第一篇:中華民國第十一任總統(tǒng)就職演說
中華民國第十一任總統(tǒng)就職演說《為永續(xù)臺灣奠基》 2004年
總統(tǒng)陳水扁 第十二任總統(tǒng)就職演說→
2004年5月20日
《來賓稱謂略》
中華民國各位友邦元首、使節(jié)及代表團、各位貴賓、親愛的國人同胞:
感謝來自海內外的各位貴賓,共同參與中華民國第十一任總統(tǒng)、副總統(tǒng)的就職大典。今天我們在這里所見證的,是臺灣民主前進的腳步,也是兩千三百萬人民共同寫下的一個難能可貴的故事。
在此歡欣的國家慶典中,個人承受人民所賦予的莊嚴使命。此時此刻,在我的心中與腦海浮現(xiàn)的并不是華麗的贊詞,而是更大的責任、更多的謙卑、更深的省思。
在二十世紀的最后一年,臺灣跨越了首次政黨輪替的歷史門檻,邁向民主發(fā)展的新里程。隨著新舊世紀的交替,我們同時走過一段崎嶇艱難的民主道路。在世紀首航的驚濤駭浪之中,舊有與新生并存、脆弱與堅強共生、危機與轉機同在。
對于華人社會以及其他的新興民主國家而言,臺灣的民主不僅是一個試煉、也是一個示范。西方的民主政治經(jīng)過千錘百鏈才有今日的水準,身為年輕的民主國家,歷經(jīng)挫折磨練的臺灣經(jīng)驗更顯得彌足珍貴。臺灣的經(jīng)驗證明:民主不是坐享其成的烏托邦,也沒有一步到位的直達車,必須一點一滴的耕耘,才有一步一腳印的前進。
在第一波的民主化過程當中,從解除戒嚴、國會全面改選到總統(tǒng)直接民選,我們確立了主權在民的價值觀以及臺灣的主體性。第二波的民主工程,重點在于公民社會的建立以及國家共同體的再造。
從社區(qū)公民意識的形成,到國家公共政策的參與,包括公民投票的實踐,都是公民社會權利義務的確認和提升,也促使我們發(fā)展更成熟、理性、負責的民主內涵。透過公民社會的建立,經(jīng)由偕同參與、集體創(chuàng)造的土地認同與共同記憶,才能超越族群、血緣、語言、文化的局限,邁向一個新的國家共同體的重建。
當前的臺灣社會確實存在認同與族群的嚴肅課題,我們不需要掩飾,更不能夠漠視。身為執(zhí)政者,包括阿扁個人和民主進步黨,都愿意率先反省、坦誠面對,并且尋求有效的化解。
回想數(shù)百年前,我們的祖先跨越黑水溝,渡海來臺尋找安身立命的所在。不論先來后到,盡管來自不同的地方,使用不同的語言,甚至懷抱不同的理想,最后都在這里落地生根,彼此命運相同、休戚與共。不管是原住民、新住民、旅居海外的僑胞、注入新血的外籍配偶,包括在相同的太陽底下辛勤流汗的外籍勞工,都對這一塊土地有不可抹滅的奉獻,也都是臺灣新家庭不可或缺的一部份。
不同的族群或許因為歷史記憶與民族情感而有認同的差異,但是彼此應該相互包容、用
心理解。在過去威權戒嚴的時代,曾經(jīng)存在族群地位的不平等和語言文化的壓抑,但是我們必須認知的是,除了極少數(shù)的當權者之外,所有的族群都是相同的受害者。在二二八事件和白色恐怖當中,受難者同時包括本省籍和外省籍,其成因要歸咎于當權者權力的濫用,而非族群的壓迫。
臺灣是一個多數(shù)移民的社會,不是少數(shù)殖民統(tǒng)治的國家,沒有任何一個族群應該背負莫須有的歷史包袱。在今日的臺灣,不管你出生在廣東或者臺東,不管我們的母親來自越南或者臺南,每一個人都擁有同樣的地位和尊嚴。阿扁認為,不管是認同臺灣或者認同中華民國,其實都是相同的歸屬?!白迦憾嘣乙惑w”是臺灣這一塊土地上最美好完整的圖像,沒有本土和外來之分,也沒有少數(shù)和多數(shù)之別,兩千三百萬臺灣人民應該是一個命運相同、榮辱與共的整數(shù)。
這一次的總統(tǒng)大選空前的激烈,選舉結果揭曉之后,在野黨的候選人提出了質疑和訴訟。身為現(xiàn)任的總統(tǒng),阿扁以最大的誠意表達完全尊重司法的獨立公正,不論結果如何,個人絕對愿意坦然接受。阿扁相信,遵循法治、信任司法是解決爭端唯一的路,如果因為一次的選舉而推翻了人民對民主法治與司法獨立的信任,最后只會導致全民皆輸?shù)慕Y果。
今天的下雨來得正是時候,讓我們的激情降溫,讓我們冷靜下來,也讓我們頭腦更加清楚。
民主政治定期選舉的設計,除了實踐主權在民的原理之外,也是人民意向與社會價值的具體檢視。激烈的競爭,可以對政治人物有最直接的檢驗和啟示。包括阿扁個人以及執(zhí)政的團隊,都在這次的選舉當中接受最嚴格的考驗,并且因此而反省改進。不同的陣營之間,難免有理念的差異、政策的辯論,甚至民眾的動員,但是,民主選舉的結果,不是成王敗寇的結局,更不應該演變?yōu)槊癖娭g的對立。政黨政治監(jiān)督制衡的設計,乃是民主健全的根基。負責的執(zhí)政黨以及忠誠的反對黨,都代表國民意志的一部分,也都是國家人民的政治資產(chǎn)。不管扮演執(zhí)政或者在野的角色,都是人民所賜與的一個機會,也是一個責任。
個人認為,此次選舉最終的考驗,已經(jīng)不是跨越多數(shù)門檻的問題,而是朝野全民如何跨過對立的圍墻、如何超越信任的鴻溝。不能夠因為選票的距離拉近,而使得社會的矛盾擴大??v使無法消弭于一時,個人仍將繼續(xù)秉持“傾聽、理解、法理、團結”的用心,弭平選舉的對立、重建朝野的信任。
團結臺灣、穩(wěn)定兩岸、安定社會、繁榮經(jīng)濟,這些都是當前人民殷切的期待,也是政府未來施政的首要。其中任何一項,都不是一人、一黨所能獨力完成,所以我要懇請在野政黨以及社會輿論共同支持鞭策,更要祈求人民賜給阿扁力量。
相信臺灣,必須持續(xù)創(chuàng)造國家的競爭力,打造一個人文關懷、生態(tài)環(huán)保的永續(xù)家園。堅持改革,是要讓政治、司法、教育、金融、財政、媒體及社會的改革,回應人民長久的期待。相信就有力量,堅持才能實現(xiàn)理想?,F(xiàn)在付出的一切努力,是要讓我們的下一代生活在一個符合社會正義、經(jīng)濟正義、司法正義、性別正義、以及國際正義的公義新臺灣。當前,臺灣面對全面、激烈、快速的國際競爭,如何凝聚全民的力量,進一步提升政府的效能已經(jīng)是攸關國家發(fā)展的當務之急。但是,由于特殊的國情以及歷史的因素,使得政府效能的改造,立即面臨憲政體制的難題。
憲法是國家的根本大法,也是政府與人民的契約書。我國憲法囿于當初制訂的時空背景,絕大多數(shù)的條文早已不符臺灣當前及未來所需。推動憲政改造的工程,重建憲政秩序,不僅是人民的期望,也已經(jīng)獲得朝野政黨的共識。
憲政改造的工程是為了政府的良好管理及效能的提升、為了確立民主法治的根基,更是為了國家的長治久安。其中,立即而明顯的問題包括:三權分立或五權憲法、總統(tǒng)制或內閣制、總統(tǒng)選制為相對多數(shù)或絕對多數(shù)、國會改革及相關的配套條文、國民大會的定位與存廢、省政府組織的存廢、投票年齡的降低、兵役制度的調整、基本人權與弱勢權益的保障、國民經(jīng)濟條款??等,可以說是工程浩大、影響至深。
為了避免重蹈過去十年內六次修憲的覆轍,憲政改造的工程不應該由一人或一黨主導,更不能只著眼于一時之便。未來,我們將邀請朝野政黨、法界、學界及各領域階層的代表,共同籌組憲政改造委員會,針對憲政改造的范圍及程序尋求社會最大的共識,并且接受人民及輿論的監(jiān)督。
在2008年阿扁卸任總統(tǒng)之前,能夠交給臺灣人民及我們的國家一部合時、合身、合用的新憲法,這是阿扁對歷史的責任,也是對人民的承諾?;谙嗤呢熑闻c承諾,阿扁也深切了解,涉及國家主權、領土及統(tǒng)獨的議題,目前在臺灣社會尚未形成絕大多數(shù)的共識,所以個人明確的建議這些議題不宜在此次憲改的范圍之內。至于首次憲改的程序,我們仍將依循現(xiàn)行憲法及增修條文的規(guī)定,經(jīng)由國會通過之后,選出第一屆也是最后一屆的任務型國代,同時完成憲政改造、廢除國大、以及公投入憲,為民主憲政長遠的發(fā)展及未來人民公投復決國會憲改提案奠定開闊的基石。
過去四年,全球政經(jīng)情勢產(chǎn)生明顯的變化,臺灣面對國際新秩序的變動,除了必須自我提升、站穩(wěn)腳步之外,在全球化的競爭與國際的合作之間,也必須尋求新的立足點。長久以來,臺灣與美、日及許多國際友邦的友誼基礎,不僅在于維護共同的利益,更重要的是建立在自由、民主、人權與和平的“價值同盟”關系。
臺灣的民主發(fā)展與臺海的和平穩(wěn)定,一直備受國際關注。對于這些天涯若比鄰的友誼,個人要代表我國政府及人民再一次表達由衷的感謝。臺灣人民愛好和平,我們絕對比任何人更關心自己的國家安全,面對海峽對岸持續(xù)增加的武力威脅,朝野全民應該凝聚堅強的國防意識,積極強化有效的防備,提升自我防衛(wèi)的能力,也盼望國際社會繼續(xù)關注并協(xié)助維護臺海的和平與亞太地區(qū)的穩(wěn)定。
在此,阿扁號召大家、朝野全民以熱烈的掌聲感謝國際友邦的友誼及真情。
臺灣愿意持續(xù)以積極奉獻的角色參與國際社會,這是兩千三百萬人民應有的權利,也是我們做為世界公民的義務。在全球反恐的浪潮以及國際人道援助的行列中,臺灣一直沒有缺席。過去這幾年,我們籌設民主太平洋聯(lián)盟、成立民主基金會,積極參與國際非政府組織,與地球村的其他成員共同分享并維護自由、民主、人權的普世價值。
臺灣目前是世界第十五大貿易國,各項國際競爭力的評比都名列前茅,我們仍然經(jīng)過十
二年的努力,才得以成為世界貿易組織的第144個會員國,其中的艱辛不可言喻。如今,我們仍在鍥而不舍的努力加入世界衛(wèi)生組織。去年SARS疫情蔓延的殷鑒不遠,基于醫(yī)療、衛(wèi)生、防疫無國界以及基本人權的普世價值,臺灣理應獲得更公平的對待。
在此,阿扁呼吁大家,我們更應團結同心,繼續(xù)努力,希望在未來兩年之內完成加入世界衛(wèi)生組織的心愿。
不久之前,歐洲聯(lián)盟熱烈的慶祝十個新會員國的加入。歐盟經(jīng)過數(shù)十年的努力,在尊重個別國家及其人民自由意志的選擇之下,成功整合了歐洲人民共同利益的寶貴經(jīng)驗,對于新世紀的全球局勢產(chǎn)生巨大的影響和沖擊。區(qū)域整合不僅是當前、也是未來的趨勢。這種區(qū)域整合加上全球化的發(fā)展,使得人類社會原有的國家主權原理,乃至于國界的藩籬,都產(chǎn)生結構性的變化。世界大同已經(jīng)不是遙不可及的夢想。
海峽兩岸新世紀的領導人,為了創(chuàng)造人民最大的福祉,應該都能前瞻這個新趨勢,并且以全新的思維和格局,共同來面對和處理兩岸未來的問題。
兩岸人民曾經(jīng)擁有共同的血緣、文化和歷史背景,過去一個世紀以來也都遭逢強權的欺凌和專制的統(tǒng)治。如今,兩岸人民都有站起來當家作主的堅強意愿,這一點應該能夠獲得彼此充分的理解。
我們可以體會海峽對岸源于歷史情結與民族情感,無法放棄對于“一個中國原則”的堅持。相對的,北京當局也應該要充分了解,臺灣人民要民主、愛和平、求生存、求發(fā)展的堅定信念。如果對岸不能夠體會兩千三百萬人民單純良善的心愿,繼續(xù)對臺灣施加武力的威脅和政治的孤立,無理的將臺灣阻絕于國際社會之外,只會讓臺灣的民心和海峽的對岸越離越遠。
中華民國在臺澎金馬存在、臺灣在國際社會存在的事實,不容許任何人以任何理由加以否定,這就是臺灣人民集體意志之所在。過去半個世紀以來,兩千三百萬人民胼手胝足所創(chuàng)造的臺灣經(jīng)驗,不僅印證了中華民國存在的正面價值,也應該是華人社會及兩岸人民的共同資產(chǎn)。
歷史的緣故讓兩岸發(fā)展出相當不同的政治制度和生活方式,但是如果以積極的態(tài)度來看待兩岸發(fā)展的“異”與“同”,應該可以善加利用,走向進一步合作互惠的關系。臺灣是一個完全自由民主的社會,沒有任何個人或政黨可以代替人民做出最后的選擇。如果兩岸之間能夠本于善意,共同營造一個“和平發(fā)展、自由選擇”的環(huán)境,未來中華民國與中華人民共和國或者臺灣與中國之間,將發(fā)展任何形式的關系,只要兩千三百萬臺灣人民同意,我們都不排除。
過去十幾年兩岸人民的互動交流,已經(jīng)發(fā)展出極為密切的關系,對于兩岸關系的進展具有重要的價值與意義。未來,我們希望在既有的基礎之上,持續(xù)放寬并且擴大兩岸新聞、資訊、教育、文化、經(jīng)貿交流的相關措施,推動兩岸恢復對話與溝通的管道,如此才能拉近彼此的距離,建立互信的基礎。
二十一世紀的前二十年,不僅是臺灣要全面向上提升的關鍵轉型期,也是中國大陸邁向
民主化及自由化的機遇期,雙方的政府理應掌握機會全力打拼,放眼于全球競爭的趨勢,不要再虛耗于政治爭辯的僵局。我們已經(jīng)注意到,中共的領導人近來一再強調穩(wěn)定發(fā)展的重要,強調十三億大陸人民的福祉,并且選擇“和平崛起”做為拓展國際關系的基調。我們也相信,北京當局應該認知維持臺海和平的現(xiàn)狀,對于兩岸各自的發(fā)展以及亞太區(qū)域穩(wěn)定的重要性。
個人深信,唯有兩岸致力于建設與發(fā)展,協(xié)商建立一個動態(tài)的和平穩(wěn)定互動架構,共同確保臺海的現(xiàn)狀不被片面改變,并且進一步推動包括三通在內的文化經(jīng)貿往來,才能符合兩岸人民的福祉與國際社會的期待。
身為中華民國的總統(tǒng),接受臺灣人民的付托,個人必須捍衛(wèi)國家的主權、安全與尊嚴,兼顧國家的永續(xù)發(fā)展及臺海的和平穩(wěn)定,匯聚全民的意志和共識,妥善處理兩岸未來的關系。今天,個人愿意在此重申,公元2000年520就職演說所揭橥的原則和承諾,過去四年沒有改變,未來四年也不會改變。在此基礎之上,阿扁將進一步邀集朝野政黨及社會各界共同參與,成立“兩岸和平發(fā)展委員會”,凝聚朝野的智慧與全民的共識,擬定“兩岸和平發(fā)展綱領”,共同策進兩岸和平穩(wěn)定、永續(xù)發(fā)展的新關系。
各位貴賓、親愛的國人同胞,攤開世界地圖來看,臺澎金馬只是太平洋邊的幾個小島,但是如果仔細檢視這些島嶼上美麗的山河、多元的族群、多樣的生態(tài),細數(shù)兩千三百萬人民過去幾個世紀所寫下的政治、經(jīng)濟、文化篇章,你會發(fā)現(xiàn)猶如進入一部精彩豐富的百科全書。海洋國家的包容,世界島的開闊,讓這一塊土地上的子民,視野和胸懷隨著地平線無限的延伸。
臺灣的故事所以動人,不是因為天生麗質,而是歷經(jīng)挫折砥礪、苦難錘鏈之后,所蘊含散發(fā)的光彩。這就是“臺灣精神”,從我們的祖先一直流傳到我們每一個人的身上。
如今,歷史的火炬再一次交到阿扁的手上,也握在每一位國人同胞的手中。未來四年,阿扁自我期許能夠做到講誠信、存慈悲、大公無私、中道治國,更希望國人同胞給我支持、給我鞭策。
阿扁是一個平凡的人,我一直相信,沒有偉大的總統(tǒng),只有偉大的人民可以成就偉大的國家。援引人民的力量,為民主永續(xù)、改革永續(xù)、人文永續(xù)、和平永續(xù)的國家發(fā)展奠基,讓臺灣中華民國邁向團結和諧、公平正義、富足均衡、生生不息,這是歷史賦予阿扁的責任,也是人民交付的使命。
今年的228,上百萬的民眾站在福爾摩沙這一塊土地上,不分族群、年齡、性別,手牽著手,筑成一座長達五百公里的民主長城,完成一幅最美的臺灣圖像。臺灣不但要站起來,還要勇敢的走出去,在世界地圖上永續(xù)發(fā)展、屹立不搖。
親愛的國人同胞,讓我們一起對土地感恩、向人民致敬!讓我們繼續(xù)團結臺灣、守護臺灣、牽手向前,再一次寫下二十一世紀動人的臺灣故事。
最后,敬祝中華民國國運昌隆!各位鄉(xiāng)親朋友及各位嘉賓健康快樂!謝謝大家!
第二篇:“中華民國”第十三任“總統(tǒng)”就職演講
堅持理想、攜手改革、打造幸福臺灣
各位友邦元首、各位貴賓、各位僑胞、各位鄉(xiāng)親父老、各位電視機前與網(wǎng)絡上的朋友,大家早安,大家好!
第五次總統(tǒng)直選的歷史意義:邁向成熟民主
一月十四日,我們順利完成中華民國第五次總統(tǒng)直選。這是臺灣民主邁向成熟的重要里程碑。自由與公正的選舉程序,臺灣全體選民所展現(xiàn)的高度民主素養(yǎng),都獲得國際社會的贊揚;我也要肯定我的競爭對手—蔡主席英文和宋主席楚瑜在選舉結果揭曉時展現(xiàn)的民主風度。朋友們,讓我們一起,為臺灣民主喝采!
回顧四年:改革已見成效,國家回到正軌
回顧過去四年,首先我要特別感謝全國民眾的支持。我們共同度過金融海嘯的侵襲,讓臺灣經(jīng)濟成長回到東亞四小龍的前列;我們共同走過八八水災的沖擊,重建我們的家園;我們導正政治風氣,守護憲法精神,提升司法的公正透明; 我們完成中央政府精簡與縣市合并升格兩大改革工程;我們力行節(jié)能減碳、推動「居住正義」、大幅擴大社會安全網(wǎng);我們締造了六十年來最和平的臺海情勢,贏得長期盟友的信賴與國際社會的肯定,讓中華民國國民在127
英九個國家與地區(qū),免簽證入境。在此,也要感謝蕭前副總統(tǒng)萬長、劉前院長兆玄、吳前院長敦義、陳院長沖與所有執(zhí)政團隊伙伴,以及王院長金平所領導的立法院,英九在過去四年和人民一起打拚。由衷感謝大家的辛勞與貢獻,并將繼續(xù)借重他們的經(jīng)驗與智慧。
黃金十年:五大支柱,厚植臺灣競爭力
展望未來四年,英九要以「黃金十年」的國家愿景,和全體國人共同奮斗。我們的目標,是建設和平、公義與幸福的國家。政府將以「強化經(jīng)濟成長動能」、「創(chuàng)造就業(yè)與落實社會公義」、「打造低碳綠能環(huán)境」、「厚植文化國力」、以及「積極培育延攬人才」作為國家發(fā)展的五大支柱,以全面提升臺灣的全球競爭力,讓臺灣在這四年脫胎換骨、邁向幸福。
強化經(jīng)濟成長動能,是提升臺灣競爭力的第一大支柱。動能的核心,在經(jīng)濟環(huán)境自由化和產(chǎn)業(yè)結構優(yōu)質化。
我們看到,美韓自由貿易協(xié)議在今年三月生效;中國大陸與日、韓的自由貿易協(xié)議談判也將在今年內啟動,我們必須加快自由化的腳步,不能再蹉跎。臺灣向世界開放,世界才會擁抱臺灣。面臨全球政治經(jīng)濟秩序重組、經(jīng)濟重心向亞洲移轉的時代,我們必須改變保護主義的思維,翻修不合時宜的法制,排除貿易和投資的人為障礙,為臺灣打造一個真正自由開放、與國際接軌的經(jīng)濟環(huán)境。我們正規(guī)劃設立「自由經(jīng)濟示范區(qū)」,高雄就是其中之一,這是臺灣邁向「自由貿易島」關鍵的一步。我們要盡快完成「兩岸經(jīng)濟合作架構協(xié)議」的后續(xù)協(xié)商,加速與新加坡、新西蘭等重要貿易伙伴洽簽經(jīng)濟合作協(xié)議,并在未來八年內做好加入「跨太平洋經(jīng)濟伙伴協(xié)議」的準備,以掌握融入國際經(jīng)貿體系的歷史機遇。我國的產(chǎn)業(yè)雖然曾經(jīng)締造過輝煌的成績,但早已面臨成長瓶頸。未來我們要積極推動產(chǎn)業(yè)結構優(yōu)質化,以過去強調效率的生產(chǎn)模式為基礎,積極發(fā)展「創(chuàng)新導向」與「價值創(chuàng)造」的新產(chǎn)業(yè)模式。我們的策略是將服務的特質納入制造業(yè),將科技與國際的元素引入服務業(yè),而且建立傳統(tǒng)產(chǎn)業(yè)的特色。唯有這樣,我們的產(chǎn)業(yè)才能更加多元,創(chuàng)造更高的附加價值;也唯有這樣,我們的產(chǎn)業(yè)才能真正脫胎換骨,并且在國際經(jīng)濟體系中建立起無可取代的地位。
提升臺灣競爭力的第二大支柱,就是創(chuàng)造就業(yè)與落實社會公義。全球化的開放市場讓就業(yè)變成世界性的競爭,我們要追求經(jīng)濟成長,才能創(chuàng)造更多的就業(yè)機會;經(jīng)濟成長必須促使各行各業(yè)的薪資同步調升,否則經(jīng)濟成長就沒有意義。我們更要堅持公平正義,縮短貧富差距,讓經(jīng)濟成長的果實,由全民共享。健全政府財政結構是當前要務,我們正努力落實「量能課稅」與「租稅正義」,建構完整的社會安全體系,維護弱勢群體的基本權益。我們同時也要合理配置基礎建設、公共服務及教育資源,建立均衡而各有特色的區(qū)域發(fā)展模式,以縮短城鄉(xiāng)差距,務必要讓每一個人不分性別、地區(qū)、血緣或出身,都有追求幸福的公平機會。
長期的少子女化與高齡化是臺灣必須面對的國安課題,因此,我們需要制訂前瞻性的人口政策,建構周延的全民健保與國民年金制度,并盡速推動長期照護體系,用更完善的幼兒托育及照護措施,提供父母與子女最溫暖的支持力量。司法是保障人民權益的正義防線。四年來,我們完成「刑事妥速審判法」、「法官法」、「家事事件法」的立法,成立廉政署,最高法院的保密分案制也已走入歷史。司法必須獨立,但絕對不能孤立,更不能背離人民對司法正義的合理期待。未來四年,英九會竭盡所能,全力推動與社會脈動結合的司法改革,要讓我國百年前從西方移植而來的司法制度,真正在臺灣生根,使法治成為我們生活的方式、人權成為我們內化的價值。
提升臺灣競爭力的第三大支柱,就是打造低碳綠能環(huán)境。全球氣候變遷、資源供需失調,對臺灣是挑戰(zhàn)也是機會。未來全球所有的產(chǎn)業(yè)都將強調綠色生產(chǎn),綠色產(chǎn)業(yè)是未來產(chǎn)業(yè)競爭的新領域,消費型態(tài)也必須符合節(jié)能減碳的要求。因此 我們將鼓勵民間擴大對綠能產(chǎn)業(yè)、綠色建筑與綠色生產(chǎn)的研發(fā)與投資,讓綠色產(chǎn)業(yè)成為帶動就業(yè)與成長的新亮點,讓臺灣一步步成為「低碳綠能島」。我們一定要堅持永續(xù)發(fā)展的理念,為我們下一代留下清朗的天空,干凈的空氣,豐沛的水資源,以及生意盎然的山林、溪流、濕地與海洋。
在政策上,我們要讓能源價格合理化,創(chuàng)造節(jié)能減碳與促進投資綠能產(chǎn)業(yè)的動力。我們要讓油電等公用事業(yè)回歸市場機制,落實「使用者付費」的原則;更要進一步響應民意對改革國營事業(yè)、提升經(jīng)營效率的高度期待,創(chuàng)造消費者與生產(chǎn)者雙贏的局面。
厚植文化國力,是提升臺灣競爭力的第四大支柱。臺灣有三個文化特質:一是公民素養(yǎng)植根最深厚;二是傳統(tǒng)文化保存最完整;三是傳統(tǒng)與現(xiàn)代的銜接轉化最細致。民主制度造就了我們的公民社會,公民社會中開放的風氣、自由的精神,成為創(chuàng)作家的土壤。在開放和自由的土壤上,我們既保存了歌仔戲、木偶戲等傳統(tǒng)文化,又發(fā)展出云門舞集、朱宗慶打擊樂團等當代文化品牌。我們一方面追求高科技與國際化,一方面又主張草根民眾的文化公民權。
開放的社會才會有奔放的創(chuàng)意,自由的環(huán)境才容許大膽的想象;臺灣的創(chuàng)意注入電影、流行音樂、圖書出版等等,成為文化產(chǎn)業(yè),也都在華文世界有舉足輕重的地位。但是產(chǎn)業(yè)必須要有整合工具,把文化價值與內容,透過創(chuàng)意加值與智慧財產(chǎn)機制,轉換成營銷全球的經(jīng)濟產(chǎn)值,而讓經(jīng)濟產(chǎn)值又回頭來灌溉我們的創(chuàng)作者。
文化不只是藝文、創(chuàng)意與產(chǎn)業(yè),文化也是人民日常生活的一部分。最近大陸知名作家韓寒發(fā)表訪臺親身經(jīng)歷:出租車司機拾物不昧、眼鏡行老板熱心助人,都讓他震撼與感動。不久前,有位花蓮運將曾世誠,把日本乘客遺失在車內的皮夾,用飛車、駁船追上已離港的郵輪,最后以吊籃送到失主手中。英九認為,這些令人動容的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值,已經(jīng)融入臺灣的日常生活。
我們要把文化看做國力,文化的建設,就是國力的建設;文化的投資,就是國力的投資。
積極培育延攬人才,是我們提升臺灣競爭力的第五大支柱。因為,臺灣缺乏天然資源,人才是我們最重要的資源,也是國家發(fā)展的關鍵。
我們要讓大學校園成為培育本土人才的搖籃與國家競爭力的泉源。我們更要以開放前瞻的政策,「筑巢引鳳」的方式,打造一個宜居、友善、國際化、無歧視以及薪資有競爭力的環(huán)境,留住本土優(yōu)秀人才,并延攬全球的優(yōu)秀人才。孩子是我們永遠的關切。讓每一個孩子,不分貧富都有機會成為國家的人才,擁有上進的機會,這才是教育的核心。事實上,不只李安和蕭青陽在文創(chuàng)領域大放異彩、張逸軍與陳星合都登上太陽劇團的舞臺,古又文和吳季剛也在國際服裝設計界大放光芒;四年來,我們臺灣子弟更在歐、美、亞等各種國際發(fā)明展與設計展中,屢屢拿下總冠軍。臺灣擁有極佳的人才與創(chuàng)造力,我們要更用心培育下一代,提供優(yōu)質的十二年國民教育,讓每一個生命都能發(fā)光發(fā)熱。
國家要發(fā)展,就必須改革;要改革,就要承受調整的陣痛。我們絕對不能把燙手山芋與沉重包袱留給下一代。英九深知,一位連任總統(tǒng)最重要的責任與使命,就是與人民一起打造幸福的未來。在未來的任期中,我們要踏出堅定的步伐,進行實時、深入、廣泛的溝通,以爭取民眾的支持。用五大支柱「打造幸福臺灣」,是英九第二任的目標,臺灣要提升競爭力才能生存,人民幸福才有保障。國家安全鐵三角:和平兩岸、活路外交、堅強國防
國家安全是中華民國生存的關鍵,英九認為,以兩岸和解實現(xiàn)臺海和平、以活路外交拓展國際空間、以國防武力嚇阻外來威脅,是確保臺灣安全的鐵三角,我們必須同等重視、平衡發(fā)展。
鐵三角的第一個角,就是以兩岸和解實現(xiàn)臺海和平。四年來,政府堅持「對等、尊嚴、互惠」的理念,「以臺灣為主、對人民有利」的原則,恢復兩岸制度化協(xié)商,簽署16 項協(xié)議,實現(xiàn)兩岸和解。行政部門公開且透明地對國會負責,并加強與在野黨溝通,努力尋求共識,兩岸和解因此建立制度化的保障。過去四年,我們改善兩岸關系,降低臺海緊張,帶來和平與繁榮,獲得廣大民眾的支持,但仍有部分民眾對我們的大陸政策存有疑慮。英九要在此鄭重指出:中華民國憲法是政府處理兩岸關系的最高指導原則;兩岸政策必須在中華民國憲法架構下,維持臺海「不統(tǒng)、不獨、不武」的現(xiàn)狀,在「九二共識、一中各表」的基礎上,推動兩岸和平發(fā)展;而我們所說的「一中」,當然就是中華民國。依據(jù)憲法,中華民國領土主權涵蓋臺灣與大陸,目前政府的統(tǒng)治權僅及于臺、澎、金、馬。換言之,二十年來兩岸的憲法定位就是「一個中華民國,兩個地區(qū)」,歷經(jīng)3 位總統(tǒng),從未改變。這是最理性務實的定位,也是中華民國長遠發(fā)展、保障臺灣安全的憑借。兩岸之間應該要正視這個現(xiàn)實,求同存異,建立「互不承認主權、互不否認治權」的共識,雙方才能放心向前走。
過去四年,我們依循「先急后緩、先易后難、先經(jīng)后政」的原則,推動兩岸交流,不論是在經(jīng)貿、交通、衛(wèi)生、文化、教育、司法、金融等各方面,都創(chuàng)下歷史新高的紀錄。未來四年,兩岸要開拓新的合作領域,繼續(xù)鞏固和平、擴大繁榮、深化互信。也期盼兩岸民間團體在民主、人權、法治、公民社會等領域,有更多機會交流與對話,為兩岸和平發(fā)展創(chuàng)造更有利的環(huán)境。
兩岸人民同屬中華民族,都是炎黃子孫,擁有共同的血緣、歷史與文化,也都同樣尊崇國父孫中山先生。我們不能忘記 國父「天下為公」的理念,以及自由、民主、均富的建國理想。臺灣實施民主的經(jīng)驗,證明中華民族的土壤,毫不排斥外來的民主制度。英九衷心期盼中國大陸的政治參與逐步開放,人權與法治日漸完善,公民社會自主成長,以進一步縮短兩岸人民的心理距離。
鐵三角的第二個角,就是以活路外交拓展國際空間并增加國際貢獻。過去四年,我們不采取「烽火外交」,而選擇「活路外交」與「正派外交」,在「目的正當、過程合法、執(zhí)行有效」的援外原則下,我們與邦交國進行合作計劃,邦交國也在國際組織中不斷為我國仗義執(zhí)言。我們與美國重建互信,強化溝通管道,在許多領域緊密合作,已建構三十年來最堅實的「安全與經(jīng)濟伙伴關系」。我們與日本在設館、航空、文化與投資等領域都展現(xiàn)重要成果,建立四十年來最友好的「特別伙伴關系」。歐盟及歐洲議會分別多次發(fā)表聲明及通過決議,支持我們的大陸政策與強化臺歐經(jīng)貿關系。
拓展國際空間方面,我國在三年前,正式以大會觀察員的身分,回到離開38 年的「世界衛(wèi)生大會」;九十九年又加入世界貿易組織下的「政府采購協(xié)議」。事實證明,兩岸關系的進展與我們國際空間的擴大,不但不必相互沖突,甚至可以相輔相成。未來四年,我們要擴大參與國際組織,包括氣候變遷、民航安全等聯(lián)合國專門機構的相關活動。我們也希望在國際非政府組織中,兩岸能彼此包容、相互協(xié)助,讓這個良性循環(huán)的模式發(fā)揮更大的正面效益。
增加國際貢獻方面,臺灣立足世界最寶貴的資產(chǎn),就是民間組織的充沛活力,以及民胞物與的人道關懷。
英九九十九年一月海地發(fā)生大地震,跟趕赴現(xiàn)場的我國特種搜救隊分隊長陳順天通電話,電話那一頭傳來興奮的呼喊聲。因為,十五分鐘前他們救出1 名生還者,這是我國國際搜救史上的第一次;去年311 日本海嘯,民間和政府合力捐助新臺幣66 億元,不但是世界第一,也超過其他九十多國的捐助總額;還有一位到災區(qū)為老人默默服務的臺南女孩蔡雨樺,她的善行更感動了兩國人民。今英九年四月,到非洲遇見了在當?shù)匦嗅t(yī)近二十年的黃其麟醫(yī)師,他無怨無悔的付出,讓世人看見臺灣醫(yī)生沸騰在白袍下的熱血。這些例子說明,臺灣人擁有豐沛的生命熱情與不怕難的韌性,也為臺灣贏得真誠的友誼。
鐵三角的第三個角,就是以國防武力嚇阻外來威脅?!柑煜码m安,忘戰(zhàn)必?!梗庞忻饔?。我們不求戰(zhàn),但絕不畏戰(zhàn)。四年來,我們在國防工業(yè)自主、強化新一代兵力整建以及災害防救等方面,都有明顯成果。同時,增加訓練能量、大幅提升國軍體能及戰(zhàn)技,而整飭軍紀及反貪防弊,亦有相當成果,這也是我們建軍備戰(zhàn)的具體成效。
在對外軍購方面,上任以來,美國已三度同意軍售臺灣,總計183 億美元,不論是質與量都超越以往。這讓我們未來擁有適當?shù)姆佬l(wèi)力量,使政府與人民更有信心與意愿,繼續(xù)穩(wěn)健發(fā)展兩岸關系。
未來四年,我們仍將向外采購無法自制的防衛(wèi)性武器,也將完善募兵制及相關配套,在「防衛(wèi)固守、有效嚇阻」的戰(zhàn)略下,以「創(chuàng)新、不對稱」思維,建立量少但質精的堅強國防武力。同時強化我國與周邊各國關系,積極參與國際事務,推動建立制度化的戰(zhàn)略對話合作管道,以捍衛(wèi)中華民國主權與保障臺灣安全,并對區(qū)域和平作出積極貢獻。
站在歷史分水嶺上:新的百年、好的開端
各位鄉(xiāng)親,回想過去四年,英九內心有深深的感激。我們一起走過金融海嘯的風暴,我們一起迎接建國百年的歡欣,我們曾為天災巨變的創(chuàng)傷流淚,也曾為臺灣子弟在各方面的成就,歡喜 難眠。
我們就是一家人,臺灣就是我們共同的家園。我們深信,不管朝野之間有什么歧見,我們都是一家人。即使過去幾年朝野和解存在不少困難,但英九相信,民主是我們的共同價值,在這個基礎上,我們一定可以尋求共識,合力
解決問題。四年來,英九持續(xù)邀請各種公民團體來對談。英九也誠摯的希望,盡速與
英九在野黨領袖展開對話,我們要讓民眾看到,朝野不是 只有相互競爭,也能彼此合作。為了全民福祉,讓我們一起為臺灣民主建立良好的典范。
今年是中華民國第一百零一年,我們正站在歷史的分水嶺上。
過去一百年,先人的奮斗歷程清晰在目;未來一百年,國家的挑戰(zhàn)與機會輪廓鮮明。英九有幸身為中華民國跨入新的一百年第一位宣誓就職的總統(tǒng),感到責任無比重大。
英九在此莊嚴而神圣的典禮上,與執(zhí)政團隊再度接受全民的付托,猶如千鈞重擔在肩頭,唯有以如臨深淵的心境,如履薄冰的態(tài)度,全力履行憲法所賦予的職責,才能符合國人的信賴與付托。
站在新的一百年起跑點上,英九希望,今天我們奠下的基礎,將成為孩子走向未來的盤石; 今天我們種下的幼苗,將不斷長成下一代共享的果實。讓我們一起堅持理想、攜手改革、打造幸福臺灣。
謝謝大家!
第三篇:華盛頓總統(tǒng)就職演說
First Inaugural Address of George Washington
THE CITY OF NEW YORK
THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil
deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified
or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文譯文】:
美國人民的實驗
喬治-華盛頓
第一次就職演講
紐約 星期四,1789年4月30日
參議院和眾議院的同胞們:
在人生沉浮中,沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據(jù)你們的命令送達的通知更使我焦慮不安,一方面,國家召喚我出任此職,對于她的召喚,我永遠只能肅然敬從;而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿,由于愛好和習慣,且時光流逝,健康漸衰,時感體力不濟,愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面,國家召喚我擔負的責任如此重大和艱巨,足以使國內最有才智和經(jīng)驗的人度德量力,而我天資愚飩,又無民政管理的實踐,理應倍覺自己能力之不足,因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情,我唯一敢斷言的是,通過正確估計可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來克盡厥職,乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標。我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在執(zhí)行這項任務時因陶醉于往事,或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴,因而受到過多影響,以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時,忽視了自己的無能和消極,我的錯誤將會由于使我誤人歧途的各種動機而減輕,而大家在評判錯誤的后果時;也會適當包涵產(chǎn)生這些動機的偏見。
既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現(xiàn)職時的感想,那么,在此宣誓就職之際,如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當,因為上帝統(tǒng)治著宇宙,主宰著各國政府,它的神助能彌補人類的任何不足,愿上帝賜福,侃佑一個為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府,保佑它為這些基本目的而作出奉獻,保佑政府的各項行政措施在我負責之下都能成功地發(fā)揮作用。我相信,在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻上這份崇敬時,這些活也同樣表達了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國人更堅定不移地承認和崇拜掌管人間事務的上帝。他們在邁向獨立國家的進程中,似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象;他們在剛剛完成的聯(lián)邦政府體制的重大改革中,如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報,如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預示的賜福的到來,那么,通過眾多截然不同的集團的平靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革,這種方式是不能與大多數(shù)政府的組建方式同日而語的。在目前轉折關頭,我產(chǎn)生這些想法確實是深有所感而不能自已,我相信大家會和我懷有同感,即除了仰仗上帝的力量,一個新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據(jù)設立行政部門的條款,總統(tǒng)有責任“將他認為必要而妥善的措施提請國會審議”。但在目前與各位見面的這個場合,恕我不進一步討論這個問題,而只提一下偉大的憲法,它使各位今天聚集一堂,它規(guī)定了各位的權限,指出了各位應該注意的目標。在這樣的場合,更恰當、也更能反映我內心激情的做法是不提出具體措施,而是稱頌將要規(guī)劃和采納這些措施的當選者的才能、正直和愛國心。我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證:其一,任何地方偏見或地方感情,任何意見分歧或黨派敵視,都不能使我們偏離全局觀點和公平觀點,即必須維護這個由不同地區(qū)和利益所組成的大聯(lián)合;因此,其二,我國的政策將會以純潔而堅定的個人道德原則為基礎,而自由政府將會以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠景,因為根據(jù)自然界的構成和發(fā)展趨勢,在美德與幸福之間,責任與利益之間,恪守誠實寬厚的政策與獲得社會繁榮幸福的碩果之間,有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一;因為我們應該同樣相信,上帝親自規(guī)定了水恒的秩序和權利法則,它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家慈祥地加以贊許;因為人們理所當然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運,系于美國人所遵命進行的實驗上。
我已將有感于這一聚會場合的想法奉告各位,現(xiàn)在我就要向大家告辭;但在此以前,我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因為承蒙上帝的恩賜,美國人有了深思熟慮的機會,以及為確保聯(lián)邦的安全和促進幸福,用前所未有的一致意見來決定政府體制的意向;因而,同樣明顯的是,上帝將保佑我們擴大眼界,心平氣和地進行協(xié)商,并采取明智的措施,而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。
第四篇:老布什總統(tǒng)就職演說
FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989
Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends:
There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history.President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America.I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his.It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country.And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day;for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began.We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends.For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended.And my first act as President is a prayer.I ask you to bow your heads:
Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love.Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely.Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: “Use power to help people.” For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name.There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people.Help us to remember it, Lord.Amen.I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise.We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better.For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn;for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over.The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree.A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on.There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken.There are times when the future seems thick as a fog;you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right path.But this is a time when the future seems a door you can walk right through into a room called tomorrow.Great nations of the world are moving toward democracy through the door to freedom.Men and women of the world move toward free markets through the door to prosperity.The people of the world agitate for free expression and free thought through the door to the moral and intellectual satisfactions that only liberty allows.We know what works: Freedom works.We know what's right: Freedom is right.We know how to secure a more just and prosperous life for man on Earth: through free markets, free speech, free elections, and the exercise of free will unhampered by the state.For the first time in this century, for the first time in perhaps all history, man does not have to invent a system by which to live.We don't have to talk late into the night about which form of government is better.We don't have to wrest justice from the kings.We only have to summon it from within ourselves.We must act on what we know.I take as my guide the hope of a saint: In crucial things, unity;in important things, diversity;in all things, generosity.America today is a proud, free nation, decent and civil, a place we cannot help but love.We know in our hearts, not loudly and proudly, but as a simple fact, that this country has meaning beyond what we see, and that our strength is a force for good.But have we changed as a nation even in our time? Are we enthralled with material things, less appreciative of the nobility of work and sacrifice?
My friends, we are not the sum of our possessions.They are not the measure of our lives.In our hearts we know what matters.We cannot hope only to leave our children a bigger car, a bigger bank account.We must hope to give them a sense of what it means to be a loyal friend, a loving parent, a citizen who leaves his home, his neighborhood and town better than he found it.What do we want the men and women who work with us to say when we are no longer there? That we were more driven to succeed than anyone around us? Or that we stopped to ask if a sick child had gotten better, and stayed a moment there to trade a word of friendship?
No President, no government, can teach us to remember what is best in what we are.But if the man you have chosen to lead this government can help make a difference;if he can celebrate the quieter, deeper successes that are made not of gold and silk, but of better hearts and finer souls;if he can do these things, then he must.America is never wholly herself unless she is engaged in high moral principle.We as a people have such a purpose today.It is to make kinder the face of the Nation and gentler the face of the world.My friends, we have work to do.There are the homeless, lost and roaming.There are the children who have nothing, no love, no normalcy.There are those who cannot free themselves of enslavement to whatever addiction——drugs, welfare, the demoralization that rules the slums.There is crime to be conquered, the rough crime of the streets.There are young women to be helped who are about to become mothers of children they can't care for and might not love.They need our care, our guidance, and our education, though we bless them for choosing life.The old solution, the old way, was to think that public money alone could end these problems.But we have learned that is not so.And in any case, our funds are low.We have a deficit to bring down.We have more will than wallet;but will is what we need.We will make the hard choices, looking at what we have and perhaps allocating it differently, making our decisions based on honest need and prudent safety.And then we will do the wisest thing of all: We will turn to the only resource we have that in times of need always grows——the goodness and the courage of the American people.I am speaking of a new engagement in the lives of others, a new activism, hands-on and involved, that gets the job done.We must bring in the generations, harnessing the unused talent of the elderly and the unfocused energy of the young.For not only leadership is passed from generation to generation, but so is stewardship.And the generation born after the Second World War has come of age.I have spoken of a thousand points of light, of all the community organizations that are spread like stars throughout the Nation, doing good.We will work hand in hand, encouraging, sometimes leading, sometimes being led, rewarding.We will work on this in the White House, in the Cabinet agencies.I will go to the people and the programs that are the brighter points of light, and I will ask every member of my government to become involved.The old ideas are new again because they are not old, they are timeless: duty, sacrifice, commitment, and a patriotism that finds its expression in taking part and pitching in.We need a new engagement, too, between the Executive and the Congress.The challenges before us will be thrashed out with the House and the Senate.We must bring the Federal budget into balance.And we must ensure that America stands before the world united, strong, at peace, and fiscally sound.But, of course, things may be difficult.We need compromise;we have had dissension.We need harmony;we have had a chorus of discordant voices.For Congress, too, has changed in our time.There has grown a certain divisiveness.We have seen the hard looks and heard the statements in which not each other's ideas are challenged, but each other's motives.And our great parties have too often been far apart and untrusting of each other.It has been this way since Vietnam.That war cleaves us still.But, friends, that war began in earnest a quarter of a century ago;and surely the statute of limitations has been reached.This is a fact: The final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory.A new breeze is blowing, and the old bipartisanship must be made new again.To my friends——and yes, I do mean friends——in the loyal opposition——and yes, I mean loyal: I put out my hand.I am putting out my hand to you, Mr.Speaker.I am putting out my hand to you Mr.Majority Leader.For this is the thing: This is the age of the offered hand.We can't turn back clocks, and I don't want to.But when our fathers were young, Mr.Speaker, our differences ended at the water's edge.And we don't wish to turn back time, but when our mothers were young, Mr.Majority Leader, the Congress and the Executive were capable of working together to produce a budget on which this nation could live.Let us negotiate soon and hard.But in the end, let us produce.The American people await action.They didn't send us here to bicker.They ask us to rise above the merely partisan.“In crucial things, unity”——and this, my friends, is crucial.To the world, too, we offer new engagement and a renewed vow: We will stay strong to protect the peace.The “offered hand” is a reluctant fist;but once made, strong, and can be used with great effect.There are today Americans who are held against their will in foreign lands, and Americans who are unaccounted for.Assistance can be shown here, and will be long remembered.Good will begets good will.Good faith can be a spiral that endlessly moves on.Great nations like great men must keep their word.When America says something, America means it, whether a treaty or an agreement or a vow made on marble steps.We will always try to speak clearly, for candor is a compliment, but subtlety, too, is good and has its place.While keeping our alliances and friendships around the world strong, ever strong, we will continue the new closeness with the Soviet Union, consistent both with our security and with progress.One might say that our new relationship in part reflects the triumph of hope and strength over experience.But hope is good, and so are strength and vigilance.Here today are tens of thousands of our citizens who feel the understandable satisfaction of those who have taken part in democracy and seen their hopes fulfilled.But my thoughts have been turning the past few days to those who would be watching at home to an older fellow who will throw a salute by himself when the flag goes by, and the women who will tell her sons the words of the battle hymns.I don't mean this to be sentimental.I mean that on days like this, we remember that we are all part of a continuum, inescapably connected by the ties that bind.Our children are watching in schools throughout our great land.And to them I say, thank you for watching democracy's big day.For democracy belongs to us all, and freedom is like a beautiful kite that can go higher and higher with the breeze.And to all I say: No matter what your circumstances or where you are, you are part of this day, you are part of the life of our great nation.A President is neither prince nor pope, and I don't seek a window on men's souls.In fact, I yearn for a greater tolerance, an easy-goingness about each other's attitudes and way of life.There are few clear areas in which we as a society must rise up united and express our intolerance.The most obvious now is drugs.And when that first cocaine was smuggled in on a ship, it may as well have been a deadly bacteria, so much has it hurt the body, the soul of our country.And there is much to be done and to be said, but take my word for it: This scourge will stop.And so, there is much to do;and tomorrow the work begins.I do not mistrust the future;I do not fear what is ahead.For our problems are large, but our heart is larger.Our challenges are great, but our will is greater.And if our flaws are endless, God's love is truly boundless.Some see leadership as high drama, and the sound of trumpets calling, and sometimes it is that.But I see history as a book with many pages, and each day we fill a page with acts of hopefulness and meaning.The new breeze blows, a page turns, the story unfolds.And so today a chapter begins, a small and stately story of unity, diversity, and generosity——shared, and written, together.Thank you.God bless you and God bless the United States of America.
第五篇:克林頓總統(tǒng)就職演說
My fellow citizens:
Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.同胞們,今天,我們在這里隆重集會來慶祝復興美國偉大時刻的到來。
This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But by the words we speak and faces we show the world.We force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent American.現(xiàn)在雖然仍是寒月隆冬,但在對世界發(fā)出的誓言和展示的姿態(tài)中,我們已經(jīng)讓春暖花開悄然降臨到了每個人的心里。春天已經(jīng)來到了世界上最古老的民主國家,它為美利堅的中興帶來了一派欣欣向榮的新氣象和令人鼓舞的勇氣。
When our founder boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the almighty,they knew that America, would have to change.,to endure,Not change for change's sake,but change to preserve America's ideals, life,liberty ,the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time,our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what if means to be an American.當美利堅合眾國的締造者向全世界宣告這個國家的獨立和我們的遠大目標的時候,他們已然知道,美利堅合眾國必須在不斷的變革中才能得到長足的生存和發(fā)展。然而,我們并不是僅僅為了改變而改變,我們要變革是為了保持美利堅尊重生命,尊重國家公民自由和追求幸福的權利的立國思想萬代千秋永垂不朽!此刻,雖然我們已經(jīng)伴隨著時代的行進曲抬頭挺進,但我們仍然需要與時俱進。每一個時代的美國人都必須清楚的了解自己作為一個美國公民的使命所在。
On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, president Bush,for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and communism.在這里,請允許我代表國家,向我的前任——布什總統(tǒng)致敬,他盡忠職守的為這個國家奉獻了半個世紀。同時,我還要感謝數(shù)以百萬的美國人,他們在艱難困苦中堅定信念,犧牲奉獻,最終戰(zhàn)勝了大蕭條,法西斯和共產(chǎn)主義。
Today, a generation raised in shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threaten still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.今天,在冷戰(zhàn)陰影下成長的一代在我們這個被自由陽光溫暖的世界中肩負著新的責任,但是我們仍面臨著新仇與舊恨的威脅。
Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant(停滯的)wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.盡管我們在無與倫比的物質繁華中成長,盡管我們仍然繼承了世界上最為強大的經(jīng)濟體,但實際上我們的社會同時也被商業(yè)蕭條,收入停滯不前,不平等現(xiàn)象不斷增加以及階層隔閡加劇所削弱。
When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.當喬治華盛頓在宣誓我剛才所宣誓過的誓詞的時候,消息是通過馬背和艦船緩慢的穿過陸地,跨過海洋的。而此刻,盛會現(xiàn)場的現(xiàn)場音頻視頻信號正在向全球的億萬觀眾不間斷直播。
Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.現(xiàn)代社會,溝通和商業(yè)是全球化的,技術發(fā)展令人驚訝,同時讓生活更美好也成為了大家的愿望。我們在全球性的公平競爭中營造我們自己的生活。
Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.深厚和強大的力量正在動搖和改寫我們的世界,而能否讓變革成為我們的朋友而非敵人成為了我們這個時代最為緊迫的問題。
This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.這個新世界已經(jīng)讓數(shù)以百萬計的美國人通過努力奮斗過上了富足的生活,但當大部分的人每天都在努力工作卻只能勉強維持生計,當還有人得不到工作,當醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生的支出正在讓許多的家庭支離破碎,當大大小小的企業(yè)正在面臨破產(chǎn)威脅的時候,當犯罪案件頻發(fā)給遵紀守法的人們帶來極大恐慌而無法正常享受生活的時候,當還有數(shù)以百萬計的貧苦兒童甚至還過著我們無法想象的生活的時候,我們還沒有讓變革成為我們的朋友。
We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.我們知道我們必須面對殘酷的現(xiàn)實和采取更有力的措施。但是我們還沒有付諸實際行動,而是聽天由命隨波逐流,而恰恰正是這種聽之任之的不作為正在腐蝕我們的根基,削弱我們的經(jīng)濟,它正在動搖我們的信心。
Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.盡管我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)令人畏懼,但是我們的力量也同樣不容忽視。美利堅的國民從來就不甘于現(xiàn)狀,我們一直都在不斷探索進取,樂觀向上。我們肩膀上的使命帶著美利堅的先驅們賦予的美好愿望和堅強意志。
From our revolution, to the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.從我們的革命開始,到南北戰(zhàn)爭到大蕭條再到民權運動,我們的人民一次又一次的從危機中萬眾一心眾志成城的書寫著歷史的豐碑。
Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow Americans, this is our time.Let us embrace it.托馬斯杰斐遜堅信為了維護我們國家的根基,我們必須與時俱進義無返顧的進行變革?,F(xiàn)在,親愛的同胞們,我們改革的時刻到來了,讓我們一起緊密擁抱它吧。
Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.我們的民主不單單是世界向往的楷模同時更是美利堅自我復興的強勁動力,它將帶領著偉大的美利堅這艘巨艦一如既往乘風破浪無往不前。
And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.今天,我們要在這里宣告僵持和隨波逐流時代的結束,一個美利堅復興的全新時代已經(jīng)開始。為了重振美利堅雄風,除了披荊斬棘勇往向前,我們別無選擇。我們必須排除萬難做一些前人從未做過的創(chuàng)舉。我們的政策需要向美國本土的就業(yè),未來傾斜,同時減縮巨額債務。我們還要建立一個公平競爭的社會,這不是一件容易的事情,它需要我們做出犧牲,但它一定會實現(xiàn),犧牲并不是我們的目的,實現(xiàn)我們的目標才是我們的最終目的,我們要像一個家庭對待自己的孩子一樣對待我們的國家。
Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity(子孫,后裔)is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.美利堅的開國元勛們從建國伊始就一直從子孫萬代的長遠利益出發(fā)考慮國家的發(fā)展規(guī)劃。我們更需要考慮更多。每一個注視過在夢想中熟睡的孩子眼睛的的人都明白子孫后代意味著什么。孩子就意味著未來的世界,一個我們?yōu)橹葱l(wèi)美利堅普世價值觀思想的世界,從他們那里我們借用了這一個星球,而為了他們我們承擔了很多神圣的責任。我們必須傾盡我們所有讓這個國家至善完美,那就是,賦予所有國民更多機會以及責任!
It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.現(xiàn)在該是到了打破只管索取而不付出這一壞習慣的時候了,不管是我們的政府還是任何一方。讓我們承擔其更多的責任吧,不僅僅是為了我們的家庭,而是為了我們的社區(qū)和國家。要復興美利堅,我們就必須重建我們的民主制度。
This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.這個美麗的首都,就像每一個文明初生的首都一樣,常常是一個充滿陰謀和較量的地方,權貴們?yōu)榱烁吖俸竦摱M盡心思盤算著誰進誰出,誰上誰下。他們也許早已忘記了那些為了我們今天的生而付出了艱辛汗水和多少磨難的先輩們。
Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.美利堅的國民本該得到更好的生活,就在這城市,就在今天,還有很多的人向往著那些更令人憧憬的美好生活。在這里我要跟所有的人說,同胞們,讓我們堅決地把我們的政治制度改革事業(yè)進行到底吧,那樣那些權貴和利益集團從此往后再也不能覆蓋來自人民的聲音,讓我們把我們的政府變成一個富蘭克林羅斯福稱之為持續(xù)進行大刀闊斧變革的試驗場,變成一個給我們帶來更美好的明天而不是讓生活倒退的政府。讓我們把這個美麗的首都歸還給到她本來的主人——我們美利堅公民的手上!
To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well as at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.要復興美利堅,我們要面臨來自國內外的挑戰(zhàn)!這些挑戰(zhàn)無法區(qū)分哪些是來自海外哪些來自本土,全球經(jīng)濟,世界環(huán)境,艾滋病危機,還有全球軍備競賽,這些問題無時不刻不在影響著我們。
Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities(仇恨)and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.時至今日,作為一個舊的秩序的過渡,新的世界獲得了更多的自由同時也更加動蕩。共產(chǎn)主義的垮臺帶來了新仇舊恨,我們清楚的認識到美國必須繼續(xù)一如既往的領導世界向前開進。
While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize[i:] the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.當我們重建美國的時候,面對挑戰(zhàn)我們不會退縮,不會放棄我們主導新世界的機會,我們將和我們的盟友一起重塑變革,讓它順應我們的意志。
When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.當美國的重要利益受到挑戰(zhàn),或者國際社會的道德秩序受到公然挑釁的時候,我們不會袖手旁觀,我們將采取和平的外交手段及一切可能的方法,必要的時候甚至訴諸武力解決問題。就在現(xiàn)在,驍勇善戰(zhàn)的美軍士兵正在波斯灣,在索馬里以及其他任何需要他們去履行美國政府意志的地方實現(xiàn)美國的決心。
But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.實際上我們最強大的力量所在是我們的思想,在很多的領域都占據(jù)領先地位??v觀全球,我們看到這些思想為世人所接受,而我們也深感欣慰,我們的希望,我們的熱心,我們的雙手,靠著這些我們幫助了其他國家的人民在每一塊大陸建立了民主和自由,他們的成就也是美國的成就。
The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.美國人民一直在召喚著我們做出今天所提出的變革,你們已經(jīng)發(fā)出圣歌的強音,你們已經(jīng)投出了具有歷史意義的一票,是你們,讓國會舊貌換新顏,你們改變了美利堅的總統(tǒng)制度和政治進程。是的,親愛的美國同胞們,是你們促使了美利堅春暖花開的早日到來。同胞們,現(xiàn)在,到了我們響應時代要求付諸實際行動的時候了。
To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.我將和本屆政府的所有職能部門來肩負這一重要使命,我也將請求國會和我們站在一起。但是,沒有哪一個總統(tǒng),哪一屆國會哪一屆政府能單獨扛起這樣的重任。親愛的同胞們,你們,我們需要你們和我們一起參與到偉大的美利堅復興運動中來。我呼吁美國的年青一代加入到報效國家的行列中來,去通過幫助貧困交加和需要幫助的兒童來實現(xiàn)你的理想,陪伴那些有需要的人們,重新連接我們撕裂的社區(qū),這是一項浩瀚的工程,足以讓成千上萬有理想的年輕人投身其中。
In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.加入效力國家的行列,我們就會明白一個很簡單但卻很令人振奮的道理,我相互需要。所以我們需要關愛彼此。今天,我們來這里不是僅僅為了歡呼為了慶祝,我們更需要把自己奉獻給最重要的美國思想。
An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.這是一種誕生于隆隆的革命洪潮并經(jīng)受了兩個世紀洗禮的理念。這是一種煉就于知識與智慧的理念,它在影響著我們的一生,不管幸與不幸的人們,我們都身處這種思想當中。
And so, my fellow Americans, as we stand at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”
所以,親愛的同胞們,當我們已經(jīng)站在二十一世紀的邊緣,讓我們帶著希望和力量,帶著信念和紀律,讓我們把美利堅的復興進行到底吧,正如圣經(jīng)所說:不要厭于行善,在收獲的季節(jié),假如沒有倒下,我們將得到收獲。
From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.在歡樂的慶祝巔峰之中,我聽到了山谷中傳來的召喚,我們聽到了凱旋的號角聲,我們已經(jīng)換崗各就各位,現(xiàn)在,每一個和我們站在一起的人,在神的幫助之下,我們都必須響應國家的呼喚。
Thank you, and God bless you all.謝謝大家,愿上帝保佑你們!