,你們和我可以靠借貸過一種人不敷出的生活,然而只能維持一段有限的時期,我們怎么可以認(rèn)為,作為一個國家整體,我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢?為了保住明天,我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。
2/ ◆The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.◆They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.Government is the problem.我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟(jì)弊病,幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內(nèi)消失,但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失,是因為我們作為現(xiàn)在的美國人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。
在當(dāng)前這場危機(jī)中,政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。
From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else?
我們時常誤以為,社會已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜,已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理,而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明??墒?,假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己,那么,我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。
All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個責(zé)任,我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的,不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。
We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團(tuán)的談?wù)?,然而。我們必須關(guān)心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團(tuán)。這個集團(tuán)沒有區(qū)域之分,沒有人種之分,沒有民族之分,沒有 政黨之分,這個集團(tuán)由許許多多的男人與女人組成,他們生產(chǎn)糧食,巡邏街頭,管理廠礦,教育兒童,照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實業(yè)家、店主、職 員、出租汽車 司機(jī)和貨車駕駛員,總而言之,他們就是“我們?nèi)嗣瘛?-這個稱之為美國人的民族。
Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的日標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì),為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機(jī)會,讓美國重新工作起 來,意味著讓全體美國人重新工作起來。制止通貨膨脹,意味著讓全體美國人從失控的生活費用所造成的恐懼中解脫出來。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工 作,人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的碩果。我國制度和力量的核心是理想主義和公正態(tài)度,有了這些,我們就能建立起強(qiáng)大、繁榮、國內(nèi)穩(wěn)定并同全世界和平相處的美國。
So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.因此,在我們開始之際,讓我們看看實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟,我們的政府 除了人民授予的權(quán)力,沒有任何別的權(quán)力。目前,政府權(quán)力的膨脹已顯示出超過被統(tǒng)治者同意的跡象,制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)這種狀況的時候到了。
It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.我打算壓縮聯(lián)邦機(jī)構(gòu)的規(guī)模和權(quán)力,并要求大家承認(rèn)聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。我們大家都需要提醒:不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng)立了各州,而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。因此,請不要誤會,我的意思不是要取消政府,而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作,而不是凌駕于我們之上;同我們并肩 而立,而不是騎在我們的背上。政府能夠而且必須提供機(jī)會,而不是扼殺機(jī)會,它能夠而且必須促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力,而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。
If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.如果我們要探究這么多年來我們?yōu)槭裁茨苋〉眠@么大成就,并獲得了世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛,其原因是在這片土地上,我們使人類的能力和個 人的才智得到了前所未有的發(fā)揮。在這里,個人所享有并得以確保的自由和尊嚴(yán)超過了世界上任何其他地方。為這種自由所付出的代價有時相當(dāng)高昂,但我們從來沒有不愿意付出這代價。
It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.我們目前的困難,與政府機(jī)構(gòu)因為不必要的過度膨脹而干預(yù)、侵?jǐn)_我們的生活同步增加,這決不是偶然的巧合。
我們是一個泱泱大國,不能自囿于小小的夢想,現(xiàn)在正是認(rèn)識到這一點的時候。我們并非注定走向衰落,盡管有些人想讓我們相信這一點。我不相信,無論我們做些什么,我們都將命該如此,但我相信,如果我們 什么也不做,我們將的確命該如此。
為此,讓我們以掌握的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個國家復(fù)興的時代吧。讓我們重新拿出決心、勇氣和力量,讓我們重新建立起我們的信念和希望吧。
We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.我們完全有權(quán)去做英雄夢。那些評論我們現(xiàn)在是一個沒有英雄的時代的,他們只不過沒有仔細(xì)看??窗桑∶恳惶爝M(jìn)出工廠大門的工人,辛勤耕作為我們提供食物的農(nóng)民們,站在柜臺后的服務(wù)生們;盡心盡業(yè)打拼為社會創(chuàng)造財富,提供就業(yè)機(jī)會的企業(yè)家們。交納賦稅,以維持國家運作的公民們。所有支持慈善事業(yè),教會,文化及教育的人們,他們的舉動是無聲的,但愛國心卻是不言自明的。他們的價值造就了我們的國家。
I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我剛才用了“他們”這個人稱來形容這些英雄們,其實我也可以用”你們”這個人稱。在這個上帝眷顧的國家,你們的夢想,你們的希望,你們的追求就是這個國家存在的理由。
We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?
Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們的天性包含了同情。倘若我們熱愛這個國家,怎么會不熱愛自己的同胞們。當(dāng)他們挫折時,扶他們一把,當(dāng)他們生病時,給予關(guān)照。對于弱者,給予體面的幫助,使其自立.我們是否戰(zhàn)能勝現(xiàn)在擺在面前的問題?我說,回答是毫不含糊的“能!”
In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在未來的日子里,我們要掃清經(jīng)濟(jì)停滯和工業(yè)發(fā)展的路障,政府的各項政策要平衡。我們要一步步塌實緩慢的前進(jìn)。該是喚醒這個工業(yè)巨人的時候了,削減沉重的賦稅,讓政府回歸理性。這是我們原則,沒有妥協(xié)的余地。
On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”
Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.在國家立國的前夕,我們的建國先賢之一,馬塞諸薩州州長約瑟夫*沃倫對他的同胞們說“我們的國家正在危險之中,但我們絲毫不需絕望--------美國的前途就在我們手中。這個無限自由的幸福的國度即將誕生,讓我們行動吧!”
我相信,同胞們,今天,為了我們孩子的孩子的自由和幸福,我們一定也準(zhǔn)備好了,讓我們行動吧!
And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.我們慶祝重振美國的此時,全世界的人們都在關(guān)注著,我們依舊是那些尚未獲得自由的人民心中的自由燈塔!
對于我們的鄰居,自由世界的同盟們,我們將進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)聯(lián)絡(luò),保證我們承擔(dān)的義務(wù)。我們將以心換心,但我們決不會干涉你們的主權(quán),希望你們也不會干涉我們。
As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對于自由世界的敵人,我們潛在的對手。我們要使其明白,和平是美國人最高愿望。我們可以與你們談判,妥協(xié),但我們決不會屈服,永遠(yuǎn)不會。
請你們不要誤會我們的忍耐,我們努力避免沖突但絕不代表我們的屈服。當(dāng)我們的國家安全受到威脅,我們會采取行動。我們將保持擁有壓倒性對手的武力,因為我們知道,只有擁有了足夠的武力,才能確保我們不會使用這些武力。
Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.首先,我們必須認(rèn)識到世界上沒有任何武器能比自由人民的道義和勇氣更強(qiáng)大。這恰恰是我們,美國人民所具備的,而我們的對手沒有的武器。這一點,所有支持恐怖主義和覬覦弱小國家的都要明白。
I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.我聽說今天各地舉行了數(shù)以萬計的禱告會,我衷心的感到欣慰。我們是上帝統(tǒng)治的國度,上帝給了我們自由。如果以后每一屆的就職日都能成為禱告日,那是很好的事情。
This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.大家都知道,這是歷史上第一次在白宮西走廊舉行的就職典禮。在這里,我們能看到整個首都的風(fēng)貌。而在這廣場另一端就是我們先賢們的圣壇。我的正前方就是喬治*華盛頓紀(jì)念碑,我們偉大的國父。是他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了獨立革命戰(zhàn)爭的勝利,并創(chuàng)建了這個國家。在其旁邊則是另一位偉大的先賢,托馬斯*杰弗遜,--獨立宣言>的作者。而在水池的盡頭,是雄偉的林肯紀(jì)念堂。從林肯的一生你能體會出什么是美國的精神。
Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.在這些古跡旁是緩緩流淌的波托馬可河,而岸邊的斜斜的山坡正是我們的阿靈頓公墓。這些小小的十字架,六芒星下的墓志銘,述說著我們贏取自由而付出的代價。
每一個墓志銘都是我剛才說的英雄的事跡。這些英雄的生命倒在貝洛森林,阿爾貢丘陵,奧馬哈海灘,薩勒諾,半個地球外的瓜島,塔拉瓦島,上甘嶺,長津湖,以及遍地是稻田叢林的叫越南的地方。
Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”
在這些墓碑中,有一個叫Martin Treptow的年輕人,他在1917年辭掉了小鎮(zhèn)的理發(fā)店工作,跟隨著名的“彩虹師"去了法國,在西線,他在為營長傳遞命令時,被重炮擊中犧牲.后來,在他的尸體上我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了一本日記。在扉頁上,他寫到”我發(fā)誓,美國必須贏的這場戰(zhàn)爭,所以,我會奮斗,我會拯救,我會犧牲,我會忍受,我會勇奮戰(zhàn)斗,就好比所有掙扎都將由我一個人來肩負(fù)?!?/p>
The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.今天我們面臨的危機(jī)并不要求我們像 Martin Treptow作出如此的犧牲。但我們也要竭盡全力,有所作為。擁有上帝的協(xié)助,我們能度過危機(jī)。
最后,我們有什么理由不相信呢?記??!我們是美國人。上帝保佑你們,謝謝你們。
第二篇:里根總統(tǒng)演講中英文
里根總統(tǒng)就職演講稿完整中文翻譯版
里根總統(tǒng)是個非常擅長演講的人,他的演講從頭至尾一氣呵成.他不看講稿,完全是即席演講。他的語速和聲音的節(jié)奏控制得非常好,聽他的演講本身就是在欣賞一場偉大的演出。
Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.尊敬的海特菲爾德議員、法官先生、總統(tǒng)先生、副總統(tǒng)布什、蒙代爾、貝克議員、發(fā)言人奧尼爾、摩麥以及廣大支持我的美國同胞們:今天對于我們中間的一些人來說,是一個非常莊嚴(yán)隆重的時刻。對于這個國家的歷史卻是一件普通的事情。按照憲法要求,政府權(quán)利正在有序地移交,我們已經(jīng)如此“例行公事”了兩個世紀(jì),很少有人覺得這有什么特別。但在世界上更多人看來,我們這個已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常的四年一次的儀式卻是一個奇跡。
Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.總統(tǒng)先生,我希望我們的同胞們都能知道你為了這個傳承而付出的努力。通過移交程序中的通力合作,展示了這樣一個事實:我們是一個團(tuán)結(jié)一致的民族,這個民族決心捍衛(wèi)一種比任何其他體制更能充分保證個人民主自由的政治制度。我要感謝你和你的伙伴們的幫助,因為你們堅持了這樣的傳承,這種傳承的連續(xù)性恰是我們共和國的支柱。
The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我們國家的事業(yè)在繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。合眾國正面臨巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)困難。我們遭遇到我國歷史上歷時最長、最嚴(yán)重之一的通貨膨脹,它擾亂著我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)決策,使儲蓄的人反而受到懲罰,壓迫著正在掙扎謀生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威脅著要摧毀我國千百萬人民的生計。
Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滯的工業(yè)使工人失業(yè)、蒙受痛苦并失去了個人尊嚴(yán)。即使那些有工作的人,也因沉重的稅負(fù)而得不到公正的勞動報酬,因為這種稅收制度使我們無法在事業(yè)上取得成就,使我們無法保持充分的生產(chǎn)力。
But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.盡管我們的納稅負(fù)擔(dān)相當(dāng)沉重,但還是跟不上公共開支的增長。數(shù)十年來,我們的赤字額屢屢上升,我們?yōu)閳D目前暫時的方便,已把自己和子孫的前途都抵押出去。這一趨勢如果長此以往,必然引起社會、文化、政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)等方面的大動蕩。
You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding——we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作為個人,你們和我可以靠借貸過一種入不敷出的生活,然而只能維持一段有限的時期,我們怎么可以認(rèn)為,作為一個國家整體,我們就不應(yīng)受到同樣的約束呢?為了明天,我們今天就必須行動起來。大家都要明白無誤地懂得--我們從今天起就要采取行動。
The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.我們深受其害的經(jīng)濟(jì)弊病,幾十年來一直襲擊著我們。這些弊病不會在幾天、幾星期或幾個月內(nèi)消失,但它們終將消失。它們之所以終將消失,是因為我們作為現(xiàn)在的美國人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存這個最后而又最偉大的自由堡壘。
In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.在當(dāng)前這場危機(jī)中,政府的管理不能解決我們面臨的問題。政府的管理就是問題所在。
From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我們時常誤以為,社會已經(jīng)越來越復(fù)雜,已經(jīng)不可能憑借自治方式加以管理,而一個由杰出人物組成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明??墒?,假如我們之中誰也管理不了自己,那么,我們之中誰還能去管理他人呢。我們大家--不論政府官員還是平民百姓--必須共同肩負(fù)起這個責(zé)任,我們謀求的解決辦法必須是公平的,不要使任何一個群體付出較高的代價。
We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick——professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我們聽到許多關(guān)于特殊利益集團(tuán)的談?wù)摚欢?。我們必須關(guān)心一個被忽視了大久的特殊利益集團(tuán)。這個集團(tuán)沒有區(qū)域之分,沒有人種之分,沒有民族之分,沒有政黨之分,這個集團(tuán)由許許多多的男人與女人組成,他們生產(chǎn)糧食,巡邏街頭,管理廠礦,教育兒童,照料家務(wù)和治療疾病。他們是專業(yè)人員、實業(yè)家、店主、職員、出租汽車司機(jī)和貨車駕駛員,總而言之,他們就是“我們的人民”—就是美國人民。
Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本屆政府的目標(biāo)是必須建立一種健全的、生氣勃勃的和日益發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì),為全體美國人民提供一種不因偏執(zhí)或歧視而造成障礙的均等機(jī)會。使美國復(fù)興,意味著使全體美國人都有工作;制止通貨膨脹,意味著使全體美國人免除對勢如脫韁之馬的生活費用的恐懼。人人都應(yīng)分擔(dān)“新開端”的富有成效的工作,人人都應(yīng)分享經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的碩果。我們力量的核心是理想主義和公正對待的精神,有了這些,我們就能建立一個強(qiáng)大繁榮的美國,在國內(nèi)和全世界都相安無事。
So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government——not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.在我們向復(fù)興美國開始邁步之際,先讓我們看看我們的實際情況。我們是一個擁有政府的國家--而不是一個擁有國家的政府。這一點使我們在世界合國中獨樹一幟,我們的政府除了人民授予的權(quán)力,沒有任何別的權(quán)力。現(xiàn)在是制止并扭轉(zhuǎn)政府機(jī)構(gòu)和權(quán)力膨脹的時候了,因為種種跡象表明,這種膨脹已超過人民的意愿。
It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.我想要做的是限制聯(lián)邦政府的規(guī)模和權(quán)力,并要求大家承認(rèn)聯(lián)邦政府被授予的權(quán)力同各州或人民保留的權(quán)利這兩者之間的區(qū)別。必須提醒我們大家注意:不是聯(lián)邦政府創(chuàng)立了各州,而是各州創(chuàng)立了聯(lián)邦政府。
Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此,請不要誤解,我不是要取消政府,而是要它發(fā)揮作用--同我們一起合作,而不是凌駕于我們之上;同我們并肩而立,而不是騎在我們的身上。政府能夠而且必須提供而不是扼殺機(jī)會,能夠而且必須促進(jìn)而不是抑制生產(chǎn)力。
If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.多年來我們能取得巨大成就,獲得世界上任何一個民族未曾獲得的繁榮昌盛的原因是在這片土地上我們比以往任何時候都最大程度地發(fā)揮人的潛能和個人的天才;這里比任何其他任何地方更容易得到、更可以保證個人的自由和尊嚴(yán)。得到這種自由所付出的代價有時相當(dāng)昂貴,但我們從沒不愿意付出這種代價。
It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.我們目前困難的制造者是政府不必要和過度膨脹對我們生活的干預(yù)和侵?jǐn)_,這不是偶然的巧合。我們應(yīng)該真正認(rèn)識到我們是一個偉大的國家,不能自囿于小小的夢想,我們不像有些人要我們相信的那樣注定要不可避免地衰落,我不相信我們命該如此,無論我們做什么都不能改變那些人描繪的宿命,但我相信,如果我們什么也不做,我們將的確命該如此。為此,讓我們以我們擁有的一切創(chuàng)造力來開創(chuàng)一個國家復(fù)興的時代吧。讓我們重新下定決心,拿出我們的勇氣和力量,讓我們重新滿懷信心和希望,我們完全有權(quán)利塑造崇高的理想。
Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter——and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.當(dāng)下那些不知道去哪發(fā)現(xiàn)英雄的人說我們正身處于一個沒有英雄的時代。你們可以看到每天進(jìn)出于工廠大門的英雄們;另外一些英雄人數(shù)雖少,但生產(chǎn)的糧食卻足夠養(yǎng)活我們大家和世界其他地區(qū)的人民;你們會在柜臺前遇到英雄--在柜臺的內(nèi)外遇到英雄們,其中的一些人是對自己抱有信心的、有理想的企業(yè)家,他們創(chuàng)造新的職業(yè)、新的財富和機(jī)會,政府的維持就是靠這樣一些個人和家族繳納的捐稅,教會、慈善事業(yè)、文化、藝術(shù)和教育事業(yè)也是靠他們的自愿捐獻(xiàn)來維持的。他們的愛國主義精神含而不露,但卻是強(qiáng)烈的,他們創(chuàng)造的價值支撐著我們的國民生活。
I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak——you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我在說到這些英雄時,用了“他們”和“他們的”這兩個字眼,但也可以說“你們”、“你們的”。因為我現(xiàn)在正給我提及的英雄們講話--就是你們,這個上帝降福的國土上的公民們。你們的理想、希望、目標(biāo)將是本屆政府的理想、希望、目標(biāo),愿上帝保佑我做到這一點。
We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?
我們將體現(xiàn)出在你們的稟性中占很大成分的同情心。怎么能愛我們的國家而不愛我們的同胞呢?我們要愛他們,在他們摔倒時伸出手去扶住他們,在他們患病時給他們治愈,并提供機(jī)會使他們自給自足,使他們獲得實在而不是口頭上的平等。
Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我們能解決擺在我們面前的這些問題嗎?回答是毫不含糊和斷然的兩個字“能夠”,借用溫斯頓丘吉爾的話說,我剛才宣誓并不是想要在我的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下使這個世界最強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)瓦解。
In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow——measured in inches and feet, not miles——but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在今后的一段時間,我將建議消除一些使得我們經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展緩慢和生產(chǎn)力下降的障礙,將要采取一些旨在恢復(fù)各級政府之間保持平衡的步驟,進(jìn)展也許是緩慢的,用英寸和英尺而不是用英里來衡量,但我們會前進(jìn)。現(xiàn)在應(yīng)當(dāng)是喚醒這個工業(yè)巨人的時候,使政府能夠重新量入為出,減輕我們懲罰性的賦稅負(fù)擔(dān),這將是我們首要的任務(wù),在這些原則上絕不會妥協(xié)。
On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of…… On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”
在我國為獨立而斗爭的前夕,有一個人曾對他的美國同胞說:“我們現(xiàn)在處于危險之中,但并沒有絕望…美國的命運取決與你們。關(guān)系到尚未出生的千百萬人的幸福和自由的一個重要問題是由你們來決定,你們的行動要無愧與你自己。”這個人就是馬薩諸塞議會主席約瑟夫沃倫博士,如果他當(dāng)初沒有在邦克山犧牲,他也許成為我國建國的先人中最偉大的任務(wù)之一。
Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.我相信,我們當(dāng)代美國人已做好無愧于我們自己行動的準(zhǔn)備,做好為確保我們自己、孩子和子孫后代的幸福和自由必須進(jìn)行工作的準(zhǔn)備。
And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.當(dāng)我們在這塊土地上時代相傳時,全世界將看到,我們所具有的力量更加強(qiáng)大,我們將再度成為自由的典范,成為現(xiàn)在還沒有獲得自由的那些人的希望之光。
To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.對于與我們懷有同樣自由理想的那些鄰國和盟國,我們將加強(qiáng)我們之間傳統(tǒng)性的溝通,保證對他們予以支持,對他們履行應(yīng)盡的義務(wù),忠誠地報答他們的忠誠,努力爭取建立互利的關(guān)系,決不利用這種友誼去影響他們的主權(quán),因為我們自己的主權(quán)也是不能出賣的。
As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded thatpeace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it——now or ever.對于那些自由的敵人和潛在的對手,我們要提醒他們,和平是美國人民的最高愿望。我們將為和平而談判,為和平而犧牲,但我們絕不為和平而投降,現(xiàn)在不會,將來也永遠(yuǎn)不會。
Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not bemisjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.對我們的忍讓絕不應(yīng)誤解。不要把我們對沖突采取的克制態(tài)度誤認(rèn)為是意志不堅強(qiáng)。一旦需要采取行動保衛(wèi)我們國家的安全,我們就采取行動。我們將保持足以在必要時取勝的力量,這樣我們才最有可能不必動用這種力量。
Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.所以,我們必須認(rèn)識到,世界各地軍火庫中的任何武器沒有自由人們的意志和維護(hù)道義的勇氣強(qiáng)大,這是當(dāng)今世界上我們美國獨有而我們對手所沒有的武器。要讓那些采取恐怖行動和掠奪自己鄰國的人懂得這一點。
I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.當(dāng)?shù)弥裉炫e行的祈禱會成千上萬時,我深為感激。我們是上帝保佑的國家,我們相信,上帝希望我們得到自由。如果每次就職典禮日都能成為祈禱日,那是恰如其逢的好事。
This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.就職儀式在國會大廈西門舉行是美國歷史的第一次。站在這里,宏偉壯麗的景色盡收眼底,可以看到華盛頓這座城市獨特的美麗和歷史。在這條寬闊林蔭大道盡頭矗立著我國歷史偉大的紀(jì)念物。
Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.在我的正前方是一位不朽人物的紀(jì)念碑,他就是我們的國父喬治華盛頓。他稟性謙恭,處于時勢所迫才做出偉大業(yè)績,領(lǐng)導(dǎo)美國取得革命勝利,建立一個新國家。稍偏一點是莊嚴(yán)雄偉的托馬斯杰斐遜紀(jì)念堂,獨立宣言閃耀著他的雄辯才華。
And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.在映影池的那一邊,矗立著由大圓柱組成的莊嚴(yán)肅穆的林肯紀(jì)念堂,任何想徹底了解美國真諦的人都會在亞伯拉罕林肯的一生中得到答案。
Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.過了這些英雄紀(jì)念物就是波托馬克河,河對岸就是阿靈頓國家公墓,坡地上排者一行行刻著十字架和大衛(wèi)王之星的樸實無華的白色墓碑,他們僅僅是為了我們的自由所付出的代價的縮影。
Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.這里的每一個墓碑都是對我所提及的那些英雄的紀(jì)念。他們在一些叫貝魯伍德、阿爾貢、奧馬哈灘、薩萊諾的地方,在相隔半個地球之遙的瓜達(dá)卡鈉爾、塔拉瓦、獨排山、長津水岸和一個叫越南--有著許許多多稻田和叢林的地方獻(xiàn)出了他們的生命。
Under one such marker lies a young man——Martin Treptow——who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.在這里的一塊墓碑下躺著一位名叫馬丁托雷普托的年輕人,他于1917年離開一座小鎮(zhèn)的理發(fā)館,隨同著名的彩虹師來到法國。在那里的西部戰(zhàn)場上,他在猛烈的炮火中為自己的部隊傳遞信息時犧牲了。
We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.” 有人告訴我們在他的身上發(fā)現(xiàn)一本日記。扉頁上寫著這樣的標(biāo)題:“我的誓言”。他寫下了這樣的話語:“美國必須贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭。為此,我會奮斗,我會拯救,我會犧牲,我會忍受,我會并將盡我最大的努力英勇奮戰(zhàn),就好比所有的戰(zhàn)爭問題都將由我一個人來肩負(fù)?!?/p>
The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.我們今天面臨的危機(jī)并不是要求我們作出像馬丁托雷普托和其他數(shù)以千計人那樣的犧牲,然而,它確實要求我們作出最大的努力去工作,要求我們愿意相信自己,相信我們有能力干出偉大的事業(yè):團(tuán)結(jié)一致,在上帝的幫助下,能夠并且一定會解決我們面臨的種種問題。
And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.我們?yōu)槭裁床粦?yīng)該相信這一點呢?畢竟我們是美國人。愿上帝祝福你們。
Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:總統(tǒng) 副總統(tǒng)先生,議長先生,各位兩院議員:
Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.昨天,1941年12月7日――這一天將成為我們的國恥日――美利堅合眾國遭到日本帝國的蓄謀已久的海、空突襲。The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.美國曾與該國和平相處,應(yīng)該國之邀,還在與該國政府和天皇進(jìn)行談判,謀求維護(hù)太平洋區(qū)域和平。
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.事實上,在日本航空隊開始轟炸美國的瓦湖島一小時后,日本駐美大使及其同僚向我國務(wù)卿提交了對我國最近照會的正式答復(fù),其內(nèi)容是繼續(xù)正在進(jìn)行的外交談判似乎已無意義,沒有任何戰(zhàn)爭或武裝攻擊的威脅或暗示。
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.我們要牢記夏威夷到日本的距離清楚地表明,這次襲擊只能是幾天甚至是幾周前蓄意策劃的。在這期間,日本政府蓄意謀求用維護(hù)和平的善意的虛假消息來欺騙美國。
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.昨天對夏威夷群島的攻擊給美國海軍和陸軍造成了嚴(yán)重?fù)p失。我很遺憾地告訴你們很多美國人喪生。此外,美國船只在舊金山與火努魯魯之間的公海遭魚雷攻擊。
Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.昨天夜間,日本政府發(fā)動了對馬來亞的進(jìn)攻。Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.昨天夜間,日軍攻擊了香港。
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.昨天夜間,日軍攻擊了關(guān)島。
Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.昨天夜間,日軍攻擊了菲律賓群島。Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.昨天夜間,日軍攻擊了威克島。
And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.今天上午,日軍攻擊了中途島。
Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.因此,日本已經(jīng)實施了對太平洋區(qū)域的突襲。昨天和今天的事實已經(jīng)不言而喻了。美國人民已下定決心,并且深知這對國家安全和每個人意味著什么。
As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.作為美國海陸軍總司令,我已下令不惜一切保衛(wèi)國家。但是我們?nèi)珖家烙涍@次偷襲的性質(zhì)。
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.不管用多長時間,我們終將戰(zhàn)勝這次有預(yù)謀的侵略,美國人用他們的正義力量必將徹底勝利。
I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.我相信我代表了國會和人民的意志,我宣布我們不僅要盡全力保衛(wèi)自己,還要確保這樣的背信棄義決不會再次發(fā)生。Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.面對敵意,我們不能閃爍其詞,因為我們的人民、國土和利益都在最危險之中。
With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.有對軍隊的信心,有人民的不屈決心,我們必勝!上帝保佑!I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.因為周日,1941年12月7日,日本對我國的無故的欺軟怕硬的偷襲,我懇請國會宣布美國和日本帝國進(jìn)入戰(zhàn)爭狀態(tài)。
第三篇:里根總統(tǒng)的離職演說
Ronald Reagan: Farewell Address to the Nation My fellow Americans:
This is the 34th time I'll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last.We've been together 8 years now,and soon it'll be time for me to go.But before I do,I wanted to share some thoughts,some of which I've been saving for a long time.It's been the honor of my life to be your President.So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks,but I could say as much to you.Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve.One of the things about the Presidency is that you're always somewhat apart.You spent a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving,and seeing the people through tinted glass —— the parents holding up a child,and the wave you saw too late and couldn't return.And so many times I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass,and connect.Well,maybe I can do a little of that tonight.People ask how I feel about leaving.And the fact is,“parting is such sweet sorrow.” The sweet part is California and the ranch and freedom.The sorrow —— the goodbyes,of course,and leaving this beautiful place.You know,down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the President and his family live.There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning.The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument,and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low,you can see past the Jefferson to the river,the Potomac,and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things: the grass on the banks,the morning traffic as people make their way to work,now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past ,then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low,you can see past the
Jefferson to the river,the Potomac,and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things: the grass on the banks,the morning traffic as people make their way to work,now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past 8 years have meant and mean.And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one —— a small story about a big ship,and a refugee,and a sailor.It was back in the early eighties,at the height of the boat people.And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway,which was patrolling the South China Sea.The sailor,like most American servicemen,was young,smart,and fiercely observant.The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat.And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America.The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety.As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas,one spied the sailor on deck,and stood up,and called out to him.He yelled,“Hello,American sailor.Hello,freedom man.”
A small moment with a big meaning,a moment the sailor,who wrote it in a letter,couldn't get out of his mind.And,when I saw it,neither could I.Because that's what it has to —— it was to be an American in the 1980's.We stood,again,for freedom.I know we always have,but in the past few years the world again —— and in a way,we ourselves —— rediscovered it.It's been quite a journey this decade,and we held together through some stormy seas.And at the end,together,we're reaching our destination.The fact is,from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits,from the recession of '81 to '82,to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day,we've made a difference.The way I see it,there were two great triumphs,two things that I'm proudest of.One is the economic recovery,in which the people of America created —— and filled —— 19
million new jobs.The other is the recovery of our morale.America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this.It was back in 1981,and I was attending my first big economic summit,which was held that year in Canada.The meeting place rotates among the member countries.The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations.Well I sat there like the new kid in school and listened,and it was all Francois this and Helmut that.They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis.Well,at one point I sort of leaned in and said,“My name's Ron.” Well,in that same year,we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback —— cut taxes and regulation,started to cut spending.And soon the recovery began..Two years later,another economic summit with pretty much the same cast.At the big opening meeting we all got together,and all of a sudden,just for a moment,I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me.And then one of them broke the silence.“Tell us about the American miracle,” he said.Well,back in 1980,when I was running for President,it was all so different.Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe.Our views on foreign affairs would cause war.Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soar and bring about economic collapse.I even remember one highly respected economist saying,back in 1982,that “The engines of economic growth have shut down here,and they're likely to stay that way for years to come.” Well,he and the other opinion leaders were wrong.The fact is what they call “radical” was really “right.” What they called “dangerous” was just “desperately needed.”
And in all of that time I won a nickname,“The Great Communicator.” But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference: it was the content.I wasn't a great communicator,but I communicated great things,and they didn't spring full bloom from my
brow,they came from the heart of a great nation —— from our experience,our wisdom,and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.They called it the “Reagan Revolution.” Well,I'll accept that,but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery,a rediscovery of our values and our common sense.Common sense told us that when you put a big tax on something,the people will produce less of it.So,we cut the people's tax rates,and the people produced more than ever before.The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger.Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history: real family income up,the poverty rate down,entrepreneurship booming,and an explosion in research and new technology.We're exporting more than ever because American industry became more competitive.And at the same time,we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at home.Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace,we'd have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion.So,we rebuilt our defenses,and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe.Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons —— and hope for even more progress is bright —— but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease.The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone.The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan.The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia,and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50,000 Cuban troops home from Angola.The lesson of all this was,of course,that because we're a great nation,our challenges seem complex.It will always be this way.But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves,the future will always be ours.And something else we learned: Once you begin a great movement,there's no telling where it'll end.We meant to change a nation,and instead,we changed a world.Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away from
the ideologies of the past.For them,the great rediscovery of the 1980's has been that,lo and behold,the moral way of government is the practical way of government: Democracy,the profoundly good,is also the profoundly productive.When you've got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday,you can sit back sometimes,review your life,and see it flowing before you.For me there was a fork in the river,and it was right in the middle of my life.I never meant to go into politics.It wasn't my intention when I was young.But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you.I was happy with my career in the entertainment world,but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious.Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government,and with three little words: “We the People.” “We the People” tell the government what to do; it doesn't tell us.“We the People” are the driver; the government is the car,and we decide where it should go,and by what route,and how fast.Almost all the world's constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are.Our Constitution is a document in which “We the People” tell the government what it is allowed to do.“We the People” are free.This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I've tried to do these past 8 years.But back in the 1960's,when I began,it seemed to me that we'd begun reversing the order of things —— that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes,the government was taking more of our money,more of our options,and more of our freedom.I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say,“Stop.” I was a citizen politician,and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do.I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping.And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited.There's a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics: “As government expands,liberty contracts.”
Nothing is less free than pure communism —— and yet we have,the past few years,forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union.I've been asked if this isn't a gamble,and my answer is no because we're basing our actions not on words but deeds.The detente of this 1970's was based not on actions but promises.They'd promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better.But the gulag was still the gulag,and the state was still expansionist,and they still waged proxy wars in Africa,Asia,and Latin America.Well,this time,so far,it's different.President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan.He has also freed prisoners whose names I've given him every time we've met.But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents.Once,during the heady days of the Moscow summit,Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Arbat Street —— that's a little street just off Moscow's main shopping area.Even though our visit was a surprise,every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands.We were just about swept away by the warmth.You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy.But within seconds,a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd.It was an interesting moment.It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace,the government is Communist.And those who run it are Communists,and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and human rights very differently.We must keep up our guard,but we must also continue to work together to lessen and eliminate tension and mistrust.My view is that President Gorbachev is different from previous Soviet leaders.I think he knows some of the things wrong with his society and is trying to fix them.We wish him well.And we'll continue to work to make sure that the Soviet Union that eventually emerges from this process is a less threatening one.What it all boils down to is this: I want the new closeness to continue.And it will,as long as we make it clear that we will continue to act in a certain way as long as they continue to act in a helpful manner.If and when they don't,at first pull your punches.If they persist,pull the plug.It's still trust but verify.It's
still play,but cut the cards.It's still watch closely.And don't be afraid to see what you see.I've been asked if I have any regrets.Well,I do.The deficit is one.I've been talking a great deal about that lately,but tonight isn't for arguments,and I'm going to hold my tongue.But an observation: I've had my share of victories in the Congress,but what few people noticed is that I never won anything you didn't win for me.They never saw my troops; they never saw Reagan's regiments,the American people.You won every battle with every call you made and letter you wrote demanding action.Well,action is still needed.If we're to finish the job,Reagan's regiments will have to become the Bush brigades.Soon he'll be the Chief,and he'll need you every bit as much as I did.Finally,there is a great tradition of warnings in Presidential farewells,and I've got one that's been on my mind for some time.But oddly enough it starts with one of the things I'm proudest of in the past 8 years: the resurgence of national pride that I called,“The New Patriotism.” This national feeling is good,but it won't count for much,and it won't last unless it's grounded in thoughtfulness and knowledge.An informed patriotism is what we want.And are we doing a good enough job teaching our children what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world? Those of us who are over 35 or so years of age grew up in a different America.We were taught,very directly,what it means to be an American.And we absorbed,almost in the air,a love of country and an appreciation of its institutions.If you didn't get these things from your family you got them from the neighborhood,from the father down the street who fought in Korea or the family who lost someone at Anzio.Or you could get a sense of patriotism from school.And if all else failed you could get a sense of patriotism from the popular culture.The movies celebrated democratic values and implicitly reinforced the idea that America was special.TV was like that,too,through the mid-sixties.But now,we're about to enter the nineties,and some things have changed.Younger parents aren't sure that an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right thing to teach modern children.And as for those who create the popular culture,well-grounded patriotism is no longer the style.Our spirit is back,but we haven't reinstitutionalized it.We've got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom —— freedom of speech,freedom of religion,freedom of enterprise.And freedom is special and rare.It's fragile; it needs production [protection].So,we've got to teach history based not on what's in fashion but what's important —— why the Pilgrims came here,who Jimmy Doolittle was,and what those 30 seconds over Tokyo meant.You know,4 years ago on the 40th anniversary of D-day,I read a letter from a young woman writing to her late father,who had fought on Omaha Beach.Her name was Lisa Zanatta Henn,and she said,“we will always remember,we will never forget what the boys of Normandy did.” Well,let's help her keep her word.If we forget what we did,we won't know who we are.I'm warning of an eradication of that —— of the American memory that could result,ultimately,in an erosion of the American spirit.Let's start with some basics: more attention to American history and a greater emphasis on civic ritual.And let me offer lesson number one about America: All great change in America begins at the dinner table.So,tomorrow night in the kitchen I hope the talking begins.And children,if your parents haven't been teaching you what it means to be an American,let 'em know and nail 'em on it.That would be a very American thing to do.And that's about all I have to say tonight,except for one thing.The past few days when I've been at that window upstairs,I've thought a bit of the 'shining city upon a hill.' The phrase comes from John Winthrop,who wrote it to describe the America he imagined.What he
imagined was important because he was an early Pilgrim,an early freedom man.He journeyed here on what today we'd call a little wooden boat; and like the other Pilgrims,he was looking for a home that would be free.I've spoken of the shining city all my political life,but I don't know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it.But in my mind it was a tall,proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans,windswept,God-blessed,and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace; a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity.And if there had to be city walls,the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here.That's how I saw it,and see it still.And how stands the city on this winter night? More prosperous,more secure,and happier than it was 8 years ago.But more than that: After 200 years,two centuries,she still stands strong and true on the granite ridge,and her glow has held steady no matter what storm.And she's still a beacon,still a magnet for all who must have freedom,for all the pilgrims from all the lost places who are hurtling through the darkness,toward home.We've done our part.And as I walk off into the city streets,a final word to the men and women of the Reagan Revolution,the men and women across America who for 8 years did the work that brought America back.My friends: We did it.We weren't just marking time.We made a difference.We made the city stronger; we made the city freer; and we left her in good hands.All in all,not bad —— not bad at all.And so,goodbye,God bless you,and God bless the United States of America.
第四篇:總統(tǒng)演講分析--里根第二次就職演講分析
美國總統(tǒng)里根第二次就職演講分析
Shawn Cheng
摘 要:本文為美國總統(tǒng)里根的第二次就職演說,因為其屬于總統(tǒng)演講,所以有其特定的語篇模式,這是由西方的修辭思維與表達(dá)模式?jīng)Q定的。完美的英語演講不僅要求演講者英語流、而且要求演講語篇布局合理,突出西方的修辭思維與表達(dá)模式的特點。為了有效地用英語進(jìn)行演講,我們必須保證開頭段落的新穎與獨特吸引力,結(jié)尾段落做到呼應(yīng)和強(qiáng)調(diào),主體要點形成合理的布局,段落語句之間銜接自然流暢。本文試圖從語篇模式以及一些系統(tǒng)功能的角度對美國總統(tǒng)里根第二次就職演說進(jìn)行分析,以揭示演講文體的意義以及其語篇、語言的體現(xiàn)。
關(guān)鍵詞:總統(tǒng)演講;合理布局;語篇模式;
引言
隨著英語國際地位的提高與其影響力的與日俱增,英語演講也逐漸進(jìn)入到社會生活的方方面面。其作為一種獨特的語體,在世界各地經(jīng)久不衰,表現(xiàn)了頑強(qiáng)的生命力。演講作為一門藝術(shù),一種交際,一種傳播和教育手段在當(dāng)今社會仍發(fā)揮著巨大的作用。但國人用英語演講時往往受中國固定思維模式的影響,雖然英語講得漂亮很流利,語句也很通順,但所表達(dá)的意思往往不被西方人認(rèn)同和接受。其中一個原因就是國人在用英語表達(dá)和演講時沒有遵循英語演講語篇的模式,而是毫無邏輯地用中式思維模式表達(dá)自己的觀點。
一、英語演講語篇的基本模式及其概念
英語演講的語篇構(gòu)成有三大部分 :Introduction,Body,Conclusion。Introduction 的功能為吸引聽眾、引起關(guān)注、建立演講者的信譽、簡述演講主體中的要點。Body,即演講的主體部分。演講者可以根據(jù)演講的主題按不同的模式組織布局。如可以根據(jù)時間、空間順序可以遵循因果順序、問題和方式順序;亦可以將演講主題細(xì)分為幾個分點進(jìn)行闡述。演講 的主體部分將在第二部分詳述。同時,演講的結(jié)尾部分也應(yīng)當(dāng)是演講的高潮部分,演講者需要總結(jié)演講的主旨和意圖,并以一種使聽眾產(chǎn)生共鳴的方式來升華主題,并與 introduction相呼應(yīng),給聽眾一種心理上的統(tǒng)一感。本文所研究的就職演說的結(jié)尾,美國總統(tǒng)里根就具體化了美國之聲,展現(xiàn)給聽眾的形象就是它充滿希望,寬宏大量,富于理想;它勇敢無畏,正派莊重,公平持正。而且這一切都是上帝的恩賜、夢想與召喚,呼吁所有熱愛和平自由的美國公民把這一夢想傳給一個期待已久并且滿懷希望的世界等,將演講推向高潮。
二、語篇的內(nèi)容與意圖
在Lucas的演講與藝術(shù)中(2004 :113),英語演講根據(jù)演講的目的可分為三類:介紹性的演講(informative)、勸說性或勸誘性的演講(persuasive)、儀式性的演講(ceremonial)。介紹性的演講一般是客觀地對某一事件、過程、概念或物體進(jìn)行介紹。儀式性的演講則見于各種社交、外事場合,或介紹嘉賓、或頒獎致謝等。勸說性的演講較廣泛地應(yīng)用于各種場合。勸說的目的要求演講者遵循一定的思維模式。勸說性的演講根據(jù)勸說的內(nèi)容又可分為三類:事實性問題,價值性問題,政策性問題的勸說。從時間上考慮,就事實性問題的勸說演講是對已發(fā)生的現(xiàn)象予以事實的認(rèn)定或否定;價值性問題的勸說則是對現(xiàn)狀的評論;而政策性勸說演講則是對未來政策、方針、措施、計劃等的取舍討論。
在里根的就職演說中,三種演講類型有機(jī)且緊密地結(jié)合在了一起。首先是介紹性的語言,里根總統(tǒng)客觀地陳述了很多事件:第一任總統(tǒng)喬治·華盛頓把手放在《圣經(jīng)》上莊嚴(yán)地宣誓;美國與俄羅斯的關(guān)于核威脅的協(xié)議;近幾年稅收過多和通貨膨脹,以及失業(yè)現(xiàn)象的增多等等。然后是儀式性的語言,這個最為明顯,因為總統(tǒng)就職演講本身就屬于一種政治上的儀式。最后一種形式即本文中的勸說性的語言,因為其分為事實性問題,價值性問題,政策性問題,故將他們逐一分析。事實性問題:里根決定向國會遞交一份凍結(jié)明年政府項目開支的預(yù)算方案。并采取進(jìn)一步的措施,以便永久控制政府在稅收和開支方面的權(quán)力,達(dá)到減少國債和增強(qiáng)社會救濟(jì)事務(wù)效果的目的;價值性問題:里根在其就職演講中曾多次提及蘇聯(lián)問題,核武器問題。這是一種現(xiàn)狀,同時也是對未來的一種預(yù)測與估計,里根對此的回應(yīng)是政府正在積極采取措施應(yīng)對,研發(fā)安全防衛(wèi)措施,并寄予希望在兩國的和平建交與談判上;政策性問題:里根總統(tǒng)在本次演說中,提出了很多相關(guān)政策,方針,措施,計劃等,除了之前提到的與蘇聯(lián)的和平協(xié)議,控制政府的稅收和開支權(quán)利,還有國家民主權(quán)力的維護(hù),部分地區(qū)經(jīng)濟(jì)障礙的解決,減少國債和解放生產(chǎn)力提倡創(chuàng)業(yè)等等。里根總統(tǒng)所舉的都是當(dāng)時美國民眾所關(guān)心的問題,每一個問題他都一一提出了自己的計劃和目標(biāo),使聽眾們信服。
三、語篇的連結(jié)
在演講中除了有恰當(dāng)?shù)闹\篇布局之外,各段落和語句之間也必須有自然的銜接。英語的語篇注重形合手段的使用,在演講中尤其要選擇使用恰當(dāng)?shù)?、有效的銜接手段。Lucas在其所著的 “The Art of public Speaking”一書中,歸納總結(jié)了常用的關(guān)連詞語,主要有四類。(1)Transition承上啟下的詞語
例如 :But in another sense, our new beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant;its only power that which we the people allow it to have.本句中第一個短語即起到了承上啟下的作用。
I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezing government program spending for the next year.Beyond that, we must take further steps to permanently control Government's power to tax and spend.We must act now to protect future generations from Government's desire to spend its citizens' money and tax them into servitude when the bills come due.這段中的”Beyond that”起到了補(bǔ)充說明的作用。
(2)Internal preview段內(nèi)預(yù)示要點。
演講者在Introduction里或其他段落中的結(jié)尾部分以句子的形式向聽眾陳述下文將要討論的要點。
At the heart of our efforts is one idea vindicated by 25 straight months of economic growth: Freedom and incentives unleash the drive and entrepreneurial genius that is the core of human progress.We have begun to increase the rewards for work, savings, and investment;reduce the increase in the cost and size of government and its interference in people's lives.該段的最后一局所總結(jié)的,正是下文將要討論的政府稅收和人民處于通貨膨脹下的生活等問題。
(3)Internal Summary段內(nèi)總結(jié)
段內(nèi)總結(jié)常用于復(fù)雜的重點論述之后。例如,We have made progress in restoring our defense capability.But much remains to be done.There must be no wavering by us, nor any doubts by others, that America will meet her responsibilities to remain free, secure, and at peace.(4)Sing—post 路標(biāo)型詞語。
包括序數(shù)詞,first,second和next等,也包括起承上啟下作用的問句。此外,英語語篇中還有一種常用的承上啟下的模式“Summary+ introduction”。
例如Let us resolve that we the people will build an American opportunity society in which all of us—white and black, rich and poor, young and old—will go forward together arm in arm.Again, let us remember that though our heritage is one of blood lines from every corner of the Earth, we are all Americans pledged to carry on this last, best hope of man on Earth.這一段中,作者先提出了建設(shè)一個充滿機(jī)會的美國社會的向往,然后在逐一論述了每一個步驟。
It is the American sound.It is hopeful, big-hearted, idealistic, daring, decent, and fair.That's our heritage;that is our song.We sing it still.For all our problems, our differences, we are together as of old, as we raise our voices to the God who is the Author of this most tender music.And may He continue to hold us close as we fill the world with our sound—sound in unity, affection, and love—one people under God, dedicated to the dream of freedom that He has placed in the human heart, called upon now to pass that dream on to a waiting and hopeful world.這一段為就職演說的最后也是最精彩的一段,作者形象化了美國之聲,展現(xiàn)給聽眾的形象就是它充滿希望,寬宏大量,富于理想;它勇敢無畏,正派莊重,公平持正。接著演講者有說這既是美國人的遺產(chǎn),也是美國人的歌,并鼓勵大家團(tuán)結(jié)一致,互相友愛,讓整個世界都能聽到美國之音
四、言語的使用
本文在言語上使用了很多手法。言語功能是由語氣系統(tǒng)體現(xiàn)的.根據(jù)Eggins(1994 :153)的觀點,語氣系統(tǒng)中,用于體現(xiàn)陳述的是陳述語氣,體現(xiàn)命令的是祈使語氣,體現(xiàn)提問的是疑問語氣,而提供則由含有意態(tài)成分的疑問語氣體現(xiàn).根據(jù)以上言語功能理論,可以來分析“講話”的言語功能及其人際意義.“講話”涉及兩種言語功能,即陳述功能(給予信息)和命令功能(求取服務(wù)).一方面,演講者向聽眾提供某種信息,表明自己的態(tài)度和主張;另一方面,要求和呼吁聽眾采取行動,按照演講者的意圖去做事.里根通過這次演講,向美國民眾傳遞了很多信息,諸如美國與蘇聯(lián)的和平協(xié)議,控制政府的稅收和開支權(quán)利,還有國家民主權(quán)力的維護(hù),部分地區(qū)經(jīng)濟(jì)障礙的解決,減少國債和解放生產(chǎn)力提倡創(chuàng)業(yè)等等。隨即也聲明了其態(tài)度:政府正在積極采取措施應(yīng)對,研發(fā)安全防衛(wèi)措施,并寄予希望在兩國的和平建交與談判上。同時呼吁所有的民眾,一起維護(hù)自己的權(quán)利,建設(shè)美好的家園,讓美國之聲傳遍世界的每個角落。除此之外,我們同時也發(fā)現(xiàn)了本就職演說大量使用了以“名物化”形式出現(xiàn)的語法隱喻。例如:
revolutio(revolute)hesitation(hesitate)representation(representative)expansion(expand)reduction(reduce)encouragement(encourage)presence(present)elimination(eliminate)oppression(oppress)declaration(declare)determination(determinate)limitation(limit)negotiation(negotiate)interference(interfer)通過名物化,一致式中,在小句里發(fā)揮功能的由動詞表達(dá)的過程或者由形容詞表達(dá)的屬性,在隱喻式中轉(zhuǎn)化成由名詞表達(dá),這時名詞作為事件在詞組中發(fā)揮功能.Haliday(1994/ 2000 : 352)在分析科學(xué)語篇的名物化時發(fā)現(xiàn),名物化降低了原有的階、級,卻便于語篇的展開.名物化還具有囊括和濃縮的功能.它可以使意思在語篇中的表達(dá)符合正式文體關(guān)于客觀、嚴(yán)密、緊湊、合理、簡練等行文的要求.同時,名物化也是政治性演講體中的一個重要特征。
另外,通過用軟件ANTCONC的分析,我們得到了更具體的數(shù)據(jù)。如下2圖
根據(jù)這兩個表格,可以看出,本文一共有2583個字,字符類型為921個。排名第6,7的“our”“we”可以看出,演講者的語言對聽眾的號召呼吁較多,他的演講稿很有鼓動性。其中排名29,30位的“I”“MUST”可以看出,這里利用第一人稱語句較多,可以看出這篇演講的個人風(fēng)格很強(qiáng)硬,語勢很堅決。排名第18,19的“people”“world”可以看出,演講者很注重人民和世界的關(guān)系,具有大局觀。排名28“freedom”也是本文的關(guān)鍵詞之一,從這可以看出美國的立國之本以及他們對于自由的渴望和追求的思想形態(tài)意識。
五、結(jié)論
通過以上對語篇、語段、語句的分析可以看出,總統(tǒng)演講比日常英語會話、交際廣告用語等更加正式、嚴(yán)肅和莊重。從語言結(jié)構(gòu)和成份上看,句式上也更加復(fù)雜多變,語言上有更多的內(nèi)涵和深意。演講者通過運用各種語言形式和手段使演講更加生動,并使演講文體的意義以及其語篇、語言的特點得到完全的體現(xiàn)。
參考文獻(xiàn):
[1] Eggins, s.An introduction to functional systemic linguistics [M] London : Printer Publishers , 1994.[2] Halliday , M.A.K.An introduction to Functional Grammar[M].London : Edward Arnold / Beijing : Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press , 1994/ 2000.[3] Stephen E,Lucas.The Art of Public Speaking(5th)[M].Hill Compan ies Higher Education,2004.
[4] Halliday , M.A.K., and Hasan , R.Language , Context and Text : Aspects of Language in a Social2semiotic Perspective [M].Geelong , Vic : Deakin University Press/ Oxford : Oxford University Press , 1985/ 1989.[5]劉亞猛.追求象征的力量——關(guān)于西方修辭思想的思考[M].北京:生活·讀書-新知三聯(lián)書店,2004.
[6]揚霞華.英文寫作與修辭[M].合肥:安徽教育出版社,1992.
[7]胡曙中.英語語篇語言學(xué)研究[M].上海:上海外語教育出版社,2005.
第五篇:里根總統(tǒng)致辭“挑戰(zhàn)號”慘劇
1986年1月18日,“挑戰(zhàn)號”升空7秒鐘后爆炸,美國總統(tǒng)里根專門發(fā)表演說。
“挑戰(zhàn)號”飛船的機(jī)組人員為我們光榮地獻(xiàn)出自己的一生。我們永遠(yuǎn)緬懷他們,我們不會忘記今晨最后看到他們的情景。他們整裝待發(fā),向我們揮手致意,然后脫離了大地執(zhí)拗的束縛飛上天際,親近上帝慈愛的面容。
Ladies and Gentlemen, I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans.Today is a day for mourning and remembering.Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger.We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country.This is truly a national loss.Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground.But we've never lost an astronaut in flight.We've never had a tragedy like this.And perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle.But they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly.We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe.We mourn their loss as a nation together.For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy.But we feel the loss, and we're thinking about you so very much.Your loved ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, “Give me a challenge, and I'll meet it with joy.” They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths.They wished to serve, and they did.They served all of us.We've grown used to wonders in this century.It's hard to dazzle us.But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that.We've grown used to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that we've only just begun.We're still pioneers.They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's take-off.I know it's hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen.It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery.It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons.The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted;it belongs to the brave.The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we'll continue to follow them.I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program.And what happened today does nothing to diminish it.We don't hide our space program.We don't keep secrets and cover things up.We do it all up front and in public.That's the way freedom is, and we wouldn't change it for a minute.We'll continue our quest in space.There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space.Nothing ends here;our hopes and our journeys continue.I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA, or who worked on this mission and tell them: “Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us for decades.And we know of your anguish.We share it.”
There's a coincidence today.On this day three hundred and ninety years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama.In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said, “He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it.” Well, today, we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake's, complete.The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives.We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and “slipped the surly bonds of earth” to “touch the face of God.”
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