第一篇:研究生英語課后翻譯中英文對照(最終稿)
Unit1 1.“Business happens 24/7/365, which means that competition happens 24/7/365, as well,” says Haut.“One way that companies win is by getting ?there? faster, which means that you not only have to mobilize all of the functions that support a business to move quickly, but you have to know how to decide where ?there? is!This creates a requirement not only for people who can act quickly, but for those who can think fast with the courage to act on their convictions.This needs to run throughout an organization and is not exclusive to management.”(第一章 P29 第一段)
“一年365 天,一周7 天,一天24 小時,生意始終在進行,那意味著一年365 天,一周7 天,一天24 小時,競爭也同樣在進行,”豪特說,“公司取勝的方法之一就是要更快地到達‘目的地’!這就是說,你不僅要把所有能支持公司快速運轉(zhuǎn)的功能都調(diào)動起來,而且還得知道如何決定‘目的地’是哪里。這樣,不僅對那些行動快速的人們,也對那些思維敏捷,并有勇氣按自己的想法行事的人們都提出了要求。這需要全公司各部門的運作,而不僅僅是管理部門的工作。
2.Lastly, professional status encompasses adherence to ethical standards.Most lawyers find self worth in setting an example—both within the profession and within the larger society—as ethical actors.When management affirms the special respect due to lawyers who act with the utmost integrity and civility in all of their professional dealings, it provides yet another form of compensation.(第一章)
最后,職業(yè)地位包含對職業(yè)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的遵守。很多律師通過在行業(yè)內(nèi)外把自己塑造成一個具有良好職業(yè)道德的典范來找到自我價值。對那些在所有職業(yè)行為中都表現(xiàn)出極度正直和謙遜有禮的律師們來說,當(dāng)管理階層對他們理應(yīng)受到的特別尊重表示肯定時,便又獲得了另一種形式的精神報酬。
Unit2 3.The decline goes well beyond recent surveys that show growing complaints about mediocre quality and high prices—no small concern in a country where tourisme gastronomique earned 18 billion euros in 2002, a quarter of all tourist revenues.More and more restaurateurs say that government tax and economic policies are limiting their profits, and thereby hurting their capacity to invest and hire more staff.They have become ensnarred in the red tape for which France is infamous—not to mention edicts from Brussels that affect everything from sales taxes to the bacteria in the Brie.最近的調(diào)查顯示越來越多的人抱怨飯菜質(zhì)量平平,價格昂貴,而法國烹飪的衰落還不止于此。這在法國可不是個小問題,要知道2002年美食旅游為法國創(chuàng)收180 億歐元,占到全部旅游收入的1/4。越來越多的餐館老板反映政府的稅收和經(jīng)濟政策限制了他們的利潤,也就影響了他們投資和雇傭更多人手的能力。束縛他們手腳的是令法國不那么光彩的繁瑣拖拉的公事程序,更不要說那些來自歐盟的規(guī)定,從銷售稅到布里乳酪里含細(xì)菌的指標(biāo)統(tǒng)統(tǒng)都在嚴(yán)格的掌控之中。(第二章)
4.Zhejiang cuisine is light and exquisite, and is typical of food from along the lower Yangtze River.One famous dish is West Lake Vinegar Fish, which looks pretty and has the delicate refreshing flavors of nature.Many Chinese restaurants in China, as well as other parts of the world, serve this dish, but often the flavor is less authentic compared to that found in Hangzhou, capital of Zhejiang Province, which has unique access to the fish and water of West Lake.(第二章)
浙江菜口味清淡,精致玲瓏,是長江下游區(qū)域菜肴的代表。西湖醋魚是其中的一道名菜。這道菜鮮美,酥嫩,帶著自然的清香。中國乃至世界各地的中餐館大都能找得到這道菜,但口味往往不及在浙江杭州吃得那般純正。因為只有杭州擁有來自西湖的魚和水。
Unit3 5.Whatever the explanation, the idea of a work-life balance is a staple of European discourse, studied in think tanks, mulled over by policymakers.In the US, the term, when it?s used at all, is said with the sort of sneer reserved for those who eat quiche.But it might still catch on.When Bill Keller was named executive editor of the New York Times last week, he encouraged the staff to do “a little more savoring” of life, spending time with their families or viewing art.(第三章)
不管如何解釋,工作與生活的平衡總是歐洲人的主要談資,同時也是智囊團和政策制定者研究和考慮的主題。在美國,人們使用這個說法時總是帶著幾分針對那些吃蛋奶火腿餡餅的有閑人士才會表現(xiàn)出來的冷嘲熱諷的態(tài)度。但是,它可能還是會流行起來的。時任《紐約時報》執(zhí)行主編的比爾?凱勒曾鼓勵員工們要給生活增加一些色彩,多陪陪家人或去欣賞藝術(shù)。
6.P.L.Trav ers, the author of the Mary Poppins books, put it best when she wrote, “You do not chop off a section of your imaginative substance and make a book specifically for children, for— if you are honest—you have, in fact, no idea where childhood ends and maturity begins.It is all endless and all one.” There is plenty for children and adults to enjoy in Rowling?s books, starting with their language.Her prose may be unadorned, but her way with naming people and things reveals a quirky and original talent.(第三章)
《歡樂滿人間》的作者帕梅拉·林登·特拉弗斯概括得精辟之極。她寫到,“你不能把你想象的東西砍掉一部分然后寫成一本專給孩子看的書,坦白地說,因為事實上你根本無從知道童年究竟是什么時候結(jié)束的而成人期又是什么時候開始的。它們互相連接、渾然一體?!痹诹_琳的書中,從語言開始,就有足夠多的讓大人和孩子都喜歡的東西。也許她的文風(fēng)樸實,但是她給人和物命名的方式顯示了獨特的原創(chuàng)才能。
Unit4 7.7.Much research shows that the quality of care infants receice affects how they later get along with friends,how well they do in school,how they react to new and possibly stressful situations,and how they form and maintain loving relationships as adults.It is for these reasons that people?s early intimate relationships within their family of origin are so critical.Children who are raised in impersonal environments(orphanages,some foster homes,or unloving families)show emotional and social underdevelopment,language and motor skills retardation,and mental health problems.很多研究發(fā)現(xiàn)嬰兒獲得關(guān)愛的質(zhì)量會影響到他們以后的交友,在學(xué)校的表現(xiàn),如何應(yīng)對陌生的或可能充滿壓力的情況,以及他們成年后如何建立并且維系情感連系。正是因為這些原因,人們與家庭成員的早期親密關(guān)系才如此至關(guān)重要。在人情冷漠的環(huán)境中(如孤兒院,某些寄養(yǎng)家庭,或缺乏關(guān)愛的家庭)長大的孩子會出現(xiàn)情感和社會性發(fā)育不良,語言和運動技能遲緩,以及精神健康問題。(第四章 P119 第一段)
8.What attracts individuals to each other in the first place?Many people believe that “there?s one person out there that one is meant for” and that destiny will bring them
together.Such beliefs are romantic but unrealistic.Empirical studies show that cultural norms and values,not fate,bring people together.We will never meet millions of potential lovers because they are”filtered out”by formal or informal rules on partner eligibility due to factors such as age,race,distance,social class,religion,sexual orientation,health,or physical appearance.一開始讓人相互吸引的是什么?許多人相信“世上有一個人是你為之而生的”,而且命運會將你倆帶到一起。這樣的想法很浪漫卻不現(xiàn)實。實證研究發(fā)現(xiàn),是文化標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和價值觀而非命運,將人們連系在一起。我們錯過了成千上萬的可能的愛人,因為他們早就被正式的或非正式的挑選理想愛人的準(zhǔn)則篩選出局,這些準(zhǔn)則包括年齡、種族、地域、社會階層、宗教、性傾向、健康狀況或外表。(第四章 P119 第2段)
Unit5 9.Yoga routines can take anywhere from 20 minutes to two or more hours, with one hour being a good time investment to perform a sequence of postures and a meditation.Some yoga routines, depending on the teacher and school, can be as strenuous as the most difficult workout, and some routines merely stretch and align the body while the breath and heart rate are kept slow and steady.Yoga achieves its best results when it is practiced as a daily discipline, and yoga can be a life-long exercise routine, offering deeper and more challenging positions as a practitioner becomes more adept.The basic positions can increase a person?s strength, flexibility and sense of well-being almost immediately, but it can take years to perfect and deepen them, which is an appealing and stimulating aspect of yoga for many.(第五章 P151)
做瑜伽沒有場地的限制,一套瑜伽動作通常需要20 分鐘到兩個小時或者更多的時間,而一個小時左右的時間則是一系列動作和冥想的最佳選擇。根據(jù)瑜伽師和學(xué)派的不同,一些瑜伽動作做起來辛苦異常,而另一些卻只是在呼吸和心跳平穩(wěn)的情況下調(diào)整和伸展肢體。每天練習(xí)瑜伽會達到最好的效果,隨著動作越來越熟練,你就可以加大強度和難度這樣瑜伽就能成為你相伴終生的日常鍛煉方式了。練習(xí)基礎(chǔ)的瑜伽動作即可收到增強力量,改善柔韌性并使人感到舒適的效果,但要想達到完美和高深的境界還是需要日積月累的練習(xí),這也是瑜伽吸引人的地方之一。
Unit6 10.I mention these events merely to show that New York is peculiarly constructed to absorb almost anything that comes along(whether 1000-foot liner out of the East or a 20000-man convention out of the West)without inflicting;so that event is,in a sense,optional,and the inhabitant is in the happy position of being able to choose his spectacle and so conserve his soul.我提到這些,僅僅為了表明紐約城是一座建構(gòu)奇特的城市,這里發(fā)生的事件包羅萬象(城東1,000英尺長的班輪也好,城西2萬人的集會也罷),但種種事件卻又未被強加到每個居民身上。因此,從某種意義上說,每個事件都有可供選擇的余地,居民們大可隨心所欲地選擇心儀的場景來體味,保護其靈魂免受侵害。(第六章 P185第1段)
11.In most metropolises,small and large,the choice is often not with the individual at all.He is thrown to the Lions.The Lions are overwhelming;the event is unavoidable.A cornice falls,that hits every New Yorker on the head,every last man in town,I sometimes think that the only event that hits every citizen on the head,every last man in town.I sometimes think that the only event that hits every New Yorker on the head
is the annual St.Patrick?s Day parade,which is fairly penetrating--the Irish are a hard race to tune out,there are 500000 of them in residence,and they have the police force right in the family.在許多都市里,無論是大都會還是小城市,個人往往沒有這種選擇的自由。他必然會同獅子會會員們狹路相逢。獅子會會員無處不在,各種事件避無可避。一截房檐從天而降,必然會砸到每個市民頭上,無一幸免。我有時想,能夠砸到每個紐約人頭上的事件恐怕只有一年一度的圣帕特里克節(jié)游行,其影響之廣,可謂無孔不入——愛爾蘭是一個不可小覷的民族,紐約城中居住的愛爾蘭人有50萬之眾,他們還擁有自己的武裝力量。(第六章 P185第二段)
Unit 7
12.The constancy of human nature is proverbial,as no one believes that a man can fundamentally change his nature.This is why it is so difficult for one who has acquired an unsavory reputation to re-establish himself in public confidence.People know from experience that an individual who in one year displays knavish characteristics seldom in the next becomes any different.Nor does a thief become a trustworthy employee,or a miser a philanthropist.Nor does a man change and because a liar,coward or traitor at fifty or sixty;if he is one then,he has been one ever since his character was formed.Big criminals are first little criminals,just as giant oaks are first little acorns.人性的恒定性是眾所周知的,因為沒有人相信一個人能夠從根本上改變他的本性。這就是為什么一個惡名遠(yuǎn)揚的人很難重建公眾對他的信心。人們憑經(jīng)驗知道某一年中表現(xiàn)出無賴性格的人不太可能在第二年有任何改觀。小偷也不會變成值得信賴的員工。吝嗇鬼也不可能變成慈善家。一個人也不會在五六十歲的時候變成謊話精、懦夫或叛徒,如果那時候他是,那么早在他性格形成的時候他就已經(jīng)是了。大罪犯最初都是小罪犯,正如大橡樹最初都是小橡果。
13.I recalled his high spirits,his vitality,his confidence in the future,and disinterestedness.It was impossible that it was the same man ,and yet I was sure of it.I stood up,paid for my drink ,and went out into the plaza to find him,My thoughts were in a turmoil.I was aghast.I could never have imagined that he was reduced to this frightful misery.I asked myself what had happened.What hopes deferred had broken his spirit,what disappointments shattered him,and what lost illusions ground him to the dust?I ask myself if nothing could be done,I walked round the plaza.我回想起他那時高漲的情緒、他的活力、他對未來的信心,還有他的冷漠。這兩個人不可能是同一個人,然而我確信就是他。我起身付了賬,走進廣場去找他。我的思緒一片混亂。我感到驚恐。我絕不會想到他已經(jīng)淪落到這般可怕的悲慘境地。我問自己發(fā)生了什么事,是什么樣的希望遲遲不能實現(xiàn)令他傷心,是什么樣的失意將他擊垮,是什么樣的幻想破滅將他逼向屈辱?我問自己是否已經(jīng)無計可施。我繞著廣場走著。
Unit8 14.Sometimes, psychographic profiles can be quite detailed.Take the Accord.Honda Motor reports that the car's owners like to vacuum their garages.You can't say they're not clean.(第八章 P243 第一段)
有時候,心理剖析可以非常詳細(xì)。以雅閣為例,本田汽車報告稱,雅閣汽車的主人喜
歡用吸塵器打掃他們的車庫,你不能說他們不干凈。
15.We also found that sometimes messages sent out by seemingly similar cars can be quite different.Consider two premier British luxury sedans: Bentley's Arnage and Rolls' Phantom.Both are stately and fast, but each attracts a different kind of customer.(第八章 P243 第二段)
我們還發(fā)現(xiàn),有時看上去類似的汽車可能傳達了完全不同的信息,比如英國最好的兩種豪華轎車:賓利公司的雅致和勞斯萊斯公司的幻影,兩者都高貴而快捷,但他們卻各自吸引了不同類型的客戶群。
16.The Bentley buyer wants an understated heirloom that he or she can pass down through the generations;over 80% of all Bentleys ever made are still on the road today.The Phantom buyer, on the other hand, is looking for instant recognition.The car has a presence that really demands attention wherever it goes.(第八章 P243 第三段)
賓利的買主想要的是低調(diào)的,但可以世代相傳的傳家寶;有史以來所生產(chǎn)的賓利,80%以上至今仍跑在路上。然而,歡迎的買家卻期盼一夜成名,汽車的外表使得它所到之處無不引人注目。
Unit 9
17.Opened in 1980,the House of the Future was designed to a showcase for state-of-the-art electronic innovations.The structure itself is a 3100 square foot,copper-trimmed prism rising out of the Arizona desert.Computer-controlled solar collectors on the south face of the house provide 75% of the heating and 95% of the domestic hot water needs.Inside,the house is as startling as it is outside.For the moment,the only permanent resident of the House of the Future is the computer.That monotone voice which greets visitors belongs to unique ,Motorola-designed five-unit computer network which serves as the nerve center of the building.“未來之宅”于1980 年對外開放,的設(shè)計是為了展示電子改革的現(xiàn)代技術(shù)水平。這一銅支架多棱體建筑占地3100平方英尺,高高聳立在亞利桑那沙漠之上。房子的南面布滿了電腦控制的太陽能采集裝置,室內(nèi)75% 的供暖和95% 的熱水所需能量由它們供給。房子內(nèi)部像它的外表一樣令人炫目。目前,“未來之宅”里唯一的常住戶是一臺計算機。參觀者所聽到的單調(diào)的歡迎聲就來自于這臺獨一無二的機器,它由摩托羅拉公司設(shè)計,由五臺計算機連成網(wǎng)絡(luò),它是這座建筑物的中樞神經(jīng)。
第二篇:翻譯對照稿
Consequent on the 2004 agreement, it was expected that negotiations would take place between authorities and unions to deliver ‘equal pay proofed structures’.At the time the report on equal pay blockages was released in November 2006(LGE, 2006b), only a third of authorities had implemented new ‘single status’ pay structures, a figure representing a quarter of the local government workforce.By 2009, this pattern had not changed very much.The slow progress has been attributed to two main blockages.因此在隨后的2004年協(xié)議上,預(yù)計將在政府和工會間展開圍繞著校對平等薪酬結(jié)構(gòu)的談判。當(dāng)時對于薪酬平等障礙的報導(dǎo)被發(fā)布在2006年11月的LGE上,報導(dǎo)指出只有三分之一的當(dāng)局實施了新的單一薪酬結(jié)構(gòu),而這指代表著四分之一的政府勞動力。這種模式直到2009年也沒有太大的改變,進展緩慢,已被認(rèn)定為它的兩個主要障礙之一。
The first blockage has been with financing the agreement because of the high costs of providing back pay for those upgraded and future ‘pay protection’ issues for those down-graded as a result of the job evaluation exercises.A second major but related blockage has been the need for both employers and trade unions to mount defences against legal challenges from employees supported by ‘no win, no fee’ solicitors.第一個障礙因素與為支付拖欠工資而導(dǎo)致的高成本經(jīng)濟協(xié)議相關(guān),這些高成本來源于一些升級問題和為因工作評估而導(dǎo)致下調(diào)的將來支付保護問題。第二個利益攸關(guān)的主要障礙已經(jīng)成為對于雇主和工會來說都需要用來防御那些來自受不贏就不收費的律師支持的雇員的法律挑戰(zhàn)。
The major issue is that, under equal pay legislation, employees in England and Wales found to have been discriminated against in terms of their pay levels may be entitled to up to six years’ back pay as compensation.While this can be ameliorated financially by reaching agreement with trade unions through a collective agreement, the problem was that, encouraged by solicitors,employees were increasingly challenging such agreements.在同工同酬的法規(guī)下,英國和威爾士的雇員們發(fā)現(xiàn)其主要問題是在他們的薪酬水平下如果受到歧視將有權(quán)享有長達六年的拖欠工資作為補償。雖然通過一次集體協(xié)議與工會達成協(xié)議可以減輕財政,但問題是這樣的協(xié)議會導(dǎo)致員工在律師的鼓勵下越來越具有挑戰(zhàn)性。
The pay bill expense(reportedly involving a permanent increase of up to 5% to achieve equality-proofed structures)had to be dealt with during 2007–2008, the final year of the 2004 settlement.This included combined back pay and implementation costs estimated at almost £3 billion.付賬單費用(據(jù)報道,一個長久增長達到5%從而實現(xiàn)相對公平的結(jié)構(gòu))不得不在2007-2008年2004個結(jié)算的最后一年處理掉。這包括聯(lián)合欠薪和實施費用總共估計在30億英鎊左右。
Adding to the unplanned financial burden, the central government department of HM Revenue and Customs told councils that employees and employers should expect to meet tax and National Insurance charges on any back pay.LGE estimated that this latter aspect would raise settlement costs by more than a quarter.加上考慮到計劃外的財政負(fù)擔(dān),中央稅務(wù)和海關(guān)部門的負(fù)責(zé)人告訴議會:雇員和雇主應(yīng)該預(yù)料到支付在任何欠薪上的稅和國家保險費用。LGE估計這后一方面的原因可能會提高結(jié)算費用的四分之一以上。
There was also a risk that ambitions to outsource certain services to secure
efficiency gains would also be impeded – in relation to staff transferred under the Transfer of Employment(Protection of Employment)regulations – if employers inheriting these staff were unwilling to accept the transferred liabilities.這里也有一個風(fēng)險就是如果為了確保收益效率而外包某些服務(wù)那么自己的野心也會受阻,比如在涉及就業(yè)(就業(yè)保護)條例下轉(zhuǎn)移員工那么雇主就不得不繼承這些不愿接受轉(zhuǎn)讓責(zé)任的員工。
Employment Tribunal decisions have also undermined the collective bargaining process,whereby the trade unions find themselves with no alternative but to pursue deals regarded as unaffordable by the employers.Local government employers are therefore unable to enter negotiations.就業(yè)法庭的決定也削弱了集體議價過程,工會發(fā)現(xiàn)自己除了被雇主視為由于負(fù)擔(dān)不起而尋求交易之外別無選擇。因此地方政府雇主未能進入談判。
While the details of successful, individual no-win-no-fee claims are case-specific,unions feel obliged to seek the maximum possible back pay consequent on these decisions and/or legal counsel’s opinions.Beyond employers, legal challenges are targeting unions on the ground that they have not paid sufficient attention to advancing the interests of affected members.雖然成功的詳情,個別的不贏就不收費的要求是特殊情況,工會覺得有義務(wù)根據(jù)他們自己和/或法律顧問的決定來尋求最大可能的返薪。除了雇主外,由于雇主沒有對受影響成員的利益給予足夠的重視,法律挑戰(zhàn)的矛頭也指向了工會。
The case of Allen and others versus GMB(Court of Appeal, 2008);whereby, the union was found to be legally liable for not obtaining full backdating for its female members, has made unions extremely wary of negotiating ‘deals’ with employers.Despite possible appeals,a litigious culture has developed, effectively creating a stalemate in the collective arena, despite the national agreement that prepared the ground for equality cases to be resolved during 2007.艾倫和其他與GMB相對的(上訴法院,2008),由于被發(fā)現(xiàn)對他們的女性成員沒有取得全面回溯是有法律責(zé)任的,這使得工會非常謹(jǐn)慎的與雇主交易談判。盡管上訴文化發(fā)展后可能上訴,但為了有效的在集體主義環(huán)境上建立一種態(tài)勢,在2007年全國性的協(xié)議還是準(zhǔn)備雙方站在平等的地位解決這一問題。
The employers have called on central government to legislate to make collective settlements legally inviolate in subsequent claims to the courts(LGE, 2006b).This needs to be accompanied, they say, by greater flexibility in how local authorities’ resources may be used and the character of the tribunal system.A role for the Advisory Conciliation and Arbitration Service(Acas)has been proposed in facilitating conciliation in pursuit of agreements made statutorily exempt from legal challenge.隨后雇主在法庭上呼吁中央政府通過立法使集體定居點不可侵犯(LGE,2006b).他們說,這需要在怎樣利用地方當(dāng)局的資源和法庭系統(tǒng)的特點上伴隨更大的靈活性。咨詢調(diào)解和仲裁服務(wù)的一個作用是促成調(diào)解以追求法定協(xié)議而不是法律上的挑戰(zhàn)。
LGE data tracking implementation of the grading and pay progression arrangements, as of April 2007, indicates that, on one hand, authorities are taking advantage of the flexibility under the devolved regime to acknowledge local labour markets.In the upper half of the pay scale, for example, authorities in the south of England are placing jobs evaluated at a given level,under the NJC job evaluation scheme,on higher scale points than northern authorities.截至LGE四月的數(shù)據(jù)跟蹤實施分級和支付進展安排表明,一方面當(dāng)局在承認(rèn)當(dāng)?shù)貏趧恿κ袌錾喜扇“l(fā)達政權(quán)下的靈活性優(yōu)勢。比如在NLC的評估方案下,在薪級表的上半部分,英格蘭南部當(dāng)局比北部當(dāng)局更大規(guī)模的放置了給定水平的評估工作。
On the other hand, among the one quarter of authorities that report having completed pay reviews,half have opted for quite narrow pay bands, with around 70% opting to retain annual seniority-based incremental progression within the scale for at least some workforce members.另一方面一半都選擇比較窄的薪酬級別,在四分之一的當(dāng)局報告已經(jīng)完成的薪酬評論上,大約70%選擇保留資歷基礎(chǔ)增量進程中至少包含有一些在職人員在內(nèi)。
Shorter pay bands tend to be associated with a minimal equal pay risk, something that appears uppermost in the minds of some three-quarters of LGE respondents.There is concern that these priorities risk development of a reward strategy for local government employees that is ‘incoherent or tend[ing] toward the lowest common denominator’(LGE, 2007: 2).These anxieties are not altogether different from those expressed regarding the modernisation concept voiced by Peters and Pierre(2000).較短的薪酬級別往往是風(fēng)險最小的同工同酬,一些最重要的東西出現(xiàn)在四分之三的LGE受訪者大腦中。這些優(yōu)先為當(dāng)?shù)卣蛦T薪酬戰(zhàn)略的風(fēng)險開發(fā)相干或傾向于最小公分母(LGE,2007:2)。這些憂慮不完全與Peters和Pierre(2000)所表達的現(xiàn)代化概念相同。
2.NHS: an agenda for change?
The NHS ‘Agenda for Change’(AfC), has been described as ‘one of the most complex and lengthy pay negotiations in the world’(Bevan et al., 2004: 8).The agreement, involving 17 trade unions, was finally reached in late 2004 and most staff had been assimilated to the new structures by March 2006.The AfC agreement covers all non-clinical staff4 in the NHS, around 35% of which are qualified nurses who account for some 40% of the pay bill(National Audit Office(NAO), 2009).2、NHS(英國的國家衛(wèi)生事業(yè)局):一個議程的改變?
NHS的“變更議程”(AFC),已被描述為“一個世界上最復(fù)雜、最漫長的薪酬談判?!保˙evan等,2004:8)涉及17個工會的協(xié)議終于在2004年年底達成,并且大部分員工已經(jīng)在2006年3月被新的機構(gòu)所接納。變更議程的協(xié)議涵蓋了所有在NHS里非臨床的人員,其中占用40%賬單的是大約總?cè)藬?shù)35%的合格護士(國家審計署(NAO),2009).The key principle behind the agreement was ‘to introduce a system that would pay staff on a consistent basis by reference to the work they do and the skills and knowledge they apply’(NAO, 2009: 4).The rationale ‘was not just to pay staff more, but to secure changes in working patterns and productivity that would translate into benefits for patients’(King’s Fund, 2007: vi).協(xié)議背后的關(guān)鍵原則是“引進一個可以基于員工所完成的工作及所提供的技能和知識來支付員工工資的系統(tǒng)(國家審計署 2009,4)。理由是“并不只是為了付給員工的更多,而是為了確保在工作模式和生產(chǎn)力的改變下能變得對病人有好處”(國王基金,2007:vi)
The Department of Health’s stated aims were to ‘enable staff to give their best for patients,working in new ways and breaking down traditional barriers;pay fairly and equitably for work done, with career progression based on responsibility,competence and satisfactory performance;and simplify and modernise conditions of service, with national core conditions and considerable local flexibility’(cited in NAO, 2009: 4–5).衛(wèi)生部門表示其目的是“讓員工用新的、打破傳統(tǒng)壁壘的工作方法將自己最好的一面展示給病人;基于稱職和令人滿意的表現(xiàn)基礎(chǔ)上的公平公正的工作薪酬和事業(yè)發(fā)展;在國家的核心條件和相當(dāng)?shù)牡赜蜢`活性基礎(chǔ)上簡單化和現(xiàn)代化條件的服務(wù)。”(引國家審計署,2009:4-5)
The scope of the reforms included ‘simplified’ national pay spines covering different occupational groups, a national job evaluation scheme(unlike local government and HE where individual employers and unions could choose their job evaluation scheme), harmonised terms and conditions, and a competency-based career framework known as the ‘Knowledge and Skills Framework’.改革的范圍包括“簡化”國家支付以涵蓋不同的職業(yè)群體及統(tǒng)一的條款和條件,一個國家的工作評價方案(當(dāng)?shù)卣叭魏蝹€別雇主和工會可以選擇他們的工作評價方案)和一個被稱為“知識與技能框架”能力本位的職業(yè)框架。
The arrangements that AfC replaced, with many separate agreements for different groups of staff, were judged ‘a(chǎn) mess’(King’s Fund, 2007: vi).Published research, however, indicates major shortfalls on central government expectations for health service transformation as a result of this agreement.In part, the issues uncovered relate to efficiency or value-for-money returns on the financial investments that have been made.這個協(xié)議被AFC的許多單獨協(xié)定所代替,而這些被稱為“一塌糊涂”單獨協(xié)定是為了員工中不同群體(國王基金,2007:vi)。然而,公共的研究表明中央政府的主要不足在于對衛(wèi)生服務(wù)轉(zhuǎn)變成這個協(xié)議的結(jié)果預(yù)期不足。
The problems are, however, also more qualitative in the sense that a ‘rushed implementation...failure to embed personal development plans for all staff
[and] absence of an independent robust evaluation of the impact’ of the programme necessitated an inquiry ‘to address issues of accountability and to enable lessons to be learned’(King’s Fund, 2007: vii).然而,問題也比較定性在這個匆忙實施并不影響所有員工的個人發(fā)展計劃。這個發(fā)展計劃缺少為解決問題而需要的一個獨立的查詢方案并能夠從中吸取教訓(xùn)的影響的強烈評價。
While significant pay increases(an average 10% for frontline professionals in the 3 years to 2007)were awarded to NHS employees under AfC, critics argue that there has been neither a productivity increase nor intended transformation in practice(King’s Fund, 2007).A recent evaluation of AfC by the NAO(2009)found that ‘staff were not working sufficiently differently from when they were on their old pay contracts and as a consequence staff initially received increased pay for doing their existing roles’(NAO, 2009: 7).雖然在AFC下NHS雇員被授予顯著的加薪(的前線專業(yè)人員在三年內(nèi)到2007年的平均10%),但批評者認(rèn)為這里既沒有生產(chǎn)率的提高也不會導(dǎo)致改造實踐的提高(國王基金,2007)。國家審計署對AFC的一個最近評估發(fā)現(xiàn):員工不能充分的工作有別于當(dāng)他們處于舊有薪金合同并因初期做好現(xiàn)有角色獲得的提薪時。Most importantly, the NAO argued that there has been no improvement in productivity and there was no evidence that the £1.3 billion in net savings over the first 5 years of the agreement promised to the Treasury had been achieved(NAO, 2009:
7).Finally, a report from the House of Commons Public Accounts Committee in June 2009 reported that the NHS pay bill for AfC staff had risen by 5.2% a year on average since 2004–2005 while productivity had fallen by 2.5% a year on average between 2001 and 2005(House of Commons, 2009: 3).最重要的是,審計署認(rèn)為在生產(chǎn)率方面沒有提高,沒有證據(jù)表明第一個五年13億英鎊的凈儲蓄已經(jīng)完成對財政部的協(xié)議承諾。
These criticisms are coupled with evidence that, despite the extra cost, the process has far from satisfied many staff members.The NAO could find no evidence that job satisfaction had improved and there had been no reduction in the proportion of staff unhappy with their career progression or promotion.這些批評進一步表明,盡管會產(chǎn)生額外的費用,但這個進程對于許多工作人員來說已經(jīng)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)得不到滿足。審計署找不到任何工作滿意度得到改善的跡象,并且在員工比例減少的情況下并他們沒有在事業(yè)規(guī)劃或晉升上有什么不滿。
Systemic performance management improvements, supported by the Knowledge and Skills Framework, have left much to be desired.Managers have complained that the current version of the Framework is inadequate on two counts: it is judged both cumbersome and costly to implement.Nonetheless, the NAO report did comment that it is now easier for managers to estimate labour costs and manage budgets.通過知識和技能框架的支持,系統(tǒng)性績效管理的改進有許多的不足之處。管理者抱怨說當(dāng)前版本的框架存在兩方面的不足:它被認(rèn)為是既繁瑣又高昂的實施。盡管如此,國家審計署的報告還是評論它現(xiàn)在更容易為管理者評估勞動成本和管理預(yù)算。
There have also been improvements from the shift to the single pay and grading system in terms of pay administration.The NAO concluded, however, that AfC ‘cannot yet be shown to have enhanced value for money’, largely because the Department of Health did not put in place any robust method for measuring such improvements(NAO, 2009: 8).這也有從轉(zhuǎn)變到單一薪酬和薪酬管理方面的分級制度的改善。不過國家審計署得出結(jié)論:AFC還不能被證明在金錢方面具有更大的價值,這主要是因為衛(wèi)生部沒有在此提出任何為測量這種改進的方法(NAO,2009:8)。
Despite these rather critical assessments, it might be argued that recent reviews have missed one of the major points of AfC – the avoidance of expensive equal pay cases through the introduction of a single, job-evaluated, grading structure.But even here, the benefit of AfC has been called into question.盡管這些不是關(guān)鍵的評估,但它可能會爭辯說最近的評論已經(jīng)錯過了AFC的主要觀點之一——通過引入單一的、工作評估的分級結(jié)構(gòu)以避免昂貴的同工同酬案件。但即使在這里,AFC的利益也一直被質(zhì)疑。
A recent employment tribunal case(Hartley et al.versus Northumbria Healthcare NHS Foundation Trust et al.)argued that the agreement was innately sexist.The lengthy judgement produced in 2009, however, found in favour of the respondents.Most importantly, the AfC job evaluation scheme was found to be a valid analytical scheme which satisfied the Equal Pay Act.一個近期的就業(yè)法庭案件(Hartley 等人與諾亞比亞醫(yī)療保健NHS信托基金會等)認(rèn)為該協(xié)議是固有的性別歧視。然而最重要的是,在2009年產(chǎn)生的冗長判決中受訪者發(fā)現(xiàn),AFC的工作評估方案被認(rèn)為對“同工同酬”法案來說是一個有效的分析性方案。
This decision was important because, if the claimants had been successful, it
would have opened up the NHS to a potential 13,700 further equal pay cases which could have cost the NHS millions of pounds in back pay.這一決定是重要的,因為如果索賠人已成功,那將會讓NHS打開一個潛能到13700以上。這種平等薪酬的情況可能會在拖欠工資上花費NHS數(shù)以百萬英鎊。
3.HE: end of the academic/support staff divide?
The ‘Framework Agreement’, negotiated between the HE employers and the(then)seven unions over a 2-year period in 2004, was the outcome of a new negotiating machinery following the merger of funding arrangements for institutions and the creation of a single employers’body, the Universities and Colleges Employers Association(UCEA), for the whole sector in 1994.HE:學(xué)術(shù)/支持員工分離的結(jié)果?
在1994年為了整個行業(yè)這個框架協(xié)議——大學(xué)和學(xué)院雇主協(xié)會——是新的伴隨著機構(gòu)合并后的籌資安排和一個單一雇主創(chuàng)造體的談判機制的結(jié)果。HE的雇主和七個工會間的談判在2004年超過了一個長達兩年的時間。
The establishment of a new sector-wide joint negotiating committee – the Joint Negotiating Committee for HE Staffs(JNCHES)– in 2001 included the objective to create a new single pay spine for all staff below the level of Professor or equivalent.在2001年建立一個新的全部門談判委員會——為其職員而聯(lián)合的談判委員會——包括目標(biāo)為處于在教授或相當(dāng)水平下的所有員工建立一個新的單一支付脊柱。
UCEA described the Framework Agreement as ‘the largest human resources initiative ever undertaken in the sector’, providing a framework ‘to modernise pay arrangements with the specific aim of promoting equality, transparency and harmonisation to ensure equal pay is delivered for work of equal value’(UCEA, 2008: 3).UCEA描述這個框架協(xié)議為“在部門內(nèi)實施的最大人力資源倡議”,通過促進平等的特殊目標(biāo)為現(xiàn)代化的支付安排提供一個透明度和諧和的為確保同工同酬的交付同等價值的工作(UCEA,2008:3)。
The agreement was only reached after lengthy negotiations and, while the support staff unions(Amicus, GMB, T & G and Unison)and the National Association of Teachers in Further and Higher Education(now UCU)signed up to the agreement in 2003, the Educational Institute of Scotland only signed in January 2004 after a separate agreement on pay protection for existing academic staff.協(xié)議只有經(jīng)過漫長的談判達到,最終員工工會和繼續(xù)教育和高等教育中的全國教師協(xié)會在2003年簽署協(xié)議,蘇格蘭教育研究所于2004年1月簽署了一份旨在為現(xiàn)有教學(xué)人員提供薪酬保護單獨的協(xié)議。
The Association of University Teachers(now UCU), however, declared a dispute over the proposed agreement and only finally signed the agreement in March 2004 after agreement on a Memorandum of Understanding that gave additional guarantees of pay protection for academic staff under any future arrangements.然而,大學(xué)教師協(xié)會宣布了對該協(xié)議一個的爭論和最終在2004年3月簽署該協(xié)議,然而簽署協(xié)議的前提是達成一個無論在任何未來協(xié)議下都給予額外的教學(xué)人員提供薪酬保護保障的諒解備忘錄。
第三篇:研究生英語課后翻譯unit3
The plane arcs softly into its final descent at Hong Kong International Airport.Below, Victoria Harbor, and the silent rhythms of countless ships.Beyond, sloping mountains fence in a breathtaking city view that seems to stretch forever.This is no ordinary airport.This is no ordinary city.An elderly man passes by wearing pajamas, bearing a brightly feathered bird singing merrily in its cage.Professional gather at a roadside kitchen for noodles, congee and shrimp.Incense from s tiny Taoist temple drifts into the pounding beat of rock music pouring out of a discotheque.A ferry travels on the nearby water regularly, taking passengers to an isolated island 40 minutes away, where Buddhist temples and tiny fishing villages dot the landscape, Hong Kong.Here, 161 km south of the Tropic of Cancer, beats the pulse of Southeast Asia’s heart.Where East greets West, and past colors present.飛機輕輕地進入香港國際機場做最后的下降。這下面的維多利亞港,停靠著無數(shù)沉默伴奏的船只。除此之外,傾斜的山圍欄有一個驚人的城市,似乎永遠(yuǎn)伸展。這絕不是普通的機場,這也絕不是普通的城市。一位上了年紀(jì)的人仍穿著睡衣,手里拎著有一個籠子,有只明亮羽毛的鳥在里歡快的歌唱。還有些專業(yè)的餐館聚集在一個路邊,面條,粥和蝦。香而窄的有小小的寺廟直至還有一片有沖擊搖滾音樂的節(jié)拍傾瀉而出的一個迪斯科舞廳。定期渡輪行駛在附近的海面上,把乘客帶到一個孤島上,40分鐘的路程,佛教寺廟和小漁村點綴的景觀,這里就是香港,北回歸線以南161公里,東南亞跳動的脈搏的心臟。映入眼簾的是東西的文化和新舊色彩的全新呈現(xiàn)。
第四篇:研究生英語第一課課后翻譯
有時候,在工作中重要的倒是能否處理好人際關(guān)系而不是有多大的才能。人際關(guān)系就是一種善于聽取別人意見體察別人的需要虛心接受批評的能力。善于處理人際關(guān)系的人敢于承認(rèn)錯誤,敢于承擔(dān)自己的責(zé)任,這是對待錯誤的一種成熟和負(fù)責(zé)任的態(tài)度。這就是為什么許多平平庸庸的公司雇員在大調(diào)整中保住了位置,而有才能的人反而下崗。因為他們很注意處理各方面的關(guān)系,所以八面玲瓏,到處有緣。而人際關(guān)系差的人往往不能處理好批評。碰到錯誤,他們首先想到自己,拒不承認(rèn)自己有錯,或情緒低落或大發(fā)雷霆,成為有刺的人,難以相處。
Sometimes it is interpersonal skills rather than professional skills that really counts in your career.Interpersonal skills are nothing but the ability to be good listener, to be sensitive toward other?s needs, to take criticism well.People with skill in social relations admit their mistakes, and take their share of blame, which is a mature and responsible way to handle an error.That?s why many mediocre employees survive violent corporate upheavals while people of great talent are being laid off.Sensitive in their dealings with others, they are well liked everywhere.People with poor interpersonal skills have trouble taking criticism.When confronted with a mistake, they let their ego get in the way.They deny responsibility and became moody or angry.They mark themselves as “prickly”.Every so often, it is one’s interpersonal skills rather than his capabilities that matter in his work.Interpersonal skills are the ability to listen to others, observe others’needs, and be open to criticisms.An interpersonally skilful person never fails to admit his mistakes and shoulder his responsibilities, since he has a mature and responsible attitude toward mistakes.That is why in a company’s personnel reshuffle many employees with mediocre capabilities are allowed to stay while some talented people get dismissed.The former are careful to deal with people all around them, so they are popular with everyone and favored everywhere.In contrast, those with poor interpersonal skills cannot cope well with criticisms from others.When they get things wrong, they tend to put themselves first and deny their mistakes, or they feel depressed or fly into a temper, as unapproachable as a hedgehog.
第五篇:研究生英語課后close翻譯
第一章
《視窗》這個網(wǎng)站雜志包含世界著名作家的詩歌和文學(xué)作品,其中不乏有解釋這個世界的發(fā)人深思的文章。甚至還有來自聯(lián)合國秘書長科菲·安南的文章。令我們吃驚的是這個雜志的編輯是一個12歲的小女孩,喬治·南丁格爾。
她因為《視窗》這個雜志而獲得1999年有線和無線兒童網(wǎng)絡(luò)獎項的一等獎,這些獎每年由年輕人頒發(fā)給最善于應(yīng)用網(wǎng)絡(luò)的年輕人。他們強調(diào)虛擬世界是網(wǎng)絡(luò)最受歡迎的一個方面。孩子們進入到網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間仿佛他們天生都會使用網(wǎng)絡(luò)。
或許因為孩子們接受這些技術(shù)很自然,而大人不得不需要費一番腦筋才能理解。無論什么原因,但孩子們已經(jīng)建立起網(wǎng)站并向世界各地的朋友發(fā)郵件時,而大人仍在詢問“請告訴我一邊,網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間究竟在哪”。
當(dāng)然,孩子們在網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間中可以遠(yuǎn)離父母的監(jiān)管,這個問題日益受到關(guān)注。很多父母為了應(yīng)對這件事已經(jīng)安裝了可以組織孩子們進入暴力和色情網(wǎng)站的軟件。兒童網(wǎng)站采取了更積極的策略,它是一扇通往教育世界和娛樂世界的大門。
網(wǎng)絡(luò)文化的迅猛發(fā)展已經(jīng)引起分析家的推測:社會很快就會分成兩個陣營——信息豐富陣營和信息貧乏陣營。為此兒童網(wǎng)站將尤為重要,為那些因為貧困或者殘疾而處在社會邊緣的孩子們能在虛擬網(wǎng)絡(luò)中有機會像一個正常公民一樣享受同等權(quán)利。
第二章
當(dāng)你舒服地坐在花園里給你的同時發(fā)郵件時,你不需要經(jīng)歷一個難受的旅行去和他們交談。如果你需要一份重要文件,你可以通過衛(wèi)星傳真到你的手機上,并且可以在筆記本電腦上觀看。即是來自其它大洲的文件,你也可以立即接收到它。
隨著科技成本的日益降低,生產(chǎn)所有權(quán)變成了現(xiàn)實。由于擁有電腦﹑手機﹑傳真機﹑打印機作為遠(yuǎn)程工作者的物質(zhì)工具,他們變成了真正的電子農(nóng)民。
像傳統(tǒng)農(nóng)民一樣,在同一環(huán)境里生活和工作。他們不僅親手耕耘“土地”,而且收獲豐富的腦力資源成果。
然而,沒有在第25層樓上的豪華辦公室,微型企業(yè)家無法證明他們的信譽。無論對和錯,人們認(rèn)為在漂亮的大辦公室辦公是身份地位的象征。人們想:“如果一個公司能夠提供這些,那么,這個公司經(jīng)營的一定很好”。但是,面對一個人在家中的一間房子里辦公時,顧客們傾向于這樣想:與他們的接觸畢竟不會長遠(yuǎn)。難道一個在黃金地段擁有一間大辦公室的工人才是好的工人么?
事實上,研究表明:家庭工作者一般更加認(rèn)真地完成任務(wù),并且比在辦公室里德同事工作的時間更長。像擁有土地的傳統(tǒng)農(nóng)民一樣,他們感覺再為自己工作。
更重要的是,他們不拘泥于計劃,當(dāng)什么時候合適了他們就開始工作。那就意味著他們花一個或者兩個小時來陪孩子玩耍,然后熬夜來完成演講稿,其結(jié)果他是一個更加愉快的工作者。
第三章
在1998年年初時,東非本應(yīng)是最美麗的時候:一般短暫的雨季在十二月份已經(jīng)結(jié)束,水位下降,鄉(xiāng)村充滿活力;農(nóng)民種植莊稼,牧民在草地上放牧,游客到處旅游。但今年是不同的,雨季長而且降雨量比較大。在肯尼亞和索馬里大部分地區(qū),水蔓延幾英里,切斷了村莊的聯(lián)系,迫使牧民將他們的牲畜轉(zhuǎn)移到少數(shù)干地上。事情很快變得更糟糕。駱駝、奶牛、綿羊、山羊都開始死于高燒。人也開始得病,一些人暫時性失明,而另一些人流血不止。這種疾病被叫作裂谷熱,有蚊子所攜帶的病毒所致。在非洲,這種疾病每隔幾年就會爆發(fā)一次——當(dāng)死水使蚊子大量繁殖時就會爆發(fā),今年裂谷熱的爆發(fā)也是由于洪水不退引起的。據(jù)官方報道至少有89000人得病,其中死亡200人,但是這種病通常不致命。然而牲畜的損失巨大,據(jù)牧主稱他們損失90%的牲畜。
雖然東非災(zāi)難性的洪水已引起世人的關(guān)注,但于此同時,別的一些奇怪天氣也令人們關(guān)注,如不正常的干旱,火災(zāi),暴雨,寒流和熱浪。每年都會出現(xiàn)大量反?,F(xiàn)象,但今年他們中許多都與太平洋赤道附近的洋面上發(fā)生的情況有關(guān),即在1997年的頭幾個月里洋流和季風(fēng)開始改變,并且改變了全世界的天氣類型。當(dāng)然,這種天氣的改變是厄爾尼諾作用的結(jié)果。到1997年底,厄爾尼諾已經(jīng)眾所周知。然而在1988年,厄爾尼諾對全世界的影響達到鼎盛期,它創(chuàng)造了有史以來的最熱的天氣記錄。,除裂谷熱外,厄爾尼諾還引起了傷寒、瘧疾、登革熱等一系列疾病在肯尼亞、柬埔寨、秘魯和世界其他國家的爆發(fā)。
第五章
令人震驚的是宇宙有其自然規(guī)律及其法則,這種規(guī)律不僅能夠定性的而且能夠定量概括出其運行規(guī)則我們可以想象這樣一個宇宙,沒有任何規(guī)則像我們宇宙一樣大由1018基本粒子構(gòu)成,完全在一種無序的混亂狀態(tài)下運行,為了了解這個宇宙,我們將需要像這個像宇宙那么大容量的大腦。這樣的宇宙似乎也不太可能有生命和智能生物。因為人類和大腦都需要一個穩(wěn)定且有序的內(nèi)部結(jié)構(gòu)。但即使在這個非?;靵y無序的宇宙中存在比我們高級的智能生物,他們也將不會有太多的知識、激情和喜悅。
幸運的是,我們生活在至少它的重要組成部分是可知的宇宙中。我們常識性的經(jīng)驗和進化史已經(jīng)讓我們?nèi)チ私獾竭@個世界一些平凡的事情。然而當(dāng)我們進入其它領(lǐng)域時,常識性的經(jīng)驗和直覺卻變得高度不可靠。這是令人震驚的,當(dāng)我們接近光速時,我們的質(zhì)量在無限增大,我們的厚度卻朝著運動方向零厚度收縮,時間也像我們希望的那樣幾乎停止。許多人認(rèn)為這些想法是非常愚蠢的,每一到兩星期,我都會收到一封向我質(zhì)疑的信。但這些確定的事實不僅是實驗的結(jié)果,也是阿爾伯特愛因斯坦在《相對論》中關(guān)于時間和空間的精辟分析的結(jié)果。這些影響對于似乎我們不太合理,但這些不重要。我們并沒有接近于光速旅行的習(xí)慣,在這樣的高速運行下,我們的常識也值得懷疑。
這種認(rèn)為宇宙限制著人類做任何可做的事情的想法是令人沮喪的,為什么我們不能處在中間旋轉(zhuǎn)的位置呢?為什么我們不能超光速旅行呢?但是據(jù)我們所知,這就是宇宙的所構(gòu)筑方式。這種限制不僅使我們在浩瀚的宇宙面前更加渺小,也使整個宇宙更為可知。
第七章
我一直不喜歡作為一個男人。在美國男子氣概是可悲的,就像一生穿一件不合體的外套度過一生。甚至 “成為一個男人漢”這樣的表述都讓我感到侮辱和辱罵。它的意味是:愚蠢,冷漠,順從,好斗,無思想。男人意味著有男子氣概,當(dāng)考慮男人的時候,怎能不想到男人可怕的勃勃野心呢?然而這時每個男人生命力的一部分。這是一個駭人聽聞和極其可怕的謊言。它不僅強調(diào)與女人的不同,而且縱容其優(yōu)越性。從本質(zhì)上講,它具有破壞性,既傷害了人與人之間的感情,有危害整個社會。
如果一個年輕人(大部分年輕人都是如此)受到這種概念誤導(dǎo),認(rèn)為具有男子氣概的理想是截然與女人分開,如同野蠻部落的邏輯一樣,他終其一生對女人都不了解,認(rèn)為女人是討厭的。當(dāng)然,也有男性所遭受的痛苦折磨的女性版本。它始于一個母親鼓勵小女兒對大人說:“你喜歡我的新裙子嗎?”就某種意思來說,女孩一般被教導(dǎo)用彬彬有禮的方式去討好大人,而男孩則要求像猴子一樣頑皮、淘氣地面對彼此。一個九歲的俊俏小女孩在微妙的權(quán)力游戲中成長為成年女子,她學(xué)會依賴男人,打扮入時,并且對男性提出的缺點保持注意力。女人就要像個女人,這需要一個男人作為證明者和誘惑者,而男人氣質(zhì)崇尚獨立,與男人為伍。這是荒誕之所在,這也是為什么男人有缺點的原因,因為它否認(rèn)了男人和女人之間有自然的友誼關(guān)系。
很難想象有不輕視女人的男子氣概的觀念,并且這種觀念很早就被灌輸。在我到了想跟女孩約會的年紀(jì),也就是13—16的反叛的年齡,我總是被告訴去參加運動,去戶外活動,參加童子軍,并且不需要讀太多的書。