第一篇：奧巴馬2016國情咨文演講-中英對照

奧巴馬2016國情咨文演講（雙語全文）

當?shù)貢r間12號晚間，美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在華盛頓發(fā)表了任上最后一次國情咨文，這也是他第八次進行國情咨文演講。

Mr.Speaker, Mr.Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:

議長先生、副總統(tǒng)先生、各位國會議員和美國同胞們：

Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union.And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter.I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.今晚是我在這里做國情咨文的第八個年頭，也是最后一次。我將盡量簡而言之。我知道你們中有些人急著回愛荷華州（譯者注：兩黨黨內(nèi)預(yù)選進行地）。

I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low.Still, Mr.Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families.So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse.We just might surprise the cynics again.我也理解此時正當大選之季，因此公眾對我們今年成就的期望并不高。但是，議長先生，您以及其他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人去年年末通過了建設(shè)性的預(yù)算決議，使得工薪家庭減稅計劃能夠長久實施下去，我對此深表感激。因此我衷心希望今年兩黨能夠在一些重要事務(wù)上同心協(xié)作，比如，推行刑事司法改革，幫助那些與處方藥濫用行為抗爭的人們。我們很可能會讓質(zhì)疑者們再次大吃一驚。

But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead.Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients.And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing.Fixing a broken immigration system.Protecting our kids from gun violence.Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage.All these things still matter to hardworking families;they are still the right thing to do;and I will not let up until they get done.但在今晚，我打算少談些像往年那樣的發(fā)展計劃。別擔(dān)心，我還是有很多計劃要談，比如，幫助學(xué)生學(xué)習(xí)編寫計算機代碼，以及對病人進行個性化治療。我將繼續(xù)推動這些未竟事業(yè)的進步。完善有漏洞的移民體系。保護我們的孩子們免遭槍械暴力。繼續(xù)推行同工同酬及帶薪休假，并提高最低工資水平。所有的這一切對于努力工作的家庭們來說依然至關(guān)重要；這些仍是我們要做的對的事情。我絕不會放松這些工作，直至他們完成為止。

But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year.I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.但這是我最后一次在此發(fā)表講話，我不想只談?wù)搧砟甑氖乱?。我想關(guān)注今后的五年、十年，甚至更久遠的事情。

I want to focus on our future.我更關(guān)注我們的未來。

We live in a time of extraordinary change – change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world.It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families.It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away.It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality.And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.我們生活在一個充滿巨變的時代，這場巨變改變了我們的生活、工作方式，改變了我們的星球和我們在世界上的地位。這種巨變預(yù)示著醫(yī)學(xué)將出現(xiàn)重大突破，也會帶來困擾著工薪家庭的經(jīng)濟動蕩。它為生活在邊遠山區(qū)的女孩們帶去教育的希望，卻也使遠距重洋的恐怖分子得以串通一氣策劃陰謀。這場巨變能夠帶來機遇，也會擴大不公。無論我們喜歡與否，這場巨變的進度只會越來越快。

America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights.Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future;who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control.And each time, we overcame those fears.We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, and acted anew.We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people.And because we did – because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.美國曾經(jīng)歷過種種巨變——戰(zhàn)爭，蕭條，移民涌入，工人運動，以及民權(quán)運動。每一次，總有人告訴我們要畏懼未來。每當美國受到某些組織或者言論威脅，將要失控，這些人就告訴我們要停止變革，并承諾恢復(fù)往日的輝煌。但每一次，我們都能夠克服恐懼。用林肯的話來說，我們并未遵循“平靜的過去時代的信條”。相反地，我們能夠用新的思維思考，以新的方式行事。我們巧妙地利用變化，始終將美國的潛力擴展至更廣闊的前沿，惠及更多的民眾。正緣于此——因為他人眼中的風(fēng)險在我們看來是機遇——我們變得比以前更強更好。

What was true then can be true now.Our unique strengths as a nation – our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law – these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.過去的真理，現(xiàn)在亦未曾改變。我們的樂觀主義與職業(yè)道德，我們的發(fā)現(xiàn)與創(chuàng)新精神，我們種族多樣化和法治信條，這些都是我們作為一個國家所擁有的獨一無二的優(yōu)點，使我們具備了世代繁榮昌盛、國泰民安的一切條件。

In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible.It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations.It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector;how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.事實上，正因有了這種精神力量，我們過去七年才可能取得進步。它使我們得以從幾代以來最嚴重的經(jīng)濟危機中恢復(fù)；是我們改革醫(yī)療體系、改造能源部門的動力；保證了我們給予軍人和老兵更多關(guān)心和福利。也正因為此，我們能夠讓每個州的人都獲得了與所愛的人結(jié)婚的自由。

But such progress is not inevitable.It is the result of choices we make together.And we face such choices right now.Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?

但是，這些進步并不是注定會發(fā)生的，而是我們共同選擇的結(jié)果。我們當下正面臨著這樣的選擇。面對時代的變化，我們是將以恐懼對之，閉門造車，各自為戰(zhàn)？還是自我肯定，堅持立場，相信我們能共創(chuàng)奇跡？

So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer – regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.讓我們先來談?wù)勎磥?，以及美國需要回答的四個大問題——無論下一屆美國總統(tǒng)是誰，無論哪個黨派掌控國會。

First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?

首先，我們?nèi)绾卧谛陆?jīng)濟中給每個人公平的機會和保障？

Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us – especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?

第二，我們?nèi)绾巫尲夹g(shù)為我們服務(wù)，而不是與我們對抗——尤其是面臨氣候變化這樣急需應(yīng)對的挑戰(zhàn)的時候？

Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?

第三，我們?nèi)绾伪Ｕ厦绹陌踩?，同時，在不充當世界警察的前提下，引領(lǐng)整個世界？

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?

最后，我們?nèi)绾沃贫ㄕ撸蛊浞从吵雒绹暮?，而不是美國的惡?/p>

Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world.We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history.More than 14 million new jobs;the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s;an unemployment rate cut in half.Our auto industry just had its best year ever.Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years.And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.我先說說經(jīng)濟，基本的事實是這樣的：現(xiàn)在，在全球范圍內(nèi)，美國經(jīng)濟是最為強大且堅固的?？v觀歷史，我們現(xiàn)在處于私營部門連續(xù)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機會最長的一段時期中。我們創(chuàng)造了逾1400萬個新的就業(yè)崗位；這是自20世紀90年代以來就業(yè)增長最為強勁的兩年；失業(yè)率下降了一半。汽車行業(yè)也創(chuàng)造了最輝煌的一年。在過去的六年里，制造業(yè)創(chuàng)造了將近90萬個新的就業(yè)崗位。而且，我們在取得這些成績的同時，還將赤字減少了近四分之三.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction.What is true – and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up.Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated.Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition.As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise.Companies have less loyalty to their communities.And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.任何聲稱美國經(jīng)濟正在衰落的說法都是在傳播虛構(gòu)事實。實際情況——同時也是許多美國人感到焦慮的原因——是美國經(jīng)濟正在經(jīng)歷巨大變革，而且這變革早在大蕭條發(fā)生之前就已經(jīng)開始，到現(xiàn)在還沒有結(jié)束。今天，能夠被高科技取代的工作崗位并不僅限于生產(chǎn)線，還包括任何可以實現(xiàn)自動化的崗位。在經(jīng)濟全球化中，公司可以落戶于世界任何地方，也會面臨更加激烈的競爭。其結(jié)果是，雇員要求加薪的籌碼變少。公司對其所在群體的忠誠度更低。同時，越來越多的財富和收入積聚到社會頂層階級手中。

All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs;even when the economy is growing.It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to.And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.這些變化趨勢擠壓了雇員的生存空間，即使他們擁有工作，即使美國經(jīng)濟一直在增長。工薪家庭想要通過努力工作，擺脫貧困，年輕人想要開創(chuàng)自己的事業(yè)，雇員想要適時退休，都已經(jīng)不太容易。雖然面臨這些變革的不只有美國，但是這些的確違背了獨有的美國式信念，那就是，任何努力工作的人都應(yīng)當?shù)玫焦酱觥?/p>

For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody.We've made progress.But we need to make more.And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.在過去的七年中，我們的目標一直都是，保持經(jīng)濟增長，以造福每一個人。我們已經(jīng)取得了一些進步。但是，我們需要繼續(xù)努力。盡管在過去的一些年中，我們有過許多政治上的爭論，但是在一些領(lǐng)域，我們?nèi)〉昧似毡榈墓沧R。

We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job.The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering.In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.我們一致認為，真正的機會在于每一個美國人都能獲得能夠必要的教育及培訓(xùn)，讓他們能夠勝任一份收入理想的工作?！安蛔屢粋€孩子掉隊”的兩黨改革政策，就是一個重要的開端，同時，我們加強了兒童早期教育，進一步提高了高中畢業(yè)率，使工程學(xué)等專業(yè)畢業(yè)生得以增長。未來，我們要以這些成績?yōu)榛A(chǔ)，通過普及全民早教，讓所有學(xué)生都接受計算機實踐和數(shù)學(xué)課程培訓(xùn)，為他們將來步入職場做好準備。同時，我們要為孩子們招錄更多優(yōu)秀的教師，并給予這些教師更好的待遇。

And we have to make college affordable for every American.Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red.We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income.Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college.Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.同時，我們要讓每個美國人都能上得起大學(xué)。因為，勤奮的學(xué)生不應(yīng)該因為貧困被擋在校門之外。我們已經(jīng)將助學(xué)貸款的還款額降至借款人收入的10%。接下來，我們需要降低大學(xué)費用。兩年制的社區(qū)大學(xué)將為每一位有責(zé)任感的學(xué)生提供免費教育，這是降低大學(xué)費用最理想的方式之一。我會不斷努力讓這個方案在今年啟動。

Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy.We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security.After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber.For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher.Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain.But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.當然，在新經(jīng)濟中，我們所需要的不僅僅是優(yōu)質(zhì)的教育。我們還需要能夠提供基本生活保障的福利和保護措施。如果說在座的各位，是美國為數(shù)不多的能夠在同一個地方從事同一份工作30年，還能獲得健康和養(yǎng)老保障的人，也不算夸張。而對于其他人，特別是四五十歲的美國人來說，為退休后的生存點錢或是在失業(yè)后重振旗鼓，已經(jīng)越來越困難。大家都認識到，在他們職業(yè)生涯的某個時刻，他們不得不重新接受培訓(xùn)，重新學(xué)習(xí)技能。但是，他們不應(yīng)當失去他們這么多年辛勤工作所獲得的東西。

That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever;we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them.And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today.That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about.It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage.Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far.Health care inflation has slowed.And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.這也是社會保障及醫(yī)療保險制度在今天尤為重要的原因；它們不該被弱化，而應(yīng)進一步加強。對于退休年齡較晚的美國人，基本福利應(yīng)與當今的其他事物一樣盡可能移動化。這就是《平價醫(yī)療法案》的意義所在，這個法案旨在填補基于雇主的醫(yī)療保險系統(tǒng)的空缺，我們失業(yè)、返校求學(xué)或創(chuàng)業(yè)時，依然能享受醫(yī)療保障。目前為止，已有近1800萬人受益。醫(yī)療費用通脹也有所緩解。自法案實施起，我們的企業(yè)每個月都能創(chuàng)造新的工作崗位。

Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon.But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security.Say a hardworking American loses his job – we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance;we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him.If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills.And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him.That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.我想我們在短期內(nèi)還無法就醫(yī)療保險制度達成共識。但兩黨可以在改進經(jīng)濟保障制度的問題上采取一些新的措施。假設(shè)一位辛勤工作的美國人丟了工作，我們不該僅僅確保他能獲得失業(yè)保險，而應(yīng)確保這個制度能夠支持他接受再培訓(xùn)以勝任新的工作。如果這份新工作的報酬不如上一份工作，那么就該有薪酬保障制度保證他能養(yǎng)活自己。即使他一直在換工作，也還能為退休儲蓄并能支配自己的積蓄。這就是我們讓大家更好地受益于新經(jīng)濟的方式。

I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty.America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.我知道國會眾議院發(fā)言人保羅 瑞恩提到過他對解決貧困問題的看法。美國是一個會給每個愿意工作的人機會的國家，我歡迎大家提出可行性戰(zhàn)略，如為無子女低收入人群減稅的方案。

But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years – namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations.And here, the American people have a choice to make.但在過去七年里還有其他難以達成一致的領(lǐng)域，比如，政府應(yīng)該扮演怎樣的角色，才能保證制度不向最富有的財團和大公司傾斜。在此，美國人民需要做出選擇。

I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy.I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut.But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else;or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered.Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis;recklessness on Wall Street did.Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough;those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns.It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts.In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less.The rules should work for them.And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.蓬勃發(fā)展的私營經(jīng)濟是我們國家經(jīng)濟的命脈。我認為，其有些過時的規(guī)則需要改變，有些繁文縟節(jié)需要摒棄。在企業(yè)連續(xù)多年利潤破紀錄之后，如果讓大銀行、石油巨頭或?qū)_基金制定只對自己有利的規(guī)則，或者允許對集體談判的攻擊置之不理，工薪階層就無法獲得更多機會和更多薪水。引發(fā)經(jīng)濟危機的不是那些領(lǐng)食物券的人，而是華爾街那些魯莽行事的人。移民人口不是阻礙薪酬上漲的原因；那些決議是由董事會的人提出的，他們經(jīng)常將季度分紅看得比長期回報還重?？梢钥隙ǖ氖牵诳次已葜v的普通家庭不會通過離岸賬戶避稅。在新經(jīng)濟的形勢下，工人、新興企業(yè)和小型企業(yè)需要更多發(fā)言權(quán)。規(guī)則應(yīng)該使他們受益。今年，我計劃激勵那些善待工人的企業(yè)，這些企業(yè)明白只有善待工人才能讓股東、顧客和所在群體最終受益，這樣我們才能在全美推行這種良策。

In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative.This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?

事實上，我們有許多優(yōu)秀的企業(yè)公民都是極富創(chuàng)造力的。這也是美國要回答的第二個大問題：如何重燃創(chuàng)新精神，迎接重大挑戰(zhàn)？

Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there.We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget.We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.六十年前，俄羅斯人發(fā)射人造衛(wèi)星，在太空領(lǐng)域領(lǐng)先于我們，這點我們并未否認。我們沒有就科學(xué)水平進行爭論，或縮減我們的研發(fā)預(yù)算。我們在很短的時間內(nèi)制定了太空計劃，十二年后，我們已經(jīng)能在月球上行走。

That spirit of discovery is in our DNA.We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver.We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride.We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world.And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.探索精神存在于我們的基因里。我們是托馬斯 愛迪生、懷特兄弟、喬治 華盛頓 卡弗。我們是葛麗絲 霍普、凱瑟琳 約翰遜、莎莉 萊德。我們是從波士頓到奧斯丁再到硅谷的移民和企業(yè)家，我們力求建設(shè)更美好的世界。過去七年里，我們一直在培養(yǎng)這種精神。

We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online.We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.我們保護了開放的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)，我們邁出了大膽的一大步，讓更多學(xué)生和低收入者加入互聯(lián)網(wǎng)這個大家庭。我們已經(jīng)開始建設(shè)新一代制造業(yè)中心，我們的網(wǎng)絡(luò)工具讓企業(yè)家在一天內(nèi)就能獲得創(chuàng)立一個企業(yè)所需的一切。

But we can do so much more.Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer.Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade.Tonight, I'm announcing a new national effort to get it done.And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control.For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.但是，我們能做的還不止這些。去年，副總統(tǒng)拜登曾說，要把治愈癌癥作為一項新的登月計劃去實現(xiàn)。上個月，他與國會通力合作，為國立衛(wèi)生研究院的科學(xué)家們提供了大量資源，這是10多年來科學(xué)家們獲得的最強有力的資源支持。今晚我宣布，我們將舉全國之力促成這項新計劃。在過去的40年里，喬為我們在眾多問題上竭盡心力，因此，我任命他主管這一抗癌計劃。為了我們已逝去的親人，為了我們還能拯救的家庭，我們應(yīng)該攜手，讓美國成為一個徹底攻克癌癥的國家。

Medical research is critical.We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.醫(yī)學(xué)研究是重中之重。在發(fā)展清潔能源的問題上，我們同樣需要全力以赴。

Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it.You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.如果你還要質(zhì)疑我們針對氣候變化進行的科學(xué)研究，你可以試試。你會發(fā)現(xiàn)自己孤立無援，因為站在你對面的是我們的軍方、絕大多數(shù)美國商業(yè)領(lǐng)袖、大多數(shù)美國民眾、幾乎整個科學(xué)界，以及全世界200個國家，這些國家都意識到了問題的嚴重性，想要著手解決它。

But even if the planet wasn't at stake;even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record – until 2015 turned out even hotter – why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?

就算我們的星球還沒到岌岌可危的地步，2014年也并非史上最熱的一年（因為2015年更熱），我們?yōu)槭裁匆艞壸屆绹髽I(yè)生產(chǎn)并銷售未來能源的大好機會呢？

Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history.Here are the results.In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power.On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal – in jobs that pay better than average.We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy – something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support.Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.七年前，我們在清潔能源領(lǐng)域進行了美國歷史上最大規(guī)模的一次投資。成果如下：從愛荷華州到德克薩斯州，現(xiàn)在風(fēng)能比污染環(huán)境的傳統(tǒng)能源價格低廉。從亞利桑那州到紐約州，每年太陽能為美國民眾減少了上千萬美元的能源支出，同時創(chuàng)造了多于煤炭行業(yè)的就業(yè)機會，并且這些就業(yè)的收入高于平均水平。我們正在逐步采取措施，讓每家每戶都可以生產(chǎn)并儲存自己的能源——環(huán)保主義者和茶黨人士正為此事通力合作，為家庭自產(chǎn)能源提供支持。同時，我們的石油進口量下降了近60%，減少的碳排放量居全球第一。

Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.2美元1加侖的油價也不算貴。

Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy.Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future –

especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels.That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet.That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.現(xiàn)在我們不得不加速實現(xiàn)從污染能源向清潔能源的過渡。我們不應(yīng)該補貼過去，而是應(yīng)該投資未來——尤其是在依賴化石燃料的社區(qū)。這就是我為什么要敦促改變石油和煤炭資源管理方式的原因，只有這樣才能更好地反映納稅人為此支付的稅款以及地球為此付出的代價。通過這種方式，我們把錢重新投入到這些社區(qū)，讓成千上萬的美國人一起構(gòu)建21世紀的交通運輸系統(tǒng)。

None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo.But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planet we'll preserve – that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.所有這一切都不是一蹴而就的。誠然，還有許多既得利益者想要維持現(xiàn)狀。但是，改變現(xiàn)狀能讓我們創(chuàng)造新的就業(yè)，節(jié)省更多資金，我們的星球也得到了保護——這種未來才是我們應(yīng)該留給后代子孫的。

Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world.And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.在眾多問題上，我們的安全與世界緊密相關(guān)，氣候變化只是其一。因此，我們需要回答的第三個大問題是：怎樣在不被孤立、不充當世界警察的情況下，保持美國的安全和強大？

I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air.Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker.The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth.Period.It's not even close.We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined.Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world.No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin.Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.剛才我說了，所有認為美國經(jīng)濟衰退的言論都是政治性的大話。所有你聽到的關(guān)于美國的敵人越來越強大、而美國卻越發(fā)虛弱的言論，都是逞口舌之能。美利堅合眾國是世界上最強大的國家。無需其他任何廢話。而且我們還會一直強大下去。我們的軍費投入比排在我們后面的八個國家的總和還多。我們的部隊是世界歷史上最精銳的戰(zhàn)斗力量。沒有任何國家敢攻擊美國或者美國的盟國，因為他們知道那是自取滅亡。有調(diào)查顯示，目前美國的國際地位高于我當選總統(tǒng)之初。當重大國際問題出現(xiàn)時，世界人民不會指望中國或俄羅斯來領(lǐng)頭解決，他們會找我們。

As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time.But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower.In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states.The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia.Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition.Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria – states they see slipping away from their orbit.And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.我每天的工作從聽取情報簡報開始，因此我知道現(xiàn)在是一個危險時期。但這并不是因為美國力量的削弱，或者某個超級大國的崛起。在當今世界，與其說邪惡獨裁國對我們構(gòu)成威脅，不如說經(jīng)濟衰退國對我們的影響更大。中東正在經(jīng)歷一場將持續(xù)二三十年的大變革，其發(fā)生的根源可追溯至一千年前的沖突。中國經(jīng)濟的轉(zhuǎn)型正在對我們產(chǎn)生沖擊。盡管面臨自身經(jīng)濟衰退，俄羅斯依舊投入大量資源到烏克蘭和敘利亞——這兩個正脫離正常軌道的國家。二戰(zhàn)以后我們建立的國際體系如今難以適應(yīng)新形勢的需要。

It's up to us to help remake that system.And that means we have to set priorities.我們有責(zé)任重建國際體系。而這意味著，我們必須對事務(wù)進行優(yōu)先排序。

Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks.Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage.They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country;they undermine our allies.美國政府的首要任務(wù)是保護美國人民，打擊恐怖主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)。基地組織和“伊斯蘭國”都直接威脅到美國人民的安全——在當今世界，哪怕只有一小撮無視他人和自己生命的恐怖分子，也會造成巨大危害。他們利用網(wǎng)絡(luò)毒害美國境內(nèi)人們的思想；他們破壞我們和盟友的關(guān)系。

But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands.Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped.But they do not threaten our national existence.That's the story ISIL wants to tell;that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit.We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions.We just need to call them what they are – killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.但當我們集中精力消滅“伊斯蘭國”時，卻有人言過其實地說這是第三次世界大戰(zhàn)。這種說法正中某些人下懷。許多武裝分子登上皮卡車，靈魂扭曲的人在公寓或車庫里謀劃著生命著——這些都對平民構(gòu)成巨大威脅，必須予以制止。但恐怖分子并沒有威脅到美國的“國家存在”。這就是“伊斯蘭國”想要透露出來的信息；這是他們招募恐怖分子時的宣傳伎倆。我們不能先壯大他們?nèi)缓箫@示我們可以來真的；也不能中了“伊斯蘭國代表世界最大宗教之一”的圈套，導(dǎo)致在這場斗爭中重要盟友離我們遠去。我們要認清他們的真面目——他們就是殺手、瘋子，必須予以追蹤、緝捕并摧毀。

That's exactly what we are doing.For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology.With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons.We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.而這恰恰是我們正在做的事情。過去一年多，美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)著60多個國家的聯(lián)盟，切斷“伊斯蘭國”的資金來源，發(fā)掘他們的陰謀詭計，阻止武裝分子的人員流動，消除他們邪惡意識形態(tài)的影響。我們發(fā)動了近萬次空襲，除掉他們的恐怖頭目，破壞他們的石油供給，搗毀他們的訓(xùn)練營和武器。我們?yōu)檎谥鸩綂Z回伊拉克和敘利亞領(lǐng)土的武裝力量提供培訓(xùn)、武器裝備和其他支持。

If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL.Take a vote.But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them.If you doubt America's commitment – or mine – to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden.Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell.When you come after Americans, we go after you.It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.如果本屆國會真的希望贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭，同時向我們的軍隊和整個世界傳達反恐決心，你們就應(yīng)該授權(quán)軍事力量介入對抗“伊斯蘭國”?？梢酝镀北頉Q。但美國人民應(yīng)當知道，無論國會是否行動，伊斯蘭國也必將和以往的恐怖分子一樣，得到應(yīng)有的懲罰。如果你們懷疑美國或是我個人伸張正義的決心，不妨問問奧薩馬 本 拉登。問問去年被擊斃的也門基地組織頭目，或者已成階下囚的班加西事件主謀。如果你和美國過不去，美國絕不會放過你。這可能需要一些時間，但我們的記憶力很好，我們的打擊沒有時限。

Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there.For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world – in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia.Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks;others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees.The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians.That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.我們的外交政策焦點是“伊斯蘭國”和基地組織的威脅，但并不僅限于此。因為即使沒有“伊斯蘭國”，未來幾十年里，全球許多地區(qū)（包括中東、阿富汗和巴基斯坦、中美洲部分地區(qū)、非洲和亞洲）仍將動蕩不安。它們中的有些地方有可能變成新的恐怖主義溫床；有些則會深陷民族沖突或大饑荒，滋生新一輪難民潮。世界人民會指望我們?nèi)ソ鉀Q這些問題，我們的回應(yīng)不能只是嘴上功夫：不斷使用強硬的措辭，做給平民們看。這種回應(yīng)可能在電視新聞上起點作用，但世界人民感受不到切實的鼓舞。

We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis.That's not leadership;that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us.It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq – and we should have learned it by now.我們也不能接管和重建每個陷入危機的國家。那不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力，那樣只會將我們拖入泥潭，白白浪費美國人民的熱血和財富，最終削弱我們自己。這是越戰(zhàn)和伊戰(zhàn)給我們的教訓(xùn)——我們早該銘記在心。

Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power.It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies;but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.幸運的是，我們有更明智的辦法。這是一個耐心、克制的策略，能充分發(fā)揮國家的每一分力量。這個策略就是：美國一定會采取行動——必要時單獨行動——以保護我們的人民和盟友；但在全球共同關(guān)注的問題上，我們會動員全世界與我們一起行動，確保其他國家也盡到自己的職責(zé)。

That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.這就是我們應(yīng)對敘利亞等沖突時采取的方法：我們與當?shù)剀婈牶献鳎I(lǐng)導(dǎo)所有國際力量，共同幫助這個千瘡百孔的社會實現(xiàn)長久和平。

That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran.As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.這就是為什么我們要建立全球聯(lián)盟，通過制裁和有原則的外交手段防止伊朗擁有核武器?，F(xiàn)在，伊朗已放棄核項目，運出濃縮鈾儲備，世界避免了又一場戰(zhàn)爭的爆發(fā)。

That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa.Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.這也是我們在西非阻止埃博拉病毒傳播時采取的方法。我們的軍隊、醫(yī)生和研究人員先搭好平臺，然后集結(jié)其他國家加入抗擊埃博拉的戰(zhàn)役。

That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia.It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs.With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do.You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement.Give us the tools to enforce it.這還是我們建立跨太平洋伙伴關(guān)系協(xié)定（TPP）時采取的方法。該協(xié)定能打開市場、保護工人利益、保護環(huán)境，還能增強美國在亞洲的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。它將取消針對18000種美國制造商品征收的關(guān)稅，創(chuàng)造更多優(yōu)質(zhì)就業(yè)機會。在TPP協(xié)定下，中國不再是當?shù)刭Q(mào)易規(guī)則的制定者，我們才是。你們想要美國在本世紀展現(xiàn)它的強大國力？那么就通過這一協(xié)議。給我們執(zhí)行協(xié)議的工具。

Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America.That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people.You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over.Lift the embargo.孤立古巴的50年未能推進這一地區(qū)的民主進程，反而削弱了我們在拉丁美洲的影響力。這就是為什么我們要恢復(fù)與古巴的外交關(guān)系，開啟旅游和經(jīng)商之門，幫助改善古巴人民的生活。你們想要鞏固我們在南半球的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力和可信度？那么就承認冷戰(zhàn)已經(jīng)結(jié)束，解除禁運吧。

American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world – except when we kill terrorists;or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling.Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right.It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity.When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change – that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children.When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon.When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores.Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.21世紀，美國體現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的方式并非只有下面兩個選擇：除了打擊恐怖主義，再不關(guān)心其他世界事務(wù)；抑或，占領(lǐng)和重建每個正在土崩瓦解的社會。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力意味著明智地運用武力，團結(jié)全世界的力量實現(xiàn)偉大目標。它意味著將海外援助視為國家安全的一部分，而非施舍。當我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)近200個國家簽署史上最具雄心的氣候協(xié)議時，不僅幫助了易受氣候變化影響的國家，也在造福我們的后代。我們協(xié)助烏克蘭捍衛(wèi)民主，我們幫助哥倫比亞結(jié)束長達十年的戰(zhàn)爭——這同時也鞏固了我們賴以發(fā)展的國際秩序。當我們幫非洲國家解決饑荒、抗擊病疫時，我們也防止了下一場大規(guī)模疫情危及美國。目前，我們正努力消除艾滋病帶來的危害，我們也有能力消滅瘧疾——這也是今年我會督促本屆國會資助的項目。

That's strength.That's leadership.And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example.That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.這才是國力，這才是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力需要美國做出表率。這就是為什么我一直致力于關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄：這一監(jiān)獄耗資巨大，沒有必要，只會為我們的敵人繼續(xù)招兵買馬提供說辭。

That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion.This isn't a matter of political correctness.It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong.The world respects us not just for our arsenal;it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith.His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer.That's not telling it like it is.It's just wrong.It diminishes us in the eyes of the world.It makes it harder to achieve our goals.And it betrays who we are as a country.這就是我們不該在政治上以人種和宗教區(qū)分別人的原因。這不是政治正確性的問題，而是我們必須知道美國強大的原因。世界敬重我們并非因為我們武力強大，而是因為我們的種族多樣性，因為我們的包容和對每種信仰的尊重。教宗方濟各曾站在這個講臺上和在座的議員說過：“如果你像暴君和殺人犯一樣充滿仇恨和暴力，那你也會很快成為他們那樣的人?！庇械恼渭椅耆枘滤沽郑腥怂烈馄茐那逭嫠?，有孩童受到欺辱……這些都不會讓我們的國家更安全。我們美國人不應(yīng)該是這樣的人。這種做法大錯特錯。它貶低了我們在世界眼中的形象，讓我們更難達成目標。而且它背離了美國的國家本質(zhì)。

“We the People.”

“我們合眾國人民”。

Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some;words that insist we rise and fall together.That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.我們的憲法以這三個簡單的詞開始，也是這三個詞讓我們認識到，這里指的是所有人，而不是一部分人；這三個單詞堅定地認為我們應(yīng)該共進退。這就是我想說的第四點，也可能是今晚我想講的最重要的一點。

The future we want – opportunity and security for our families;a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids – all that is within our reach.But it will only happen if we work together.It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.我們期盼的未來：每個家庭都享有機遇和安全；生活水平得以提高，以及為孩子們創(chuàng)造一個可持續(xù)的、和平的星球，這些都是我們可以實現(xiàn)的。但是，要實現(xiàn)這些期盼，我們必須一起努力。只有經(jīng)過理性、且富有建設(shè)性的辯論，這些期盼才可能實現(xiàn)。

It will only happen if we fix our politics.要實現(xiàn)這一期盼，我們必須解決政治問題。

A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything.This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests.That's one of our strengths, too.Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.更好的政治形態(tài)并不意味著意見始終統(tǒng)一。美國是一個大國，有不同的地區(qū)，不同的看法，不同的利益。這也是我們的優(yōu)勢之一。開國先驅(qū)們將權(quán)力分配給各個州，各政府部門，希望我們像他們一樣進行辯論，探討政府的規(guī)模和形態(tài)，探討貿(mào)易和外交關(guān)系，探討自由的含義和安全的必要性。

But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens.It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic.Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise;or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us.Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention.Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter;that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.但民主確實需要公民之間的信任紐帶。如果我們認為與自己觀點相左的人都心懷惡意，或者認為我們的政敵都不愛國，那民主就無法實現(xiàn)。如果不愿意妥協(xié)，連最基本的事實都存在爭議，而我們只聽那些贊同的聲音，那么民主就會停滯不前。如果只有最極端的聲音受到重視，那我們的公共生活就會衰落。最重要的是，當人民大眾覺得自己的呼聲無關(guān)緊要，而整個社會體制被有錢、有權(quán)或者個別人的利益所操控時，民主就將崩潰。

Too many Americans feel that way right now.It's one of the few regrets of my presidency – that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better.There's no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.目前，很多美國人都有這種感受。這是我總統(tǒng)任期內(nèi)的幾件憾事之一，各黨派之間的積怨和猜疑并未減弱，而是變得更深。毫無疑問，如果具備林肯或羅斯福那樣的才能，可能黨派之間的嫌隙會調(diào)和得好一些，我保證，在我任職期間，我會不斷努力，爭取做到更好。

But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task – or any President's – alone.There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected.I know;you've told me.And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President;we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.但是，美國同胞們，這不僅僅是我的責(zé)任，也不僅僅是某位總統(tǒng)的責(zé)任。在座的當中，有不少人期盼在更多方面相互合作，期盼在華盛頓有更高層次的辯論，但卻因為受到選舉利益的羈絆而無法做到。我知道這種情況，聽你們說過。如果我們想優(yōu)化政治形態(tài)，僅換掉一個國會議員或參議員，甚至換掉一位總統(tǒng)是不夠的，我們必須改變整個體制，來展現(xiàn)更好的自己。

We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around.We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections – and if our existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution.We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now.And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.我們要取消劃分國會選區(qū)的做法，因為劃分選區(qū)后，政客們會自己去選擇選民，而不是讓選民選擇他們。我們必須降低金錢對政治的影響，這樣就可以防止少數(shù)家族和幕后利益集團用資金影響選舉。如果關(guān)于競選資金的現(xiàn)行辦法未能獲得法院通過，我們就要共同努力，尋求真正的解決方案。我們要讓投票更容易，而不是更難，我們應(yīng)順應(yīng)現(xiàn)在的生活方式，使投票方式現(xiàn)代化。今年，我打算走遍全國，來推進這些改革。

But I can't do these things on my own.Changes in our political process – in not just who gets elected but how they get elected – that will only happen when the American people demand it.It will depend on you.That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.但僅憑我一人之力，是無法做到這些的。政治進程的變革，不是改變誰當選，而是改變當選的方式。只有美國民眾要求進行變革時，變革才會發(fā)生。這是由你們決定的。這就是“民有、民治、民享政府”的真正含義。

What I'm asking for is hard.It's easier to be cynical;to accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter.But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future.Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure.As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background.我所提出的要求絕非易事。相比而言，變得憤世嫉俗，認為變革不可能發(fā)生、政治已經(jīng)無藥可救，并且認定自己的呼聲和行動毫無意義，這些事情更容易做到。但是如果我們現(xiàn)在放棄，那我們也放棄了更加美好的未來。擁有金錢和權(quán)力的人會在更大程度上左右重大決定，可能是將年輕士兵送往前線，可能是批準會引起災(zāi)難的經(jīng)濟政策，也可能是為了維持控制權(quán)，駁回歷代美國人民為之奮斗犧牲的平等權(quán)和投票權(quán)。如果這樣的倒行逆施持續(xù)下去，又會有人催促我們回到部落時代，讓那些與我們長相不同，信仰不同，選舉方式不同，背景不同的同胞當他們的替罪羊。

We can't afford to go down that path.It won't deliver the economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.我們不能選擇那條道路，因為路的盡頭沒有我們追求的經(jīng)濟繁榮，沒有社會安定，最重要的是，無法讓我們成為如今這樣令世人羨慕的國家。

So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen.To vote.To speak out.To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us.To stay active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and optimism that I see in the American people every single day.我的美國同胞們，無論你信仰什么，無論你支持一黨制或無黨制，美國的未來掌握在你們手中，需要你們自愿履行好自己作為公民的義務(wù)。你們要參與選舉；你們要敢于發(fā)聲；你們要為他人，尤其是弱勢群體，爭取權(quán)利，要清楚知道我們能在這里就是因為有人在某個地方支持著我們。你們要積極參與公共生活，讓美國人民的善良、禮貌以及樂觀滲透每個角落，就像我每天接觸到的美國民眾一樣。

It won't be easy.Our brand of democracy is hard.But I can promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I'll be right there with you as a citizen – inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that have helped America travel so far.Voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born;not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first, bound by a common creed.Voices Dr.King believed would have the final word – voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love.這并不是一件容易的事。我們的民主道路也很艱難。但是，我能保證，一年之后，我已不再是美國總統(tǒng)，我將和你們一樣，是一個普通的美國公民，那些曾經(jīng)幫助美國前進的公平與遠見之聲、堅韌之聲，以及幽默與和善之聲，也會讓我倍受鼓舞。這些聲音告訴我們，每個人的身份，無論黑人還是白人，無論亞裔還是拉丁裔，無論性取向如何，無論是移民還是土生土長的美國人，無論是民主黨還是共和黨，我們首先都是美國人，并且有著共同的信念。用馬丁 路德 金的話來總結(jié)就是：不靠武裝發(fā)聲的真理以及無條件的愛。

They're out there, those voices.They don't get a lot of attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the work this country needs doing.這些人，這些聲音一直都在。寂靜無聲，不求關(guān)注，但卻一直在為這個國家奔忙。

I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours.I see you.I know you're there.You're the reason why I have such incredible confidence in our future.Because I see your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time.在美國這片熱土上，我所到之處都能看到這么一群美國人的身影。我看到了你們所有人，我知道你們都是其中的一員。正因為有你們，我才能如此自信于美國的未來。因為我知道一直有著默默無聞，堅定勇敢的美國公民為美國的未來奮斗。

I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages to keep him on board.有一位在裝配流水線上工作的工人，每天加班加點以確保公司正常運營，而他的老板也會給他加薪，讓他繼續(xù)堅守崗位。

I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might someday cure a disease.有一個女孩有著自己的科學(xué)夢想，為完成科學(xué)項目徹夜不休，而她的老師會提前進教室給她上課，因為他知道，總有一天她會成功發(fā)現(xiàn)某種治療疾病的良方。

I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of starting over – and the business owner who gives him that second chance.The protester determined to prove that justice matters, and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe.有一位美國人服完刑期，想要重新開始，而有位老板給了他第二次開始人生的機會；抗議者希望彰顯社會公平正義；年輕的警官在街上巡查，尊重他人，兢兢業(yè)業(yè)，默默守護我們的安全。

I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him 'til he can run a marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on.有個士兵為救自己同胞不惜一切，身受重傷；有位護士悉心照料他，直至他痊愈參加馬拉松；而所在社區(qū)的人紛紛為他加油。

It's the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he's been taught.有這么個孩子勇敢地做自己，敢于出柜，而深愛他的父親也會放棄自己的舊觀念繼續(xù)愛他。

I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to;the new citizen who casts his for the first time;the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth.有一位老婦人，只要自己還有選舉權(quán)，她都會親自排隊去投上一票；有位美國新公民第一次高興地投上自己的選票；選舉站的志愿者深信每一票都很重要，因為他們都懂得這投票權(quán)的分量有多重。

That's the America I know.That's the country we love.Clear-eyed.Big-hearted.Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word.That's what makes me so hopeful about our future.Because of you.I believe in you.That's why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong.這就是我所認識的美國。這就是我們熱愛著的國家。人們明辨是非，慷慨善良，并且樂觀地相信，不靠武器發(fā)聲的真理和無條件的愛必將主導(dǎo)這個世界。因此我才如此堅信美國的未來。因為有你們，我相信你們。因為美國的強大，我才能如此自信地站在這里。

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.謝謝，上帝保佑你們，上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。

英文來源：medium.com

譯者：劉蒙霏 陶鑫黎 史敏 孫慧 張文林 王怡 金小薇 方正

審校&編輯：馬文英 陳丹妮 杜娟

第二篇：奧巴馬2011年國情咨文演講

奧巴馬2011年國情咨文演講

一、演講摘要

華盛頓當?shù)貢r間1月25日晚(北京時間1月26日上午)，美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬在國會發(fā)表2011年國情咨文。奧巴馬在演講中表示，解決短期的就業(yè)和長期的美國競爭力問題將成為未來政府工作的重點。另外，奧巴馬還講到了醫(yī)改、外交政策、軍事、政府機制改革等未來政府的工作內(nèi)容。

二、奧巴馬演講經(jīng)典語錄

1.不管我們是誰、來自何方，我們中的每一個人都是一個更偉大事務(wù)的一部分，2.如果你努力工作，你可能會終身擁有這個職位，這個工作會給你帶來體面的收入、好的福利，有時還會獲得升職。

3.世界已發(fā)生了變革。對于許多人來說，變革是痛苦的。這就好像，在比賽進行到一半時，表現(xiàn)出色而又頗感自豪的運動員發(fā)現(xiàn)規(guī)則突然改變了。

4.世界發(fā)生了變革，但這不應(yīng)當使我們灰心，它應(yīng)當成為激勵我們的動力。

5.我們將贏得未來，但為了實現(xiàn)這一點，我們不能原地踏步。正如羅伯特?肯尼迪所說的那樣“未來不是一個禮物，它是一個成就?！本S持美國夢從來不是墨守成規(guī)。它需要每一代人作出犧牲、斗爭，滿足新時代的要求。

6.現(xiàn)在輪到我們這一代人了。我們知道在我們的時代為工 作和行業(yè)進行競爭需要什么。

7.贏得未來的首個步驟是鼓勵美國人創(chuàng)新。

8.所有人都無法肯定地預(yù)言下一個主要行業(yè)將是什么行業(yè)或者新的就業(yè)崗位來自哪里。三十年前，我們不知道一個被稱作互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的東西會引發(fā)經(jīng)濟革命。我們所能做的是，爭取在這些方面比其它國家的人做得更好，激發(fā)美國人民的創(chuàng)造性和想像力。

9.創(chuàng)新不只改變我們的生活，更重要的是，這是我們賴以謀生的方法。

10.成功不是名氣或者公共關(guān)系所帶來的，它是由辛勞的工作和自律造就的。

11.贏得未來的最后一步最關(guān)鍵的一步是確保我們不會葬身于如山的債務(wù)之中。

12.要在這個不斷變化的新世界中取得成功，我們需改革、責(zé)任和創(chuàng)新。

13.我們圍繞一切事情展開爭論，這會使難度變得更高，14.美國人的思想活力仍在，我們的命運依舊掌握在我們手中。

15.我們中的每個人都應(yīng)當有機會來塑造自己的命運。16.爭取在2035年之前使美國85%的電力供應(yīng)量來自清潔能源。

17.改革不僅僅是從上到下的指示。18.教育競賽不會止步于高中畢業(yè)證。19.我們必須戰(zhàn)勝敵人，無論他們在哪里，并建立跨越地區(qū)、種族和宗教界線的聯(lián)盟。

20.或許我們擁有不同的觀點，但我們都堅信同一個承諾：這是一個只要嘗試就可能會成功的地方。又或許我們擁有不同的背景，但我們都堅信同一夢想：這是一個一切皆有可能的國家。

21.雖然我不確定我們將如何超越地平線到達更好的地方，但我知道我們將會到達那里。

22.這就是美國人在過去兩百多年里一直在做的事情--再造自我

23.與其向昨天的能源業(yè)提供補貼，我們不如投資于未來的能源

附：《奧巴馬國情咨文全文》奧巴馬2011年國情咨文演講全文內(nèi)容

今晚我想首先向美國第112屆國會的男女議員、你們的新議長約翰?博納表示祝賀。在我們慶祝這一時刻時，我們?nèi)匀缓芮宄晃粐鴷h員的座位是空著的，讓我們?yōu)槲覀兊耐隆⑽覀兊呐笥鸭硬祭锇?吉福茲的健康祈禱。

呼吁兩黨合作

我們這些今晚出席這一活動的人在過去兩年曾存在分歧，這不是秘密。辯論是非常激烈的，我們?yōu)槲覀兏髯缘挠^點進行了激烈的斗爭。這是一件好事，這是強有力的民主所要求的。這種爭論幫助美國成為區(qū)別于其它國家的民主國家。

但圖森市的悲劇給了我們一個停止爭論的理由。我們進行的公共辯論引發(fā)了噪音、情緒、怨恨。圖森的悲劇提醒我們，不管我們是誰、來自何方，我們中的每一個人都是一個更偉大事務(wù)的一部分，它比政黨或者政治傾向更具必然性。

我們是美國大家庭的組成部分。我們相信，在這個各種種族、信仰、觀點并存的國家，我們?nèi)允且粋€團結(jié)在一起的民族。我們擁有共同的希望和信條，圖森小女孩的夢想與我們自己孩子的夢想沒有什么大的差別，這些夢想都應(yīng)獲得實現(xiàn)的機會。

這也是使我們作為一個國家產(chǎn)生分歧的原因。

現(xiàn)在，簡單地認識到這一點本身將不會開啟一個合作的新時代。這一時刻所能產(chǎn)生的成果取決于我們。這一時刻所產(chǎn)生的成果將不會由我們是否今晚坐在一起而決定，它將被我們明 天是否合作所決定。

我認為我們能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)合作。我認為我們必須這樣。這是那些把我們送到這里的人們所期望的。他們通過他們的選票決定，執(zhí)政將是兩黨共同的責(zé)任。新的法案只有在獲得民主黨和共和黨議員的支持下才能通過。在面對比黨派或者政治更大的挑戰(zhàn)面前，我們將一起前行，或者原地不動。

現(xiàn)在的利害不是誰將贏得下次選舉，畢竟，我們剛剛舉行完一次選舉?，F(xiàn)在的利害是新的就業(yè)機會和新的行業(yè)是否會在美國生根或者在其它地方。這事關(guān)我們?nèi)嗣竦男羷诠ぷ骱托袠I(yè)是否能得到回報。這事關(guān)我們是否能繼續(xù)保持領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力，這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力使美國不只局限于地圖上的某一個地方，美國因為這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能力而成為世界的燈光。

我們作好了前進的準備。在我們大多數(shù)人經(jīng)歷最為糟糕的經(jīng)濟衰退兩年后，股市已再次大幅上升。公司贏利在增加。經(jīng)濟在再次增長。

但我們從不只以這些標準來衡量進展。我們以我們?nèi)嗣竦某晒碓u估進展，通過他們所能找到的工作和這些工作所提供的生活質(zhì)量，通過小企業(yè)主把好點子的夢想轉(zhuǎn)變成興旺發(fā)達的企業(yè)的前景，通過我們給我們孩子更好生活的機遇。

這是一個美國人民想讓我們從事的事業(yè)，美國人民想讓我們共同致力于這項事業(yè)。

我們?nèi)ツ?2月作了這方面的工作。由于我們通過的減稅法案，美國人今天收到的支票金額要比過去多。所有的企業(yè)都 可以把它今年所作投資的全部開支注銷。這些由民主黨人和共和黨人合作采取的措施將使經(jīng)濟增長，增加就業(yè)崗位，私人行業(yè)去年已創(chuàng)造的1百多萬個就業(yè)崗位。

但我們有更多的工作要做。我們在過去兩年所采取的措施可能已克服了經(jīng)濟衰退的主要困難，但是為了贏得未來，我們必須直面應(yīng)對那些在過去數(shù)十年來一直積累起來的挑戰(zhàn)。

許多收看這一講演的人可能還記得那個找到好工作意味著在附近工廠或者市中心商業(yè)區(qū)就業(yè)的時候。你并不總是需要獲得一個學(xué)位，你的競爭基本只限于你的鄰居。如果你努力工作，你可能會終身擁有這個職位，這個工作會給你帶來體面的收入、好的福利，有時還會獲得升職。你可能還會擁有看到你的孩子在同一公司工作的自豪感。

世界已發(fā)生了變革。對于許多人來說，變革是痛苦的。在曾經(jīng)一度業(yè)務(wù)繁忙工廠面臨關(guān)閉時，我透過百葉窗看到了這種痛苦；在一度繁忙的商業(yè)街道空空如也的店門前，我看到了這種痛苦；在那些看到收入不斷縮水或者失業(yè)美國人的絕望言論中，我聽到了這種痛苦。這就好像，在比賽進行到一半時，表現(xiàn)出色而又頗感自豪的運動員發(fā)現(xiàn)規(guī)則突然改變了。

他們是正確的，規(guī)則發(fā)生了變化。僅僅用了一代人的時間，技術(shù)革命已改變了我們的工作、生活和做生意的方式。一度需要1000名工人的鋼鐵廠現(xiàn)在用100名工人就可以完成同樣的工作。今天，任何一家公司都可以設(shè)立商店、雇傭員工、把產(chǎn)品銷售給有互聯(lián)網(wǎng)連接的所有地方。與此同時，中國和印度等國已意識到，它們在作出一些變革后將能夠在新世界(10.69,0.13,1.23%)里與其它國家進行競爭。所以，他們開始對他們的孩子進行更早和更長時間的教育，更加重視數(shù)學(xué)和科學(xué)。他們投資于研發(fā)和新技術(shù)。就在不久之前，中國已擁有世界上最大的私營太陽能研究設(shè)施，世界上運行速度最快的計算機。

所以，是的，世界發(fā)生了變革。就業(yè)崗位的競爭是真實存在的，但這不應(yīng)當使我們灰心，它應(yīng)當成為激勵我們的動力。請記住，盡管我們在過去幾年遭受到了巨大打擊，盡管所有的悲觀者預(yù)言美國在衰落，但美國仍是世界上最大、最繁榮的經(jīng)濟體。我們工人的勞動生產(chǎn)率是最高的，我們的公司是最成功的，我們的投資者和企業(yè)家所擁有的專利數(shù)是最多的。我們擁有世界上最好的院校和大學(xué)，來美國就讀的學(xué)生超過任何其它國家。

更為重要的是，我們是首個以思想立國的國家，這個思想是我們中的每個人都應(yīng)當有機會來塑造自己的命運。這就是為什么先驅(qū)們和移民們數(shù)個世紀以來不惜冒著失去一切的風(fēng)險來到美國的原因。這就是我們的學(xué)生不只是記住方程式，而是會提出“你認為這個想法如何？你想如何改變世界？當你長大后你想成為什么樣的人”等問題。

我們將贏得未來，但為了實現(xiàn)這一點，我們不能原地踏步。正如羅伯特?肯尼迪所說的那樣“未來不是一個禮物，它是一個成就?！本S持美國夢從來不是墨守成規(guī)。它需要每一代人作 出犧牲、斗爭，滿足新時代的要求。

現(xiàn)在輪到我們這一代人了。我們知道在我們的時代為工作和行業(yè)進行競爭需要什么。我們需要在創(chuàng)新、教育和建設(shè)方面超越其它國家。我們要使美國成為商業(yè)環(huán)境最好的國家。我們需要對我們的赤字負責(zé)任，對我們的政府進行改革。這就是我們的人民實現(xiàn)繁榮的方法。這就是我們?nèi)绾乌A得未來的方法。今晚，我想談?wù)勎覀內(nèi)绾巫鞯竭@些。

激勵創(chuàng)新

贏得未來的首個步驟是鼓勵美國人創(chuàng)新。

我們所有人都無法肯定地預(yù)言下一個主要行業(yè)將是什么行業(yè)或者新的就業(yè)崗位來自哪里。三十年前，我們不知道一個被稱作互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的東西會引發(fā)經(jīng)濟革命。我們所能做的是，爭取在這些方面比其它國家的人做得更好，激發(fā)美國人民的創(chuàng)造性和想像力。我們是一個將車開到車道上、把計算機放在辦公室的國家，是一個擁有愛迪生、萊特兄弟的國家，是一個擁有谷歌和Facebook的國家。在美國，創(chuàng)新不只改變我們的生活，更重要的是，這是我們賴以謀生的方法。

我們的自由企業(yè)制度驅(qū)動著創(chuàng)新，但是由于公司投資基礎(chǔ)研究并不總是有利可圖，在歷史上，我們的政府向一流的科學(xué)家和發(fā)明家提供了他們所需要的支持。這些支持種下了互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的種子，這些支持幫助制造出計算機芯片和全球定位儀這樣的東西。

想想所有的好工作，從制造業(yè)到零售業(yè)都來自于這些突 破。

半個世紀之前，當蘇聯(lián)人發(fā)射一顆名為“伴侶號”的人造衛(wèi)星從而在太空競賽領(lǐng)域擊敗我們時，我們不知道我們?nèi)绾卧诘窃路矫鎿魯∷麄?。那方面的科學(xué)當時還不存在，美國宇航局當時甚至都還未組建。但在更好的研究和教育方面投資后，我們不僅超過了蘇聯(lián)人，我們還推動了一系列的創(chuàng)新，這些創(chuàng)新創(chuàng)造了新的行業(yè)和數(shù)百萬個新就業(yè)崗位。

這是我們那一代人創(chuàng)造的“伴侶號”走在世界前沿的時刻。我在兩年前說過，我們需要將研發(fā)拓展到自太空競賽高峰后再也沒有出現(xiàn)過的新層次上。我將在未來幾周內(nèi)向國會提交一份預(yù)算案，它將幫助我們實現(xiàn)這一目標。我們將投資于生物醫(yī)藥研究、信息技術(shù)，尤其是清潔能源技術(shù)，這一投資將會強化我們的安全、保護我們的地球、為我們的人民創(chuàng)造無數(shù)新就業(yè)崗位。

我們已看到了可再生能源的潛力。羅伯特?阿倫和加里?阿倫是一對在密歇根州經(jīng)營屋頂公司的兄弟。他們在“9?11”恐怖襲擊事件后志愿派出他們最好的裝修屋頂員工來幫助維修五角大樓，但是他們工廠的半個廠區(qū)沒有開工，經(jīng)濟衰退重創(chuàng)了他們的工廠。今天，在政府貸款的幫助下，空閑的廠房被用于制造銷往全球各地的太陽能電池板。用羅伯特的話說：“我們再造了自己?！?/p>

這就是美國人在過去兩百多年里一直在做的事情，再造自我。為了推動更多像阿倫兄弟這樣的成功故事，我們已開始再 造我們的能源政策。我們將不只提供款項，我們還將提供挑戰(zhàn)。我們將告訴美國的科學(xué)家和工程師，如果他們組建他們領(lǐng)域最好的科學(xué)家小組，致力解決清潔能源最困難問題，我們將向我們時代的“阿波羅項目”提供資金支持。

在加州理工學(xué)院，科學(xué)家正在尋找一種將太陽光和水轉(zhuǎn)換成汽車燃料的方法。在橡樹嶺國家實驗室，科學(xué)家們正在通過超級計算機以使從我們的核設(shè)施獲得更多能量。在進行更多的研究和激勵措施后，我們可以用生物燃料來打破我們對石油的依賴，成為在2015年前首個擁有一百萬電動汽車上路的國家。

我們需要找到創(chuàng)新背后的要素。為了向創(chuàng)新提供經(jīng)費支持，我將請求國會取消向石油公司所提供的數(shù)十億美元稅款補貼。我不知道你是否注意到這一情況，但石油公司自身運營得很不錯。所以，與其向昨天的能源業(yè)提供補貼，我們不如投資于未來的能源。

現(xiàn)在，清潔能源領(lǐng)域的技術(shù)突破只有在業(yè)界知道有銷售市場的情況下才會轉(zhuǎn)變成清潔能源業(yè)的工作崗位。所以，今晚，我想讓你們和我一起來制訂一個新目標：爭取在2035年之前使美國85%的電力供應(yīng)量來自清潔能源。一些人想要風(fēng)力和太陽能，其它人想要核電、清潔煤炭和天然氣。為了實現(xiàn)這一目標，我們將需要所有這些清潔能源。我呼吁民主黨人和共和黨人通過合作來實現(xiàn)這一目標。

發(fā)展教育

保持我們在研究和技術(shù)領(lǐng)域的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位對于美國的成功 至關(guān)重要。如果我們想擁抱未來，如果我們想讓創(chuàng)新在美國而不是海外創(chuàng)造就業(yè)崗位，那么我們必須贏得教育我們孩子的競賽。

思考一下吧，在未來十年，近半數(shù)新就業(yè)崗位將需要擁有高中以上的教育程度。雖然如此，美國仍有近四分之一的學(xué)生甚至未完成中學(xué)教育。我們教育和科學(xué)的教育質(zhì)量落后于許多國家。美國年輕人擁有大學(xué)學(xué)位比例的排行已降至世界第九位。所以問題是，我們所有的人，作為公民，作為父母，是否愿意做那些必要的事情以便讓每個孩子都有成功的機會？

這一責(zé)任不僅是在我們的教室內(nèi)開始的，也是在我們的家庭和社區(qū)里開始的。是家庭首先培養(yǎng)了孩子愛好學(xué)習(xí)的習(xí)慣，只有父母在確保關(guān)掉電視的情況下，孩子的家庭作業(yè)才會完成。我們需要教育我們的孩子，不僅是超級碗比賽的獲勝者值得慶祝，那些科學(xué)大賽的贏家也應(yīng)當值得慶祝。成功不是名氣或者公共關(guān)系所帶來的，它是由辛勞的工作和自律造就的。

我們的學(xué)校也有責(zé)任。當一名兒童步入教室，它就應(yīng)當是一個被寄以厚望和擁有很高教學(xué)能力的地方。但是太多的學(xué)校未能達到這一標準。這就是為什么我們沒有向教育系統(tǒng)注入大筆資金原因，我們啟動了一個名為“沖頂賽跑”的競爭。我們對所有50個州說：“如果你們能夠向我們展示提高教師質(zhì)量和學(xué)生成就的最具創(chuàng)新力的方案，我們將向你們提供款項?！?/p>

“沖頂賽跑”是我們公共學(xué)校在十年內(nèi)所進行的最有意義的改革。它只使用了不到我們每年教育開支的1%的經(jīng)費，但它 已使40個州提高了教學(xué)和學(xué)習(xí)標準。這些標準不是由華盛頓所決定的，它是由美國各個州的共和黨和民主黨州長們所決定的?！皼_頂賽跑”應(yīng)當成為我們今年所采取的方法。我們今年將用一個更為靈活、專注于用給我們的孩子帶來最大益處的法律來取代《不讓一個兒童落后法》。

你們應(yīng)該知道，當改革不僅僅是從上到下的指示時，我們的孩子所能夠取得的成績有多大。改革措施將由當?shù)氐慕處熀托ｉL、校董事會和社區(qū)來決定。

以丹佛的布魯斯?蘭多夫?qū)W校為例，它在三年前被評為是科羅拉多州最差的學(xué)校之一，它位于兩個敵對黑幫爭奪的地盤內(nèi)。但在去年五月，該校97%的高三學(xué)生獲得了畢業(yè)證，大多數(shù)人將是他們家庭中上大學(xué)的第一人。在學(xué)校實現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)變后的第一年，一位學(xué)生的話使這一切成為現(xiàn)實的校長流下了眼淚。這個學(xué)生說： “感謝你，威特斯女士，感謝你向我們表明，我們是聰明的，我們能夠成功?！?/p>

讓我們也記住，除了父母之外，對一個孩子成功的最大影響來自于站在教室前的男女教師們。在韓國，教師們被稱作“國家建造者”。在美國，現(xiàn)是我們該以同樣程度的尊重對待那些教育我們孩子的人的時候了。我們應(yīng)當獎勵好教師，停止為糟糕的教師找借口。在未來十年，由于非常多的嬰兒潮一代教師將退休，我們將需要準備10萬名科學(xué)、技術(shù)、工程和數(shù)學(xué)學(xué)科教師。

事實上，對于今晚收聽講演的、正在考慮職業(yè)選擇的年輕 人，如果你想讓我們國家前途有所不同，如果你想讓一個孩子的生命有所不同，成為一位教師吧。你的國家需要你。

當然，教育競賽不會止步于高中畢業(yè)證。為了競爭，必須讓每位美國人都有接受高等教育的機會。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁唇Y(jié)束向銀行提供沒有充分根據(jù)的稅款補貼，用節(jié)省下來的錢來使數(shù)百萬學(xué)生能有能力上大學(xué)。我今年將請求國會采取進一步措施，使我們的學(xué)費稅收抵免永久化，對一個人四年的大學(xué)來說，這筆錢相當于1萬美元。

由于人們需要在今天快速變化的經(jīng)濟領(lǐng)域里接受新工作和職業(yè)的培訓(xùn)，我們也將重新使美國的社區(qū)學(xué)院恢復(fù)活力。我上個月看到了北卡羅來納州福費斯社區(qū)技術(shù)學(xué)院的潛力，學(xué)院的許多學(xué)生曾在現(xiàn)在已搬離城鎮(zhèn)的附近工廠就業(yè)。凱西?普羅克托是一位兩個孩子的母親，她18歲就開始在家具業(yè)工作。她告訴我，現(xiàn)年 55歲的她正在攻讀生物技術(shù)學(xué)位，不只是因為家具業(yè)的工作沒有了，而是因為她想鼓勵她的孩子也追求他們的夢想。凱西說：“我希望這將能教會他們永不放棄?！比绻覀儾扇∵@些措施，如果我們提高對每個孩子的期待值，給他們在教育方面最好的機遇，從他們出生至他們上一次的就業(yè)崗位，我們將實現(xiàn)我在兩年前確定的目標：在這個十年結(jié)束的時候，美國將再度成為擁有大學(xué)生比例最高的國家。

非法移民問題

有關(guān)教育的最后一點。今天，我們的學(xué)校里有數(shù)百萬學(xué)業(yè)優(yōu)秀的非美國公民。一些人是非法工人的孩子，他們與他們父 母的行為沒有任何關(guān)系。他們是以美國人的身份長大的，宣誓效忠美國，但卻每天生活在將被驅(qū)逐的威脅之下。其它人來自海外，在我們的院校和大學(xué)里學(xué)習(xí)，但他們一旦獲得學(xué)位，我們就把他們送回國和我們進行競爭。這沒有道理。

現(xiàn)在，我強烈地認為，我們應(yīng)當一下子解決非法移民的問題。我作好了與共和黨人和民主黨人合作以保護我們邊境的準備，執(zhí)行我們的法律，解決數(shù)百萬生活在陰影之下的非法移民問題。我知道，這方面的辯論將是艱難的，將需要時間。但是今晚，讓我們就開始作出努力達成共識。停止驅(qū)逐那些有才能、負責(zé)任的年輕人，他們可以在我們的實驗室工作、創(chuàng)業(yè)、給美國帶來新的財富。

重建基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施

贏得未來的第三步是重建美國。為了吸引新的行業(yè)來到美國，我們需要運送人員、商品、信息最快捷、最可靠的方法，從高速鐵路至高速互聯(lián)網(wǎng)等基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施。

我們的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施曾經(jīng)是世界上最棒的，但現(xiàn)在我們的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢已經(jīng)下滑。韓國家庭的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)接入比例已超過了美國。歐洲國家和俄羅斯在公路和鐵路的投資額超過了美國。中國正在建造更快的火車和新機場。與此同時，當我們自己的工程師給我們的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施打分時，他們給我們打了一個“D”。

我們必須做得更好，美國是一個建設(shè)了州際鐵路、將電力輸往鄉(xiāng)村社區(qū)、建設(shè)了州際高速公路的國家。這些項目創(chuàng)造的工作不只來自于鋪設(shè)鐵軌或者路面，工作機會也來自在鎮(zhèn)里新 建火車站或者新外匝道附近開設(shè)的行業(yè)。

在未來兩年，我們已開始為21世紀進行重建。這個項目已為遭到沉重打擊的建筑業(yè)帶來了數(shù)千個好工作。今晚，我提議我們加倍這方面的努力

我們將讓更多的美國人從事修理年久失修的道路和橋梁工作。我們將確保這方面的工作有充分的經(jīng)費保證，吸引私人投資，根據(jù)項目對經(jīng)濟而不是對政治家的最佳益處來選擇項目。

在未來二十五年內(nèi)，我們的目標是使80%的美國人能夠擁有高速鐵路，這將使你乘高速鐵路出行的時間比開車出行的時間減少一半。對于一些旅程來說，它將比乘飛機出行更快，而且沒有嚴格的安檢措施。在我們講話之時，加州和中西部地區(qū)的高鐵線路已在建設(shè)之中。

在未來五年內(nèi)，我們將使業(yè)界向98%的美國人提供下一代高速無線網(wǎng)絡(luò)連接成為可能。這并不只是更快的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和更少的漏接電話。這事關(guān)使美國的各個地區(qū)都進入數(shù)字化時代。這事關(guān)衣阿華州或者阿拉巴馬州鄉(xiāng)村社區(qū)的農(nóng)民和小企業(yè)主能夠向全世界出售他們的產(chǎn)品，這事關(guān)消防隊員能夠用手持裝臵來下載著火建筑物的設(shè)計圖。這事關(guān)一名學(xué)生可以用數(shù)字教科書進行上課或者一位病人能夠與她的醫(yī)生進行面對面的視頻聊天。

所有這些投資，在創(chuàng)新、教育、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施方面的投資將為美國帶來更好的商業(yè)環(huán)境并且創(chuàng)造就業(yè)。但是為了幫助我們的 公司競爭，我們還必須打破那些阻礙它們成功的障礙物。

稅收調(diào)整

多年以來，眾多的游說人士利用稅法來為某些公司和行業(yè)謀利，那些在這一系統(tǒng)中就業(yè)的會計師或者律師最終什么稅都不交，而所有其他人則要承受世界上最高的公司稅率。這毫無道理，這需要改變。

所以，今晚，我請求民主黨和共和黨人簡化稅率，根除漏洞，實現(xiàn)公平競爭。用這些節(jié)省下來的錢來降低公司稅率，這將是25年來的第一次，而且是在不增加我們赤字的情況下。

促進國際貿(mào)易增加就業(yè)

為了幫助商業(yè)界向海外出售更多的產(chǎn)品，我們確定了在2014年將出口額翻一倍的目標，因為我們出口的越多，在國內(nèi)創(chuàng)造的就業(yè)崗位就會越多。我們的出口額已經(jīng)開始上升。我們最近與印度和中國簽署了協(xié)議，這些協(xié)議將為美國25萬多個就業(yè)崗位提供支持。我們上個月與韓國完成了貿(mào)易協(xié)議的最后文本，它將支持至少7萬個美國就業(yè)崗位。這一協(xié)議獲得來自行業(yè)和勞工組織、民主黨人和共和黨人前所未有的支持。我請求國會盡早通過這一協(xié)議。

在我就職之前，我明確表示，我們將執(zhí)行我們的貿(mào)易協(xié)議。我將只會簽署那些對美國工人有信心、增加美國就業(yè)崗位的協(xié)議。我們與韓國簽署協(xié)議時就是這樣做的，我想在與巴拿馬和哥倫比亞尋求簽署類似協(xié)議時也會這樣做，在繼續(xù)與我們的亞太和全球貿(mào)易會談時持同樣立場。為了降低增長和投資的障礙，我已下令對政府規(guī)則進行重新評估。當我們發(fā)現(xiàn)那些給行業(yè)帶來不必要負擔(dān)的規(guī)則時，我們將會修改這些規(guī)則。但我將不會毫不遲疑地設(shè)立或者強制執(zhí)行常識性的保護性規(guī)則，以保護美國人民。我們在過去一個多世紀一直是這樣做的。這就是為什么我們的食物、水、空氣是安全的。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁慈ツ陮π庞每ü倦[藏資費和懲罰規(guī)定采取消費者保護措施，為了避免新的金融危機采取新規(guī)則的原因。這就是我們?yōu)槭裁醋罱K通過改革法案以防止醫(yī)保行業(yè)剝削病人的原因。

醫(yī)療改革

現(xiàn)在，我聽說了有關(guān)你們中的一些人對新的醫(yī)保法律有一些擔(dān)心的傳聞。所以讓我來首先說，所有的事情都有改善的可能。如果你有使醫(yī)療護理更加高質(zhì)量或者更便宜的想法，我很愿意與你合作。我們現(xiàn)在可以著手開始解決法案中給小企業(yè)帶來不必要記帳負擔(dān)的缺陷。

但我不愿意去做的事情是，重返保險公司以先決條件為由來否決一些人獲得醫(yī)療保險的時代。我不愿意告訴來自得州的腦癌患者詹姆斯?霍華德，醫(yī)保公司可能不會支付他的治療費用。我不愿意告訴俄勒岡州的小企業(yè)主吉姆?豪斯，他還得多支付5000美元來使他的雇員獲得醫(yī)保。就在我們講話時，這一法案正使給老年人所開的處方藥更為便宜，使沒有醫(yī)療保險的學(xué)生有繼續(xù)享受他們父母醫(yī)保的機會。所以，與其重開過去兩年在這方面的斗爭，不如讓我們糾正需要糾正的地方，向前 走。

削減赤字

現(xiàn)在，贏得未來的最后一步最關(guān)鍵的一步是確保我們不會葬身于如山的債務(wù)之中。

幾乎從10年前開始，赤字財政幾乎就一直與我們形影相隨。在金融危機爆發(fā)后，這在一定程度上對于保持銀行流動性、保護就業(yè)以及增加人民收入來說是必要的。

但現(xiàn)在經(jīng)濟衰退的最糟時刻已經(jīng)結(jié)束，我們必須直面政府財政入不敷出的現(xiàn)實。這是不可持續(xù)的。每天，美國的家庭在節(jié)衣縮食以保證營收平衡。他們的政府也應(yīng)如此。

所以今天晚上，我建議從今年開始，凍結(jié)未來五年部分國內(nèi)項目支出。這將使美國財政赤字在未來十年減少4000多億美元，進而使政府可自由支配的開支所占經(jīng)濟的比例降低到艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)時期以來的最低水平。

凍結(jié)需要進行痛苦的削減。我們已經(jīng)凍結(jié)了未來兩年辛勞工作的聯(lián)邦雇員的工資水平。我也建議削減我一直非常關(guān)注的一些項目的支出，比如社區(qū)行動項目。國防部長也已同意削減他與他的將軍們認為對我們軍事影響不大的數(shù)百億美元的軍費支出。

我承認，在座各位中有些人已提出了進一步削減開支的提案，我愿意刪除任何的確可節(jié)省的開支。不過，我們必須確保不加重最脆弱的民眾的負擔(dān)。而且，我們還要確保所削減開支屬真正超重部分。通過減少對改革和教育的投資來實現(xiàn)赤字削 減，就相當于拆除發(fā)動機以實現(xiàn)超載飛機減重的目的。這樣做或許可能讓你一開始覺得飛得很高，但沒過多久，你就會感受到?jīng)_擊。

現(xiàn)在，我提出的大部分削減和節(jié)省提案只包括在國內(nèi)支出中，而這種開支僅占我國預(yù)算的12%多一點。為了取得進一步進展，我們必須停止僅削減此類開支就已足夠的臆測。這還不夠。

去年我組建的兩黨聯(lián)立財政委員會已經(jīng)明確了這一點。我并不認同他們的全部提案，但他們的確取得了重大進步。他們的結(jié)論是，解決我國赤字問題的唯一辦法是削減我們能夠發(fā)現(xiàn)的所有過度消費，包括國內(nèi)項目開支、國防開支、醫(yī)療開支等等。

這就意味著，進一步降低衛(wèi)生保健開支，包括像醫(yī)療保險和醫(yī)療補貼我國長期赤字最大單一來源這樣的項目。醫(yī)療保險改革將減緩這些開支的上升，這就是無黨派經(jīng)濟學(xué)家認為廢止衛(wèi)生保健法會使我國赤字增加2500億美元的部分原因。我很愿意看到其他降低開支的想法，包括去年共和黨的一項提案：進行醫(yī)療事故改革，降低草率的醫(yī)療訴訟發(fā)生率。

為了構(gòu)建堅實的基礎(chǔ)，我們還應(yīng)制定兩黨解決方案，強化后代社會保障。在這一點上，我們不應(yīng)危及當前退休人員(最易受到傷害的人群)或殘疾人，不應(yīng)有損后代利益，不應(yīng)使美國退休收入保障受制于充滿不確定性的股市。

如果我們真的關(guān)心我們的赤字，我們就不能允許永久延長 有關(guān)2%最富裕美國人的減稅法案。在削減學(xué)校資金或?qū)W生的獎學(xué)金之前，我們應(yīng)該讓那些百萬富翁們放棄他們的減稅優(yōu)惠。

這不是懲罰他們所取得的成功。而是要促進美國的成功。實際上，在稅收方面，我們能為所有美國人做的最好的事莫過于簡化個人稅碼(individual tax code)。這將會是一項艱巨的工作，不過兩黨成員已經(jīng)表示有意從事這項工作，而且我也準備加入他們。

所以，現(xiàn)在是時候采取行動了?，F(xiàn)在是時候兩黨及國會兩院在原則上做出讓步，共同從事這項工作了。如果我們現(xiàn)在做出這一艱難決定，從而嚴加控制我們的赤字，那么我們便能夠進行贏得未來所需的投資。

政府改革

更進一步的說，我們的政府不能負擔(dān)得更多。我們應(yīng)該給人民一個更強有力、更高效的政府。過去的政府無法贏得未來。

我們生活和工作在信息時代，但上一次政府大規(guī)模重組卻還是在黑白電視機的時代。涉及出口的有12個機構(gòu)。涉及住房政策的則至少有5個實體。我常舉的一個例子是：大馬哈魚在淡水中時由內(nèi)政部負責(zé)，而在咸水中時則由商業(yè)部負責(zé)。而我聽說一旦被熏烤之后情況就更復(fù)雜。

現(xiàn)在，我們已經(jīng)在過去的兩年里，在利用技術(shù)以及消滅浪費方面實現(xiàn)了突飛猛進。退伍軍人現(xiàn)在點一下鼠標，就能下載他們的電子病歷。我們正在出售幾英畝數(shù)年都未曾使用的聯(lián)邦辦公地點，而且我們將去除繁文縟節(jié)以便擺脫更多負擔(dān)。不過，我們需要考慮更多。未來的幾個月里，我的政府將會提出一項建議，以最有助于實現(xiàn)打造更具競爭力美國的目標的方法，合并、鞏固并整頓聯(lián)邦政府。我將會把這一建議提交給國會進行投票，我們將會推動這一建議的通過。

未來一年里，我們將繼續(xù)努力重建人民對政府機構(gòu)的信任。因為你們應(yīng)當確切知道你們所繳的稅花在哪里，花了多少，你們也將能夠在第一時間登陸網(wǎng)站獲得這些信息。因為你們應(yīng)當知道自己選出的官員何時會見游說團體，我已要求國會按照白宮已經(jīng)在做的將這些信息公布上網(wǎng)。而且因為美國人民應(yīng)當知道，特殊利益不能穿插在小項目的立法中，國會中的兩黨議員應(yīng)該知道這一點：如果呈現(xiàn)在我案頭的法案中存在“特殊?？睢?一般是指國會議員各自根據(jù)其選區(qū)或者集團需要，插入預(yù)算報告中的“相關(guān)項目?？睢?，我將會予以否決。

一個具備公開和競爭力的21世紀政府。一個量入為出的政府。一個由新技術(shù)與理念驅(qū)動的經(jīng)濟體系。要在這個不斷變化的新世界中取得成功，我們需改革、責(zé)任和創(chuàng)新。這還需要我們在外交事務(wù)中通過新方法接觸世界。

所以，我們必須戰(zhàn)勝敵人，無論他們在哪里，并建立跨越地區(qū)、種族和宗教界線的聯(lián)盟。美國的道德榜樣必需始終照耀著渴望自由、正義和尊嚴的所有人。因此我們已經(jīng)開始了這項工作，所以今晚我們能夠說美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)階層已經(jīng)復(fù)興，美國的地位已經(jīng)恢復(fù)。

外交政策 看看伊拉克，我們近十萬勇敢的男女士兵已經(jīng)昂首挺胸撤離伊拉克，美國的戰(zhàn)斗任務(wù)也已經(jīng)結(jié)束。在那里，暴力現(xiàn)象已經(jīng)開始下降，新政府已經(jīng)組建。今年，我們的民眾將與伊拉克人民建立持久伙伴關(guān)系，與此同時，我們從伊拉克撤軍的工作也將結(jié)束。美國遵守了承諾，伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭即將結(jié)束。

當然，誠如我們所言，基地組織及其附屬組織仍在計劃攻擊我們。感謝我們的情報和執(zhí)法人員，我們正在挫敗他們陰謀，保護我們的城市和天空。對于極端分子激發(fā)我們國內(nèi)暴力行動的企圖，我們正以社區(qū)力量、對法規(guī)的尊重，以及對美國穆斯林是我們美國大家庭一份子的堅定信仰，作出回應(yīng)。

我們也同基地組織及其海外盟友展開了戰(zhàn)斗。在阿富汗，我們的軍隊已經(jīng)占據(jù)了塔利班的根據(jù)地，并且訓(xùn)練了阿富汗安全部隊。我們的目標很明顯：通過阻止塔利班再次壓榨阿富汗人民，我們將會阻止基地組織獲得充當9?11起點的避風(fēng)港。

經(jīng)過英雄部隊及平民的奮戰(zhàn)，只剩下少數(shù)阿富汗人仍處于塔利班這一叛亂組織的控制下。擺在前面的將會是激烈的戰(zhàn)斗，而且阿富汗政府需要進行更好的管制。不過，我們正在增強阿富汗人民的力量，并與他們構(gòu)建持久的伙伴關(guān)系。今年，我們將會同近50個國家一起，開始向由阿富汗主導(dǎo)的狀態(tài)過渡。今年7月，我們將開始撤軍。

在巴基斯坦，基地組織領(lǐng)導(dǎo)階層承受著比2001年以來任何時候都要大的壓力。他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人及特務(wù)正逐漸遠離戰(zhàn)場，他們的避風(fēng)港正在收縮。而且，我們已經(jīng)從阿富汗邊境向阿拉 伯半島直至全世界發(fā)出了信息：我們不會憐憫、我們不會動搖、我們會打敗你們。

美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人也在努力確保最厲害戰(zhàn)爭武器的安全。因為共和黨和民主黨通過了新《削減戰(zhàn)略武器條約》，可部署的武器和發(fā)射器會更少。因為我們要重振世界，要在各大洲限制核材料，以免落入恐怖分子手中。

因為美國也在通過外交努力堅持要求伊朗履行其義務(wù)，所以伊朗政府現(xiàn)在面臨著比以往更加嚴厲的制裁。在朝鮮半島上，我們與盟國韓國站在一起，堅持朝鮮踐行其放棄核武器的諾言。

這僅是我們重塑世界、維護世界和平和繁榮所作出努力的一部分。我們與歐洲同盟一道，在努力恢復(fù)北約的活力，增加從反恐到導(dǎo)彈防御等各方面的合作。我們已經(jīng)重新設(shè)定了與俄羅斯的關(guān)系，強化亞洲同盟，并與印度等國家建立了新的伙伴關(guān)系。今年三月，我將訪問巴西、智利和薩爾瓦多，打造美洲新的進步同盟。在全球，我們與那些負責(zé)任的國家一道，幫助農(nóng)民生產(chǎn)更多的糧食，支持醫(yī)治傷患的醫(yī)生，并與敗壞社會風(fēng)氣和掠奪人民財富的腐敗行為作斗爭。

最近的事件告訴我們，使我們與眾不同的，不僅是我們的力量，也必然還有其后的目的。在我們的幫助下，南蘇丹人民在經(jīng)歷了多年的戰(zhàn)爭后，最終能夠投票選擇自己的獨立。他們在黎明前排起了數(shù)千人的長隊，人民在大街上歡舞。一名在戰(zhàn)爭中失去了四名兄弟的男子在描述他身邊的景象時這樣說到： “這曾是我生命大多時間中的戰(zhàn)場，現(xiàn)在我們希望自由”。

軍人保障、軍隊同性戀問題

我們絕對不能忘記我們?yōu)橹?、為之奮斗、所有人都銘記心中的事情。我們必須永遠記住，在這場斗爭中負擔(dān)最為沉重的美國人正是那些報效我們祖國的男男女女。

今晚，讓我們共同重申，我們的國家會團結(jié)一致地支持我們的軍隊及其家人。讓我們?yōu)樗麄兎?wù)，就像他們?yōu)槲覀兎?wù)那樣，給予他們需要的裝備、為他們提供應(yīng)得的保健和福利、并在建設(shè)祖國的偉大任務(wù)中，為退伍軍人提供支持。

我們的軍人來自這個國家的每一個角落。他們是黑人、白人、拉丁裔、亞裔和印第安人。他們是基督教教徒、印度教教徒、猶太教教徒和穆斯林。的確，我們知道，其中有一些人是同性戀。從今年開始，美國人都不會因為他們的愛人而被禁止報效其所愛的國家。接下來，我呼吁所有大學(xué)校園向我們的軍方征兵人員和后備軍官訓(xùn)練隊敞開大門?，F(xiàn)在，是時候和過去的分裂斗爭說再見了。我們應(yīng)該作為一個民族向前邁進。

美國夢

我們不應(yīng)該對擺在我們面前的工作心存任何幻想。改革學(xué)校、改變能源使用方式、減少赤字，這一切都并非易事，這需要時間。我們會圍繞一切事情展開爭論，這會使難度變得更高，成本、細節(jié)、每一個法律條文。

自然，一些國家沒有這種問題。

盡管我們民主有時會出現(xiàn)爭議、挫敗及混亂，但我知道在 場的各位都不愿意與世界上其他任何國家的人做交換。

或許我們會存在政策分歧，但我們都堅信我國憲法所昭示的正義?；蛟S我們擁有不同的觀點，但我們都堅信同一個承諾：這是一個只要嘗試就可能會成功的地方。又或許我們擁有不同的背景，但我們都堅信同一夢想：這是一個一切皆有可能的國家。

正是這個夢想讓我今晚站在這里，站在大家面前。正是這個夢想讓來自斯克蘭頓的工人階級成為了我后盾。也正是這個夢想讓一個從父輩開始在辛辛那提的酒吧掃地的人，成為了這個世界上最強國家的眾議院議長。

這個夢想(美國夢)驅(qū)使著艾倫兄弟為了一個新時代而徹底改造了他們的屋頂工程公司。這個夢想驅(qū)使著那些在佛塞斯技術(shù)社區(qū)學(xué)院求學(xué)的學(xué)生們學(xué)習(xí)新技術(shù)，為了未來努力奮斗。這個夢想也驅(qū)使一個名為布蘭登?費舍爾的小企業(yè)主有了自己的故事。

布蘭登在賓夕法尼亞州的柏林市開設(shè)了一家公司，專攻新型鉆探技術(shù)。去年夏季的一天，他看到新聞，智利礦井中有33人被困，無人知道如何營救。但布蘭登認為他的公司可以幫忙。他設(shè)計了一套營救方案，稱為B計劃。他的員工24小時工作，生產(chǎn)所需的鉆探設(shè)備。然后布蘭登前往智利。

他同其他人一起鉆了一個2000英尺的洞，連續(xù)不眠不休工作了三四天。37天后，B計劃成功，礦工獲救。但布蘭登不想引起注意，礦工升井后，他并沒有在那里。他已經(jīng)回家開始 致力于下一個項目了。

后來，他的一名員工提到了這次營救，“Center Rock是一家小公司，但我們做的卻是大事情?！?/p>

我們做大事

自建國初期以來，美國便充滿了由敢于追夢的普通人所譜寫的故事。我們就是這樣贏得了未來。

我們是一個會這樣說話的民族：“我或許沒有巨款，但是我有成立一家新公司的高見。我或許沒有出生在一個擁有大學(xué)學(xué)歷的家庭，但我將會成為這個家庭里第一個獲得大學(xué)學(xué)歷的人。我或許并不認識那些處于困境中的人們，但我認為我能夠幫助他們，而且我需要試一試?！?/p>

雖然我不確定我們將如何超越地平線到達更好的地方，但我知道我們將會到達那里。我知道我們能夠做到。

我們在成就偉業(yè)

美國人的思想活力仍在，我們的命運依舊掌握在我們手中。今晚，兩個多世紀后，因為我們的人民，我們的未來變得充滿希望，我們的旅程不斷向前，我們的國家變得強大。

謝謝大家。愿上帝保佑你們，愿上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。

第三篇：奧巴馬國情咨文演講語錄

奧巴馬國情咨文演講語錄

Text of President Barack Obama's first State of the Union speech[ 2010-01-28 11:42 ] 當?shù)貢r間周三晚9時，美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬發(fā)表上任后的首次國情咨文演講。他在講話中宣布政府計劃向銀行收費，以彌補政府為救助金融機構(gòu)及汽車業(yè)而蒙受的損失，補償納稅人的利益。

奧巴馬在發(fā)言中多次重復(fù)：“我不愿意救助銀行”，隨后宣布將向銀行收費。以下是其演講語錄及全文： I hated it.You hated it.It was about as popular as a root canal.(Speaking of the bank bailout)“我痛恨它。你們也痛恨它。它就像牙根管一樣普及?！保ㄕf到救助銀行）

To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills.(Speaking to “naysayers”in Congress)在此，我想提醒民主黨人，我們?nèi)匀粨碛袛?shù)十年來最大范圍的多數(shù)支持，大家希望我們?nèi)ソ鉀Q問題，而不是倉皇落逃。（對議會反對派說）

Right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change or at least, that I can deliver on it.(Referring to his campaign promises)我知道現(xiàn)在很多美國人懷疑他們是否還可以相信我們能夠改變，或者至少我是否還能履行諾言。（談到競選承諾）

By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance.Millions will lose it this year.Our deficit will grow.Premiums will go up.Patients will be denied the care they need.Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether.I will not walk away from these Americans and neither should the people in this chamber.(Speaking of the health-care overhaul)到我結(jié)束今晚的講話之時，更多的美國人正在失去醫(yī)保，病人得不到應(yīng)有的治療，小企業(yè)主繼續(xù)放棄為員工提供醫(yī)保，我不會不管這些沒有醫(yī)保的美國人，在座的各位也不應(yīng)該如此。（談到醫(yī)療改革）Jobs must be our number one focus in 2010.People are out of work.They are hurting.They need our help.And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.(Referring to his top priority to stabilize the economy)就業(yè)將成為2010年我們工作的重中之重。人們正在失去工作，經(jīng)受痛苦。他們需要我們的幫助，我希望盡快在我的辦公桌上看到一個刺激就業(yè)的計劃。（談到穩(wěn)定經(jīng)濟的首要任務(wù)）

Let's seize this moment — to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.讓我們抓住這個時刻——重新開始，追逐夢想，重振美國。

If we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing and jeopardize our recovery.(Referring to fears about the US trade balance and the national debt)如果我們不采取有效措施控制債務(wù)，勢必危及市場、增加借貸成本、影響經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇。（談及對美國貿(mào)易平衡和國債的擔(dān)心）

Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the president shall give to Congress information about the state of our union.For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty.They have done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility.And they have done so in the midst of war and depression;at moments of great strife and great struggle.It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable, that America was always destined to succeed.But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt.When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain.These were times that tested the courage of our convictions and the strength of our union.And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation and one people.Again, we are tested.And again, we must answer history's call.One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse and a government deeply in debt.Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression.So we acted immediately and aggressively.And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.But the devastation remains.One in 10 Americans still cannot find work.Many businesses have shuttered.Home values have declined.Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard.For those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder.This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades — the burden of working harder and longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.So I know the anxieties that are out there right now.They're not new.These struggles are the reason I ran for president.These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Ind., and Galesburg, Ill.I hear about them in the letters that I read each night.The toughest to read are those written by children asking why they have to move from their home, or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough.Some are frustrated;some are angry.They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn't, or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems.They are tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness.They know we can't afford it.Not now.So we face big and difficult challenges.And what the American people hope what they deserve is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences, to overcome the numbing weight of our politics.For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same.The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills, a chance to get ahead.Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity.After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school.They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors.As one woman wrote me, “We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.” It is because of this spirit, this great decency and great strength that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight.Despite our hardships, our union is strong.We do not give up.We do not quit.We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit.In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency, that embodies their strength.And tonight, I'd like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that promise.It begins with our economy.Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis.It was not easy to do.And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, it's that we all hated the bank bailout.I hated it.You hated it.It was about as popular as a root canal.But when I ran for president, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular — I would do what was necessary.And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today.More businesses would certainly have closed.More homes would have surely been lost.So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program.And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and accountable.As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money we spent on the banks.To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks.I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible and help Americans who had become unemployed.That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans, made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA and passed 25 different tax cuts.Let me repeat: we cut taxes.We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families.We cut taxes for small businesses.We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers.We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children.We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college.As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers.And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person.Not a single dime.Because of the steps we took, there are about 2 million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed — 200,000 work in construction and clean energy, 300,000 are teachers and other education workers, tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers and first responders.And we are on track to add another one-and-a-half-million jobs to this total by the end of the year.The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act.That's right — the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill.Economists on the left and the right say that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster.But you don't have to take their word for it.Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its work force because of the Recovery Act.Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created.Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.There are stories like this all across America.And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again.Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value.Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from — who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response.That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight.Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses.But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.We should start where most new jobs do — in small businesses, companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss.Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and are ready to grow.But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pa., or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they are mostly lending to bigger companies.But financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country.So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat.I am also proposing a new small business tax credit — one that will go to over 1 million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages.While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment.Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow.From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete.There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Fla., where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act.There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our nation move goods, services and information.We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs.And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it's time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs in the United States of America.The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps.As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same.People are out of work.They are hurting.They need our help.And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.But the truth is, these steps still won't make up for the 7 million jobs we've lost over the last two years.The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.We cannot afford another so-called economic expansion like the one from last decade — what some call the lost decade — where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion, where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs, where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious — that such efforts would be too contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked and that we should just put things on hold for awhile.For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse.Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp its economy;Germany's not waiting;India's not waiting.These nations aren't standing still.These nations aren't playing for second place.They're putting more emphasis on math and science.They're rebuilding their infrastructure.They are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.Well I do not accept second place for the United States of America.As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may be, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.One place to start is serious financial reform.Look, I am not interested in punishing banks, I'm interested in protecting our economy.A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs.It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes.But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.We need to make sure consumers and middle class families have the information they need to make financial decisions.We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.The House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes.And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it.Well, we cannot let them win this fight.And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back.Next, we need to encourage American innovation.Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history — an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched.And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy.You can see the results of last year's investment in clean energy — in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries, or in the California business that will put 1,000 people to work making solar panels.But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives.That means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country.It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development.It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies.And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year.This year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate.I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy, and I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change.But even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future — because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy.And America must be that nation.Third, we need to export more of our goods.Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America.So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support 2 million jobs in America.To help meet this goal, we're launching a national export initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports and reform export controls consistent with national security.We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are.If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores.But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules.And that's why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama and Colombia.Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools.The idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success.Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform — reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner cities.In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education.In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential.When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states.Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job.I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families.To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans.Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants.And let's tell another 1 million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years — and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service.Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college.And it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs — because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem.Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class.That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle class families.That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg.That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment — their home.The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages.And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.Now let's be clear — I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt.And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics.I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage, patients who've been denied coverage and families — even those with insurance — who are just one illness away from financial ruin.After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans.The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry.It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market.It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.And by the way, I want to acknowledge our first lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan.It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses.And according to the Congressional Budget Office — the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress — our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became.I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people.And I know that with all the lobbying and horse trading, this process left most Americans wondering what's in it for them.But I also know this problem is not going away.By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance.Millions will lose it this year.Our deficit will grow.Premiums will go up.Patients will be denied the care they need.Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether.I will not walk away from these Americans and neither should the people in this chamber.As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed.There's a reason why many doctors, nurses and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo.But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors and stop insurance company abuses, let me know.Here's what I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform.Not now.Not when we are so close.Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves.It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion.By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade.Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts and an expensive prescription drug program.On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget.That was before I walked in the door.Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit.But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt.I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do.But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions.The federal government should do the same.So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years.Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security will not be affected.But all other discretionary government programs will.Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't.And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work.We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year.To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts.But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers and those making over $250,000 a year.We just can't afford it.Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office.More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security will continue to skyrocket.That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad.This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem.The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.Yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission.So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans.And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting.I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger.But understand — if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing and jeopardize our recovery — all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument — that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away.The problem is, that's what we did for eight years.That's what helped lead us into this crisis.It's what helped lead to these deficits.And we cannot do it again.Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new.Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt.Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here.Let's try common sense.To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now.We face a deficit of trust — deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years.To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists;to do our work openly and to give our people the government they deserve.That's what I came to Washington to do.That's why — for the first time in history — my administration posts our White House visitors online.And that's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions.But we can't stop there.It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or Congress.And it's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.Last week, the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests — including foreign corporations — to spend without limit in our elections.Well, I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities.They should be decided by the American people, and that's why I'm urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong.I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform.You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change.But restoring the public trust demands more.For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online.Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.Now, I am not naive.I never thought the mere fact of my election would usher in peace, harmony and some post-partisan era.I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched.And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways.These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, have been taking place for over 200 years.They are the very essence of our democracy.But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is election day.We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their opponent — a belief that if you lose, I win.Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can.The confirmation of well-qualified public servants should not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators.Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, is just part of the game.But it is precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people.Worse yet, it is sowing further division among our citizens and further distrust in our government.So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics.I know it's an election year.And after last week, it is clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual.But we still need to govern.To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills.And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well.Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership.We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions.So let's show the American people that we can do it together.This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans.And I would like to begin monthly meetings with both the Democratic and Republican leadership.I know you can't wait.Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security.Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated.We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I am not interested in relitigating the past.I know that all of us love this country.All of us are committed to its defense.So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough.Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values.Let's leave behind the fear and division and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future — for America and the world.That is the work we began last year.Since the day I took office, we have renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation.We have made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives.We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence.We have prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula.And in the last year, hundreds of al-Qaida's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed — far more than in 2008.In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011 and our troops can begin to come home.We will reward good governance, reduce corruption and support the rights of all Afghans — men and women alike.We are joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitment, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose.There will be difficult days ahead.But I am confident we will succeed.As we take the fight to al-Qaida, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people.As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as president.We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August.We will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity.But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform — in Iraq, Afghanistan and around the world — must know that they have our respect, our gratitude and our full support.And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home.That is why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades.That is why we are building a 21st century VA.And that is why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people — the threat of nuclear weapons.I have embraced the vision of John F.Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them.To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades.And at April's nuclear security summit, we will bring 44 nations together behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists.These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of these weapons.That is why North Korea now faces increased isolation and stronger sanctions — sanctions that are being vigorously enforced.That is why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated.And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face growing consequences.That is the leadership that we are providing — engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people.We are working through the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery.We are working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science, education and innovation.We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change.We are helping developing countries to feed themselves and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS.And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease — a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores.But we also do it because it is right.That is why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild.That is why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan, we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran, and we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea.For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity.Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals.The same is true at home.We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it, that if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.We must continually renew this promise.My administration has a civil rights division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination.We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate.This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are.We are going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws — so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work.And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system — to secure our borders, enforce our laws and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nations.In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America — values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe, values that drive our citizens still.Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers.Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country.They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit.These aren't Republican values or Democratic values they're living by, business values or labor values.They are American values.Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions — our corporations, our media and, yes, our government — still reflect these same values.Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper.But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow.Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith.The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly arguments and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.No wonder there's so much cynicism out there.No wonder there's so much disappointment.I campaigned on the promise of change — change we can believe in, the slogan went.And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change — or at least, that I can deliver it.But remember this — I never suggested that change would be easy or that I can do it alone.Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated.And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy.That's just how it is.Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths.We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago or 100 years ago or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight.The only reason we are is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard, to do what was needed even when success was uncertain, to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and grandchildren.Our administration has had some political setbacks this year and some of them were deserved.But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year.And what keeps me going — what keeps me fighting — is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism — that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people — lives on.It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, “None of us,” he said, “are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.” It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, “We are strong.We are resilient.We are American.” It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go some place they've never been and pull people they've never known from rubble, prompting chants of “USA!USA!USA!” when another life was saved.The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.We have finished a difficult year.We have come through a difficult decade.But a new year has come.A new decade stretches before us.We don't quit.I don't quit.Let's seize this moment — to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.Thank you.God Bless You.And God Bless the United States of America.

第四篇：奧巴馬演講中英對照

Hello，Chicago!If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.芝城父老，別來無恙，余嘗聞世人有疑，不知當今美利堅凡事皆可成就耶？開國先賢之志方巋然于世耶？民主之偉力不減于昔年耶？凡存諸疑者，今夕當可釋然。

It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.今夕之釋然，皆蒙美利堅民眾之協(xié)力——學(xué)塾祠廟之外，市井鄉(xiāng)野之間，萬千父老心焦似焚，苦待竟日，愿獻一票之力。其中，平生未嘗涉國事者，數(shù)亦不少，而今有此義舉，皆因一念不衰——今夫天下，非同既往，愿發(fā)吁天之聲，必成動地之勢。

It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled.Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states.We are, and always will be, the United States of America.今夕之釋然，皆仰吾國同胞之齊心——何談貧富老幼之差、黨社宗族之異，惶論發(fā)膚肌體之別、志趣愛惡之分。吾國既以“合眾”為名，吾輩則更無疏離之意，紅藍二黨幷肩而立，數(shù)十邦州挽手相合，無分你我，共稱一家，昂然于世，齊聲一呼，天下乃有此釋然。

It’s the answer that led those who’ve been told for so long by so many to be cynical and fearful and doubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.今夕之釋然，皆因憤懣者之鎮(zhèn)靜，憂懼者之勇氣，猶疑者之篤定——平素世間種種，消磨其志向，潰滅其夢想，而值此風(fēng)云之際，除舊更新，當仁不讓，傾力而動乾坤者，更何人哉！

It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment change has come to America.俟之誠久，其志彌堅。幸天地明察，乃有今日，乃有此刻，乃有此一選舉，乃有我億萬美利堅大好國民——吾邦之大變革，方得自茲而始也！

A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen.McCain.Sen.McCain fought long and hard in this campaign.And he’s fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves.He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine.We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader.I congratulate him;I congratulate Gov.Palin for all that they’ve achieved.And I look forward to working with them to renew this nation’s promise in the months ahead.頃接參議員麥君凱恩電，雖未得晤，幸有一談，其言諄諄，其意誠誠，鄙人感佩之至。選戰(zhàn)期內(nèi)，麥君勞碌幾重，奔波幾許，皆為國家計。諸般求索，時日良多，皆非余所能及。于國于民之驚人犧牲，亦非庸庸如吾輩者所可想見。以麥君之膽魄襟懷，能為吾邦所用，實國家之幸，萬民之幸也。前途漫漫，其事未竟，余所盼矚由衷者，唯共麥凱恩君、佩林君，及諸賢士比肩，會吾等之綿力，成吾邦之大業(yè)。

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart, and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on the train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.喬君拜登，亦吾所感銘至深者也。競選之業(yè)，艱險不足與外人道，幸有喬君之輔佐，其誠天可鑒之。喬君其人，素言懇辭切，意篤情真，蓋嘗經(jīng)斯蘭克頓街鄉(xiāng)鄰之提命，飽聆特拉華州父老之晤教也。他日余既登總統(tǒng)之位，喬君必當副之。

And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation’s next first lady Michelle Obama.拙荊米氏，追隨鄙人凡一十六年，既為愛侶，更為摯友，既為吾闔家之基石，又乃余終生之至愛。鄙人嘗自忖度，倘無賢妻若此，今朝闊論高談于此處者，不知何人矣！

Sasha and Malia I love you both more than you can imagine.And you have earned the new puppy that’s coming with us to the new White House.小女薩沙、瑪麗，余素深喜之。昔日為父嘗與汝等言，此番選戰(zhàn)若得一勝，愿購小犬一頭相贈，待闔家喬遷總統(tǒng)府邸之日，偕汝等同進吾宅。今當勝負已出，既有一諾在前，必自踐行不欺也。

And while she’s no longer with us, I know my grandmother’s watching, along with the family that made me who I am.I miss them tonight.I know that my debt to them is beyond measure.祖母大人雖已仙逝，料必有靈在天，俯察人寰，想應(yīng)頷首開顏矣。吾奧巴馬氏列祖列宗，亦當如是。今日今時，此情此景，鄙人追思之心，烏鳥之情，曷其有極！唯生死陌路，仙凡有別，雖懷反哺之心，而無答報之門也！

To my sister Maya, my sister Alma, all my other brothers and sisters, thank you so much for all the support that you’ve given me.I am grateful to them.至若瑪雅、艾瑪二姐妹，以及吾家諸同胞，所惠我者，亦屬良多，久沐恩德，此當拜謝。

And to my campaign manager, David Plouffe, the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best — the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the United States of America.To my chief strategist David Axelrod who’s been a partner with me every step of the way.To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.大衛(wèi)?普勞夫君，大衛(wèi)?阿克塞羅德君，一為鄙人競選事務(wù)之經(jīng)理，一為鄙人國事韜略之智囊。余嘗自喟嘆，左右謀士，余所仰賴者，皆亙古未見之賢才。普阿二君，則更此中之翹楚。區(qū)區(qū)不才，有何德能，可得膀臂若此？當此功成之際，感荷之心，亦自拳拳。

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to.It belongs to you.It belongs to you.至于鄙人銘之肺腑，須臾不敢忘懷者，則諸位也。蓋今日鄙人之勝績，實諸位之勝績，鄙人之榮光，實諸位之榮光！

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office.We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements.Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington.It began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.余素樸陋，雖有參選之心，幷無必勝之志。謀事之初，銀資乏匱，從者寥寥；起事之地，皆蔽寓荒齋，不在高閣；成事之基，無非尋常百姓，涓滴之獻。

It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep.It drew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized and proved that more than two centuries later a government of the people, by the people, and for the people has not perished from the Earth.今日之勝，有賴一眾熱血青年，拋其家，別其室，不辭其苦，不計其酬，矻矻于此——“國中青年愛國之心已泯”之謬論，今可休矣！今日之勝，有賴壯志未已之諸前輩，無懼寒暑，行走奔波，勸說民眾。今日之勝，乃數(shù)百萬美利堅民眾之勝，察其意，皆屬踴躍為國，觀其行，處處謹嚴有序，足堪告慰二百年前開國之先賢 ——民有、民治、民享之政體，未嘗動搖也！

This is your victory.嗟夫！此實諸位之功也！

I know you didn’t do this just to win an election.And I know you didn’t do it for me.You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead.For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.余知諸君之意非在此一選舉，亦非在鄙人一身。蓋瞻前路之艱辛，益知此任非同小可也。雖今夕歡賀于此，而明朝酒醒，大患仍自當前，不容有怠——兩地烽煙熊熊而起，四海之內(nèi)紛紛而亂，金融業(yè)界惶惶而不得寧。

Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after the children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage or pay their doctors’ bills or save enough for their child’s college education.There’s new energy to harness, new jobs to be created, new schools to build, and threats to meet, alliances to repair.是夜，飲宴笙歌之聲不絕于耳，而異邦大漠群山中，吾國大好青年，兀自苦戍邊塞，惝恍竟夜，性命尚未得安。吾國千萬庶民，為人父母者，兀自惴惴難眠，所憂者，乃房宅所貸、病患之費、撫育之資也。至若吾國能源之耗，百業(yè)之興，庠序之教，攻伐之術(shù)，懷遠之道，亦皆吾等忡忡掛懷者也。

The road ahead will be long.Our climb will be steep.We may not get there in one year or even in one term.But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there.I promise you, we as a people will get there.渺渺乎其遠，如不可達，危危乎其高，若不可攀。朝夕歲月，焉得成就？余不揣愚鈍，愿以四載韶華，付諸此業(yè)，勝算何如雖不可知，然昂揚必勝之奇志，成就偉業(yè)之壯懷，平生未之有也。君子一諾，其重何如，此地今夕，愿斗膽發(fā)一狂言——吾輩既在，其事必成！

There will be setbacks and false starts.There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as president.And we know the government can’t solve every problem.But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face.I will listen to you, especially when we disagree.And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it’s been done in America for 221 years — block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.逶迤坎坷，份內(nèi)之事。異見爭端，料必有之。國中之政府，諒非無所不能者。余所秉承不移者，唯忠信矣。倘有危難于前，必?zé)o欺瞞于世。諸君言論臧否，縱悖逆相左之議，余必當洗耳以聆。于此之外，更當懇請諸君，不吝心血，致力報效，以振吾美利堅重興之業(yè)。余亦別無他想，唯盼吾儕協(xié)力，延繼吾國既肇二百二十一年之大統(tǒng)，匯涓滴之力，而成萬世之業(yè)。

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night.This victory alone is not the change we seek.It is only the chance for us to make that change.And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.It can’t happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.昔年冬日，余有志于斯，投身此業(yè)，屈指算來，倏然近二載矣。當此秋夜，追思反省，仍無潰退逃亡之意。選戰(zhàn)之勝，無非一役之功，余夢寐所思矢志所求者，非在乎此。溯源究本，此役之勝，不過革世變時一大好良機耳。倘止步于斯，垂手而待，或無諸君傾力相援，則壯志豐功，無非泡影，諸般夢想，終必虛妄。

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves but each other.Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people.愛國之心，報國之念，吾人固有之，然逢今日之世，此心此念亦當一變——吾輩各執(zhí)己業(yè)，益當各竭其力，各盡其命，非但為一己之利，而更期普世之榮。今歲，金融業(yè)界動蕩多舛，細審觀之，當可以之為鑒——實業(yè)之損，亦是金融之傷。可知，既在邦域之內(nèi)，吾輩榮辱休戚，皆相與共矣！

第五篇：奧巴馬演講全集(中英對照)

Keynote Address at the 2004 Democratic National Convention: The Audacity of Hope July 27, 2004

On behalf of the great state of Illinois, crossroads of a nation, land of Lincoln, let me express my deepest gratitude for the privilege of addressing this convention.Tonight is a particular honor for me because, let's face it, my presence on this stage is pretty unlikely.My father was a foreign student, born and raised in a small village in Kenya.He grew up herding goats, went to school in a tin-roof shack.His father, my grandfather, was a cook, a domestic servant to the British.But my grandfather had larger dreams for his son.Through hard work and perseverance my father got a scholarship to study in a magical place: America, that shone as a beacon of freedom and opportunity to so many who had come before.While studying here, my father met my mother.She was born in a town on the other side of the world, in Kansas.Her father worked on oil rigs and farms through most of the Depression.The day after Pearl Harbor my grandfather signed up for duty, joined Patton's army and marched across Europe.Back home, my grandmother raised their baby and went to work on a bomber assembly line.After the war, they studied on the GI Bill, bought a house through FHA, and later moved west all the way to Hawaii in search of opportunity.And they, too, had big dreams for their daughter, a common dream, born of two continents.My parents shared not only an improbable love;they shared an abiding faith in the possibilities of this nation.They would give me an African name, Barack, or “blessed,” believing that in a tolerant America your name is no barrier to success.They imagined me going to the best schools in the land, even though they weren't rich, because in a generous America you don't have to be rich to achieve your potential.They are both passed away now.Yet, I know that, on this night, they look down on me with great pride.They stand here, and I stand here today, grateful for the diversity of my heritage, aware that my parents' dreams live on in my two precious daughters.I stand here knowing that my story is part of the larger American story, that I owe a debt to all of those who came before me, and that, in no other country on earth, is my story even possible.Tonight, we gather to affirm the greatness of our nation, not because of the height of our skyscrapers, or the power of our military, or the size of our economy.Our pride is based on a very simple premise, summed up in a declaration made over two hundred years ago, “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.That they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.That among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

That is the true genius of America, a faith in the simple dreams, the insistence on small miracles.That we can tuck in our children at night and know they are fed and clothed and safe from harm.That we can say what we think, write what we think, without hearing a sudden knock on the door.That we can have an idea and start our own business without paying a bribe or hiring somebody's son.That we can participate in the political process without fear of retribution, and that our votes will he countedDemocrats, Republicans, IndependentsI am my brother's keeper, I am my sister's keeperthere's the United States of America.There's not a black America and white America and Latino America and Asian America;there's the United States of America.The pundits like to slice-and-dice our country into Red States and Blue States;Red States for Republicans, Blue States for Democrats.But I've got news for them, too.We worship an awesome God in the Blue States, and we don't like federal agents poking around our libraries in the Red States.We coach Little League in the Blue States and have gay friends in the Red States.There are patriots who opposed the war in Iraq and patriots who supported it.We are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the stars and stripes, all of us defending the United States of America.In the end, that's what this election is about.Do we participate in a politics of cynicism or a politics of hope? I'm not talking about blind optimism hereat this defining moment in historyto build a coalition for change that stretches through Red States and Blue States.Because that's how we'll win in November, and that's how we'll finally meet the challenges that we face as a nation.We are choosing hope over fear.We're choosing unity over division, and sending a powerful message that change is coming to America.You said the time has come to tell the lobbyists who think their money and their influence speak louder than our voices that they don't own this government, we do;and we are here to take it back.The time has come for a President who will be honest about the choices and the challenges we face;who will listen to you and learn from you even when we disagree;who won't just tell you what you want to hear, but what you need to know.And in New Hampshire, if you give me the same chance that Iowa did tonight, I will be that president for America.Thank you.I'll be a President who finally makes health care affordable and available to every single American the same way I expanded health care in Illinoisthat in the face of impossible odds, people who love this country can change it.I know this-I know this because while I may be standing here tonight, I'll never forget that my journey began on the streets of Chicago doing what so many of you have done for this campaign and all the campaigns here in Iowaa night-a night that, years from now, when we've made the changes we believe in;when more families can afford to see a doctor;when our children-when Malia and Sasha and your children-inherit a planet that's a little cleaner and safer;when the world sees America differently, and America sees itself as a nation less divided and more united;you'll be able to look back with pride and say that this was the moment when it all began.This was the moment when the improbable beat what Washington always said was inevitable.This was the moment when we tore down barriers that have divided us for too longthis was the placewith a father from Kenya;a mother from Kansas;and a story that could only happen in the United States of America.Hope is the bedrock of this nation;the belief that our destiny will not be written for us, but by us;by all those men and women who are not content to settle for the world as it is;who have the courage to remake the world as it should be.That is what we started here in Iowa, and that is the message we can now carry to New Hampshire and beyond;the same message we had when we were up and when we were down;the one that can change this country brick by brick, block by block, calloused hand by calloused handa champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours--Hillary Rodham Clinton.To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it;to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service;and to the next Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you.I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.To the love of my life, our next First Lady, Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Maliaof the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren't well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.It is that promise that has always set this country apartstudents and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors--found the courage to keep it alive.We meet at one of those defining momentsenough!This momentis our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive.Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third.And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight.On November 4th, we must stand up and say: “Eight is enough.”

Now let there be no doubt.The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect.And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time.Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don't know about you, but I'm not ready to take a ten percent chance on change.The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your livesSenator McCain has been anything but independent.He said that our economy has made “great progress” under this President.He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong.And when one of his chief advisorswas talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a “mental recession,” and that we've become, and I quote, “a nation of whiners.” A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made.Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty.These are not whiners.They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint.These are the Americans that I know.Now, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans.I just think he doesn't know.Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?

It's not because John McCain doesn't care.It's because John McCain doesn't get it.For over two decades, he's subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophyyou're on your own.Out of work? Tough luck.No health care? The market will fix it.Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstrapswhen the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her joba promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.Because in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree;who once turned to food stamps but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.When I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle-management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman.She's the one who taught me about hard work.She's the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life.She poured everything she had into me.And although she can no longer travel, I know that she's watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.I don't know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine.These are my heroes.Theirs are the stories that shaped me.And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as President of the United States.What is that promise?

It's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.It's a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselvesthe idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation;the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper;I am my sister's keeper.That's the promise we need to keep.That's the change we need right now.So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.Change means a tax code that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.I will cut taxesfor 95% of all working families.Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as President: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.Washington's been talking about our oil addiction for the last thirty years, and John McCain has been there for twenty-six of them.In that time, he's said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels.And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.Now is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution.Not even close.As President, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power.I'll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America.I'll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars.And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energyif you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American.If you have health care, my plan will lower your premiums.If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves.And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses;and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dimebecause we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a twentieth century bureaucracy.And Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America's promise will require more than just money.It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F.Kennedy called our “intellectual and moral strength.” Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient.Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair.But we must also admit that programs alone can't replace parents;that government can't turn off the television and make a child do her homework;that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.Individual responsibility and mutual responsibilitybut he won't even go to the cave where he lives.And today, as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we're wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.That's not the judgment we need.That won't keep America safe.We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.You don't defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq.You don't protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington.You can't truly stand up for Georgia when you've strained our oldest alliances.If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choicehave built, and we are here to restore that legacy.As Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm's way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan.I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts.But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression.I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation;poverty and genocide;climate change and disease.And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.These are the policies I will pursue.And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.But what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes.Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other's character and patriotism.The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook.So let us agree that patriotism has no party.I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain.The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag.They have not served a Red America or a Blue Americaour sense of higher purpose.And that's what we have to restore.We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country.The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals.I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination.Passions fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers.This too is part of America's promiseit's worked before.Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government.When Washington doesn't work, all its promises seem empty.If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it's best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know.I get it.I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office.I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring.What the nay-sayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me.It's been about you.For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past.You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result.You have shown what history teaches usbecause they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.America, this is one of those moments.I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming.Because I've seen it.Because I've lived it.I've seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work.I've seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.And I've seen it in this campaign.In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time.In the Republicans who never thought they'd pick up a Democratic ballot, but did.I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.This country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that's not what makes us rich.We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that's not what makes us strong.Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the world coming to our shores.Instead, it is that American spiritthat pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain;that binds us together in spite of our differences;that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.That promise is our greatest inheritance.It's a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yourspeople of every creed and color, from every walk of lifethat American promise-and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America.奧巴馬演講稿（中英文對照）2009-02-10 23:34Hello, Chicago.您好，芝加哥。

there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.如果仍有人懷疑美國是否是一個能創(chuàng)造奇跡的國度的話，如果還有人仍在疑慮我們美國的締造者的夢想是否還在我們這個時代存續(xù)的話，如果還有人仍在質(zhì)疑我們民主的力量的話，那么，今晚就給你答案。

It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.排起的長隊就是答案：云集于學(xué)校和教堂周圍的人們盛況空前，他們等待了三四個小時，其中許多人還是生平首次經(jīng)歷選舉。因為他們堅信：這次結(jié)果必定不同，這就是他們的心聲。

It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled.Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states.We are, and always will be, the United States of America.無論老幼、窮富；民主黨還是共和黨；黑人、白人；拉美裔、亞裔、原居民；同性戀、非同性戀；殘疾人、健全人。這是全體美國人民共同的抉擇。美國向全世界傳遞一個聲音：美國不是烏合之眾，也沒紅州或藍州之分。我們是，而且永遠是，一個整體的美國。

It's the answer that led those who've been told for so long by so many to be cynical and fearful and doubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of 31 history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.這也是對一直以來那些諷刺、擔(dān)憂和質(zhì)疑者作出的回答：我們會把握歷史的舵輪、使之駛向充滿希望的美好未來。

It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment change has come to America.雖然等待了很長時間，但在今晚，通過選舉，改變美國歷史的決定性時刻終于到來了。

A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen.McCain.今天傍晚之前，我接到了麥凱恩參議員極具風(fēng)度的致電。

Sen.McCain fought long and hard in this campaign.And he's fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves.He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine.We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader.在競選過程中，麥凱恩作了長期不懈的努力，而且他還會為他所摯愛的國家更加長期不懈地去奮斗。他已經(jīng)為美國作出了我們多數(shù)人都無法想象的犧牲。我們必須要把工作做好，以報答這位英明而無私的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。

I congratulate him;I congratulate Gov.Palin for all that they've achieved.And I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.我對他以及佩林州長所做的一切努力深表敬意，我也期待著與他們一起在未來的歲月中為祖國復(fù)興大計而共同努力。

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart, and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on the train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.我要感謝我的競選伙伴。為競選傾盡心血、為出生地斯克蘭頓街區(qū)和坐火車即到的特拉華州家鄉(xiāng)的擁戴者代言的他，就是當選美國副總統(tǒng)的喬.拜登。

And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best

friend for the last 16 years the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation's next first lady Michelle Obama.如果沒有她——我16年來的至友、我家庭的基石、我生命中的至愛、也就是美國未來的第一夫人米歇爾.奧巴馬——如沒有她的堅定支持，今晚我不可能站在這里。

Sasha and Malia I love you both both so much，And you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the new White House.馬莉婭和薩莎，我也非常愛你們，你們已贏得了帶著新買的小狗與我們一同入主白宮的權(quán)利。

And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother's watching, along with the family that made me who I am.I miss them tonight.I know that my debt to them is beyond measure.還有我已去世的外祖母——我知道她也正在看著我，她和我的家人一起見證了我的成長。我今晚非常想念他們，我知道虧欠了他們太多。To my sister Maya, my sister Alma, all my other brothers and sisters, thank you so much for all the support that you've given me.I am grateful to them.我的妹妹瑪雅、阿爾瑪，所有其他的兄弟姐妹們，感謝你們給予我傾力支持，我感念他們。

And to my campaign manager, David Plouffe, the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best--the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the United States of America.還有我的競選顧問大衛(wèi).普魯夫，此次競選的無名英雄。我認為，是他打造了美國歷史上最好最棒的競選班子。

To my chief strategist David Axelrod who's been a partner with me every step of the way.To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.我的首席策略師大衛(wèi).阿克塞爾羅德伴我走過了每一步，他使政史上最佳競選團隊始終團集在你的政見上，我對您為此所作的貢獻銘感于心。

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to.It belongs to you.It belongs to you.但最重要的是，我決不會忘記這場勝利該屬于誰，勝利屬于你們，33 勝利屬于人民！

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office.We didn't start with much money or many endorsements.Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington.It began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.我始終都不是最有希望的總統(tǒng)競選人。一開始我們?nèi)鄙儋Y金及籌碼，我們的競選活動難登華盛頓的大雅之堂，只能始于得梅因、康科德、查爾斯頓的簡室陋巷之中；資金是由支持者們從微薄的積蓄中抽出5美元、10美元、20美元（一點一滴）捐助來的；

It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep.而競選活動的聲勢壯大則是源自那些年輕人，他們拒絕接受認為他們這代人冷漠的荒誕說法；他們離開家、離開親人，從事報酬微薄、不眠不休的工作；

It drew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized and proved that more than two centuries later a government of the people, by the people, and for the people has not perished from the Earth.同時也源自那些已不年輕的人們，他們冒著嚴寒酷暑，敲開陌生人的家門進行競選宣傳；更源自數(shù)百萬的美國民眾，他們自發(fā)地組織起來當志愿者。這證明歷經(jīng)兩百多年之后一個民有、民治、民享的政府，仍未從地球上消亡。

This is your victory.這是你們的勝利。

And I know you didn't do this just to win an election.And I know you didn't do it for me.我知道你們這么做并不只是為了贏得大選，更不是為了我個人。

You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead.For even as

we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime--two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.你們這么做是因為你們明白擺在面前的任務(wù)有多艱巨。因為即便是我們歡慶勝利的今晚，我們也知道，今后將面臨我們一生中最為艱巨的挑戰(zhàn)——兩場戰(zhàn)爭。一是地球的環(huán)保危機，再就是百年不遇的最嚴重的金融危機

Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.及時今晚我們站在這兒，我們也知道在伊拉克沙漠和阿富汗山區(qū)還有勇敢的美國士兵正在警惕地為我們甘冒生命危險

There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after the children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage or pay their doctors' bills or save enough for their child's college education.有多少父母在孩子熟睡后仍難以入眠，他們在為如何償還按揭月供、付醫(yī)藥費或攢錢供孩子上大學(xué)而發(fā)愁。

There's new energy to harness, new jobs to be created, new schools to build, and threats to meet, alliances to repair.我們亟待開發(fā)新能源；創(chuàng)造新的就業(yè)機會；我們需要修建新學(xué)校；還要應(yīng)對眾多威脅、恢復(fù)與許多國家的關(guān)系。

The road ahead will be long.Our climb will be steep.We may not get there in one year or even in one term.But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there.I promise you, we as a people will get there.路漫漫其修遠兮，吾將逆難而求索。我們未必能夠一蹴而就。但是，美國?。∈悄憬裢斫o了我從未有過的自信，我會不辱使命。d我向你們承諾：只要團結(jié)如一人，目標一定會達到。

There will be setbacks and false starts.There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president.And we know the government can't solve 35 every problem.執(zhí)政伊始，挫折和錯誤在所難免。我作為總統(tǒng)所做出的決策，也會有許多人并不贊同。我們知道這屆政府并不能解決所有問題。

But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face.I will listen to you, especially when we disagree.And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it's been done in America for 221 years--block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.但我一定會向你們坦陳所面臨的挑戰(zhàn)；會認真聽從你們的建議，尤其是意見不一致的時候?？傊?，我誠邀你們參與民族復(fù)興的大業(yè)。美國221年來唯一的方式，就是一磚一瓦、胼手胝足地去建設(shè)。

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night.This victory alone is not the change we seek.It is only the chance for us to make that change.And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.It can't happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.始于21個月前深冬的那一切不應(yīng)在這個秋夜結(jié)束。大選的勝利不是我們所尋求的改變，這僅僅是給我們提供了一次變革良機。我們?nèi)绻刈呋仡^路的話，變革就難以實現(xiàn)；沒有你們的支持，變革難以實現(xiàn)；沒有一種新的工作態(tài)度，變革難以實現(xiàn)；沒有一種新的犧牲精神，變革也難以實現(xiàn)。

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other.因此，讓我們充滿新的愛國主義精神及責(zé)任感吧！讓我們每個人都決心付出、努力工作并互相關(guān)愛吧！

Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people.Let's resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long.請記住吧！如果說這次金融危機提示了我們什么，那就是在全部街區(qū)都陷入危機 36 時，我們難能保持華爾街的繁榮。國家興亡，匹夫有責(zé)。我們要避免以往那種長期毒害我們的黨爭、卑劣、幼稚政治對我們的誘惑。

Let's remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House, a party founded on the values of self-reliance and individual liberty and national unity.Those are values that we all share.And while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.讓我們記住吧！之所以有人首次將共和黨大旗扛進白宮，就是因為有自強自立、個人自由、國家統(tǒng)一的建檔理念。這是我們所有人都信奉的理念。民主黨今晚雖獲得了大勝，但我們將用謙卑的態(tài)度，并決心去彌合在競選中產(chǎn)生的裂痕。

As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, we are not enemies but friends.Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.正如林肯在國家出現(xiàn)比我們現(xiàn)在更大分歧時所說：“我們不是敵人，而是朋友。”盡管情勢有些緊張，但決不容許我們之間的親密關(guān)系破裂。

And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices.I need your help.And I will be your president, too.我要對那些支持并投票給我的美國人，以及那些今晚沒有將選票投給我的人說：我都聽到了你們的聲音，我需要你們的幫助，而我將同樣是你們的總統(tǒng)；

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces, to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world, our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.我要對所有遠在大洋彼岸關(guān)注今夜結(jié)果的國際人士——不管他們是在國會、皇宮、還是聚在荒僻角落聽收音機——我要對他們說：我們的國情各有千秋，但我們休戚與共。美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人已掌控一切、曙光乍現(xiàn)。

To those--to those who would tear the world down: We will defeat you.To those who seek peace and security: We support you.And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.還有——我還要對那些破壞世界和平的人說：我將打敗你；我要對那些尋求和平與安全的人說：我們支持你；對所有那些疑惑美國的燈塔能否繼續(xù)閃耀光芒的人，今夜我們將再次申明：美國的真正力量并非來源于軍事威力或財富規(guī)模，而是來源于我們我們持久的信念力量。這些信念包括：民主、自由、機遇以及堅定不移的希望。

That's the true genius of America: that America can change.Our union can be perfected.What we've already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.勇于變革，這才是真正的美國精神。我們的聯(lián)邦制度可以完善。我們對未來能達而且必達的目標充滿了希望。

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations.But one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta.She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.這次大選創(chuàng)造了多項“第一”，誕生了許多留芳后世的故事。但今晚最令我難忘的卻是一位在亞特蘭大投票的婦女：安.尼爾森.庫波爾。她和無數(shù)排隊等候投票的選民沒什么不同，唯一不同的是她106歲的高齡。

She was born just a generation past slavery;a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky;when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons--because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.在她出生的那個年代，奴隸制剛剛廢除。那時路上沒有汽車，天上沒有飛機。當時像她這樣的人由于兩個原因不能投票——第一個原因她是女性，第二個原因是她的膚色。

And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America--the heartache and the hope;the struggle and the progress;the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.今夜，她見證了一個世紀的美國讓我感慨良多——有傷心有希望；有奮斗有進步。在那個我們還不怎么行的年代里，人民就抱定了美國式的信條：是的，我們行。

At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes we can.在那個年代，婦女的聲音被壓制，她們的希望被剝奪。但她活到了現(xiàn)在，看到婦女們站起來了，可以發(fā)表意見了，有選舉權(quán)了。是的，我們行。

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose.Yes we can。大蕭條時期，經(jīng)濟跌入深谷，絕望籠罩大地。她見證了美國以新政、新的就業(yè)機會以及追求共同目標的嶄新精神面貌戰(zhàn)勝了恐慌。是的，我們行。

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved.Yes we can.二戰(zhàn)時期，炸彈襲擊我們的海港，全世界受到獨裁專制的威脅，她見證了挺身而出偉大的一代美國人，他們捍衛(wèi)了民主。是的，我們行。

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.她見證了蒙哥馬利公交車事件、伯明翰暴動事件、塞爾瑪血腥周末事件。亞特蘭大的一位牧師告訴人們：“我們無往而不勝”。是的，我們行。

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America，39 through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.Yes we can.人類登上月球，柏林墻倒塌，我們靠科學(xué)和創(chuàng)造把世界連為一體。今年，在這次選舉中，激動的她手指輕觸電子屏幕，投下了自己的一票。她在美國生活了106年，其間有美好的時光，也有最黑暗的時刻，她知道美國該何去何從。是的，我們行。

America, we have come so far.We have seen so much.But there is so much more to do.So tonight, let us ask ourselves--if our children should live to see the next century;if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made美國啊，迄今為止，我們已見證良多，但前路依然漫長。為此，在今夜，讓我們反問一下我們自己，如果我們的孩子能夠活到下個世紀；如果我的女兒能有幸像安-尼克森-庫珀爾那樣長壽，他們將會看到些什么？我們將會取得怎樣的進步？

This is our chance to answer that call.This is our moment.This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids;to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace;to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one;that while we breathe, we hope.And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.現(xiàn)在是我們來回答這一問題的時候了，這是我們的時刻，這是我們的時代。要使我們的人民重獲工作并為我們的孩子大開方便之門；重現(xiàn)繁榮并促進和平；實現(xiàn)我們美國的夢想，就得重申一個基本準則，那就是：團結(jié)一致，眾志成城；一息尚存，希望就在。當我們遭遇嘲諷和質(zhì)疑時，當有人認為我們無所作為時。我們將用一句發(fā)自心中反映我們恒久信念的話做出回答：不，我們行！

Inauguration Speech: We must Pick Ourselves Up

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land--a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are

many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America: They will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the fainthearted--for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things--some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor--who have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.42 For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions--that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act--not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions--who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.43 What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them--that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works--whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account--to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day--because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control--and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart--not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we

please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort--even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus--and nonbelievers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.45 To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment--a moment that will define a generation--it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends--hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism--these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility--a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world;duties that we do not grudgingly

accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence--the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed--why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].”

America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.47

奧巴馬就職演講中文版（供參考）

各位同胞：

今天我站在這里，為眼前的重責(zé)大任感到謙卑，對各位的信任心懷感激，對先賢的犧牲銘記在心。我要謝謝布什總統(tǒng)為這個國家的服務(wù)，也感謝他在政權(quán)轉(zhuǎn)移期間的寬厚和配合。

四十四位美國人發(fā)表過總統(tǒng)就職誓言，這些誓詞或是在繁榮富強及和平寧靜之際發(fā)表，或是在烏云密布，時局動蕩之時。在艱困的時候，美國能箕裘相繼，不僅因為居高位者有能力或愿景，也因為人民持續(xù)對先人的抱負有信心，也忠於創(chuàng)建我國的法統(tǒng)。

因此，美國才能承繼下來。因此，這一代美國人也必須承繼下去。

現(xiàn)在大家都知道我們正置身危機核心，我國正在與四處蔓延的 暴力和憎恨作戰(zhàn)。我們的經(jīng)濟元氣大傷——這既是某些人貪婪且不負責(zé)任的後果，也是大眾未能做出艱難的選擇，對國家進入新時代做準備不足所致。許多人失去房 子，丟了工作，生意蕭條。我們的醫(yī)療太昂貴，學(xué)校教育讓人失望。每天都有更多證據(jù)顯示，我們利用能源的方式壯大我們的對敵，威脅我們的星球。

這些都是得自資料和統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)的危機指標。比較無法測量但同樣深沉的，是舉國信心盡失——持續(xù)擔(dān)心美國將無可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定會眼界變低。

今天我要告訴各位，我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)是真的，挑戰(zhàn)非常嚴重，且不在少數(shù)。它們不是可以輕易，或在短時間內(nèi)解決。但是，美國要了解，這些挑戰(zhàn)會被解決。

在這一天，我們聚在一起，因為我們選擇希望而非恐懼，有意義的團結(jié)而非紛爭 48 和不合。

在這一天，我們來此宣示，那些無用的抱怨和虛偽的承諾已終結(jié)，那些扭曲我們政治已久的相互指控和陳舊教條已終結(jié)。

我們?nèi)允莻€年輕的國家，但借用圣經(jīng)的話，擺脫幼稚事物的時刻到來了，重申我們堅忍精神的時刻到來了，選擇我們更好的歷史，實踐那種代代傳承的珍貴權(quán)利，那種高貴的理念：就是上帝的應(yīng)許，我們每個人都是平等的，每個人都是自由的，每個人都應(yīng)該有機會追求全然的幸福。

再次肯定我們國家的偉大，我們了解偉大絕非賜予而來，必須 努力達成。我們的旅程從來就不是抄捷徑或很容易就滿足。這條路一直都不是給不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸樂勝過工作，或者只想追求名利就滿足的人。恰恰相 反，走這條路的始終是勇於冒險的人，做事的人，成事的人，其中有些人很出名，但更常見的是在各自崗位上的男男女女無名英雄，在這條漫長崎嶇的道路上支撐我 們，邁向繁榮與自由。

為了我們，他們攜帶很少的家當，遠渡重洋，追尋新生活。

為了我們，他們胼手胝足，在西部安頓下來；忍受風(fēng)吹雨打，篳路藍縷。

為了我們，他們奮斗不懈，在康科特和蓋茨堡，諾曼地和溪山等地葬身。

前人不斷的奮斗與犧牲，直到雙手皮開肉綻，我們才能享有比較好的生活。他們將美國視為大於所有個人企圖心總和的整體，超越出身、財富或小圈圈的差異。

這是我們今天繼續(xù)前進的旅程。我們?nèi)耘f是 全球最繁榮強盛的國家。這場危機爆發(fā)時，我們的勞工生產(chǎn)力并未減弱。我們的心智一樣創(chuàng)新，我們的產(chǎn)品和勞務(wù)和上周或上個月或去年相比，一樣是必需品。我們 的能力并未減損。但是我們 49 墨守成規(guī)、維護狹小利益、推遲引人不悅的決定，這段時期肯定已經(jīng)過去。由今天開始，我們必須振作起來，拍掉身上的灰塵，再度開始重塑美國。

我們無論朝何處望去，都有工作必須完成。經(jīng)濟情勢需要大 膽、迅速的行動，我們將有所行動，不光是創(chuàng)造新工作，更要奠定成長的新基礎(chǔ)。我們將造橋鋪路，為企業(yè)興建電力網(wǎng)格與數(shù)位線路，將我們聯(lián)系在一起。我們將讓 科學(xué)回歸合適的用途，運用科技的奇蹟來提高醫(yī)療品質(zhì)并降低費用。我們將利用太陽能、風(fēng)力和土壤作為汽車的燃料和工廠的能源。我們將讓中小學(xué)及大專院校轉(zhuǎn) 型，因應(yīng)新時代的需要。這些我們可以作到。我們也將會作到。

現(xiàn)在，有人質(zhì)疑我們的雄心，暗示說我們的體系無法承受太多的大計畫。這些人的記性不好。因為他們忘記了這個國家已經(jīng)完成的成就，當創(chuàng)造力朝同一個目標發(fā)展，不受約束的男男女女可以完成何等成就，必要的是勇氣。

懷疑者無法理解的是他們的主張已經(jīng)站不住腳，長期以來折磨 我們的陳腐政治爭議已經(jīng)行不通。我們今天的問題不是政府太大或太小，而是有無功效，是否能幫助家庭找到薪水不錯的工作，支付得起照顧費用，有尊嚴的退休。哪個方向能夠提供肯定的答案，我們就往那里走。答案是否定的地方，計畫就會停止。所有我們這些管理大眾金錢的人都將負起責(zé)任，花錢要精明，改掉惡習(xí)，正大 光明作事情，只有這樣我們才能重建政府與人民間最重要的信任。

我們眼前的問題也不是說市場的力量是善或惡。市場創(chuàng)造財富 和增加自由的力量無與倫比，但是這場危機提醒我們沒有監(jiān)督時，市場發(fā)展將失控，當市場只偏愛有錢人時，國家無法永續(xù)繁榮。我們經(jīng)濟成功的依據(jù)，不只是國內(nèi) 生產(chǎn)毛額的規(guī)模，還有繁榮可及的范圍，以及我們將機會拓展給每個愿意打拚的人，不是因為施舍，而是因為這就是達到我們共同利益最穩(wěn)健的途徑。

至於我們的共同防衛(wèi)，讓我們必須在自由和理想之間作一抉 擇，是錯誤的，我們拒絕接受。我們建國諸父在我們難以想像的危難之中。擬具了確保法治和人權(quán) 50