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      2004年臺(tái)灣總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)

      時(shí)間:2019-05-13 04:04:32下載本文作者:會(huì)員上傳
      簡(jiǎn)介:寫寫幫文庫(kù)小編為你整理了多篇相關(guān)的《2004年臺(tái)灣總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)》,但愿對(duì)你工作學(xué)習(xí)有幫助,當(dāng)然你在寫寫幫文庫(kù)還可以找到更多《2004年臺(tái)灣總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)》。

      第一篇:2004年臺(tái)灣總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)

      為永續(xù)臺(tái)灣奠基 ──陳水扁總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)全文

      2004/5/21

      各位友邦元首、使節(jié)及代表團(tuán)、各位貴賓、親愛的國(guó)人同胞:

      感謝來(lái)自海內(nèi)外的各位貴賓,共同參與中華民國(guó)第十一任總統(tǒng)、副總統(tǒng)的就職大典。今天我們?cè)谶@里所見證的,是臺(tái)灣民主前進(jìn)的腳步,也是兩千三百萬(wàn)人民共同寫下的一個(gè)難能可貴的故事。

      在此歡欣的國(guó)家慶典中,個(gè)人承受人民所賦予的莊嚴(yán)使命。此時(shí)此刻,在我的心中與腦海浮現(xiàn)的并不是華麗的贊詞,而是更大的責(zé)任、更多的謙卑、更深的省思。

      面對(duì)認(rèn)同課題 尋求有效化解

      在20世紀(jì)的最后一年,臺(tái)灣跨越了首次政黨輪替的歷史門坎,邁向民主發(fā)展的新里程。隨著新舊世紀(jì)的交替,我們同時(shí)走過一段崎嶇艱難的民主道路。在世紀(jì)首航的驚濤駭浪之中,舊有與新生并存、脆弱與堅(jiān)強(qiáng)共生、危機(jī)與轉(zhuǎn)機(jī)同在。

      對(duì)于華人社會(huì)以及其它的新興民主國(guó)家而言,臺(tái)灣的民主不僅是一個(gè)試煉、也是一個(gè)示范。西方的民主政治經(jīng)過千錘百煉才有今日的水準(zhǔn),身為年輕的民主國(guó)家,歷經(jīng)挫折磨練的臺(tái)灣經(jīng)驗(yàn)更顯得彌足珍貴。臺(tái)灣的經(jīng)驗(yàn)證明:民主不是坐享其成的烏托邦,也沒有一步到位的直達(dá)車,必須一點(diǎn)一滴的耕耘,才有一步一腳印的前進(jìn)。

      在第一波的民主化過程當(dāng)中,從解除戒嚴(yán)、國(guó)會(huì)全面改選到總統(tǒng)直接民選,我們確立了主權(quán)在民的價(jià)值觀以及臺(tái)灣的主體性。第二波的民主工程,重點(diǎn)在于公民社會(huì)的建立以及國(guó)家共同體的再造。

      從社區(qū)公民意識(shí)的形成,到國(guó)家公共政策的參與,包括公民投票的實(shí)踐,都是公民社會(huì)權(quán)利義務(wù)的確認(rèn)和提升,也促使我們發(fā)展更成熟、理性、負(fù)責(zé)的民主內(nèi)涵。透過公民社會(huì)的建立,經(jīng)由偕同參與、集體創(chuàng)造的土地認(rèn)同與共同記憶,才能超越族群、血緣、語(yǔ)言、文化的局限,邁向一個(gè)新的國(guó)家共同體的重建。

      當(dāng)前的臺(tái)灣社會(huì)確實(shí)存在認(rèn)同與族群的嚴(yán)肅課題,我們不需要掩飾,更不能夠漠視。身為執(zhí)政者,包括阿扁個(gè)人和民主進(jìn)步黨,都愿意率先反省、坦誠(chéng)面對(duì),并且尋求有效的化解。

      回想數(shù)百年前,我們的祖先跨越黑水溝,渡海來(lái)臺(tái)尋找安身立命的所在。不論先來(lái)后到,盡管來(lái)自不同的地方,使用不同的語(yǔ)言,甚至懷抱不同的理想,最后都在這里落地生根,彼此命運(yùn)相同、休戚與共。不管是原住民、新住民、旅居海外的僑胞、注入新血的外籍配偶,包括在相同的太陽(yáng)底下辛勤流汗的外籍勞工,都對(duì)這一塊土地有不可抹滅的奉獻(xiàn),也都是臺(tái)灣新家庭不可或缺的一部份。

      不同的族群或許因?yàn)闅v史記憶與民族情感而有認(rèn)同的差異,但是彼此應(yīng)該相互包容、用心理解。在過去威權(quán)戒嚴(yán)的時(shí)代,曾經(jīng)存在族群地位的不平等和語(yǔ)言文化的壓抑,但是我們必須認(rèn)知的是,除了極少數(shù)的當(dāng)權(quán)者之外,所有的族群都是相同的受害者。在二二八事件和白色恐怖當(dāng)中,受難者同時(shí)包括本省籍和外省籍,其成因要?dú)w咎于當(dāng)權(quán)者權(quán)力的濫用,而非族群的壓迫。

      臺(tái)灣是一個(gè)多數(shù)移民的社會(huì),不是少數(shù)殖民統(tǒng)治的國(guó)家,沒有任何一個(gè)族群應(yīng)該背負(fù)莫須有的歷史包袱。在今日的臺(tái)灣,不管你出生在廣東或者臺(tái)東,不管我們的母親來(lái)自越南或者臺(tái)南,每一個(gè)人都擁有同樣的地位和尊嚴(yán)。阿扁認(rèn)為,不管是認(rèn)同臺(tái)灣或者認(rèn)同中華民國(guó),其實(shí)都是相同的歸屬?!缸迦憾嘣?guó)家一體」是臺(tái)灣這一塊土地上最美好完整的圖像,沒有本土和外來(lái)之分,也沒有少數(shù)和多數(shù)之別,兩千三百萬(wàn)臺(tái)灣人民應(yīng)該是一個(gè)命運(yùn)相同、榮辱與共的整數(shù)。

      這一次的總統(tǒng)大選空前的激烈,選舉結(jié)果揭曉之后,在野黨的候選人提出了質(zhì)疑和訴訟。身為現(xiàn)任的總統(tǒng),阿扁以最大的誠(chéng)意表達(dá)完全尊重司法的獨(dú)立公正,不論結(jié)果如何,個(gè)人絕對(duì)愿意坦然接受。阿扁相信,遵循法治、信任司法是解決爭(zhēng)端唯一的路,如果因?yàn)橐淮蔚倪x舉而推翻了人民對(duì)民主法治與司法獨(dú)立的信任,最后只會(huì)導(dǎo)致全民皆輸?shù)慕Y(jié)果。

      今天的下雨來(lái)得正是時(shí)候,讓我們的激情降溫,讓我們冷靜下來(lái),也讓我們頭腦更加清楚。

      弭平選舉對(duì)立 重建朝野信任

      民主政治定期選舉的設(shè)計(jì),除了實(shí)踐主權(quán)在民的原理之外,也是人民意向與社會(huì)價(jià)值的具體檢視。激烈的競(jìng)爭(zhēng),可以對(duì)政治人物有最直接的檢驗(yàn)和啟示。包括阿扁個(gè)人以及執(zhí)政的團(tuán)隊(duì),都在這次的選舉當(dāng)中接受最嚴(yán)格的考驗(yàn),并且因此而反省改進(jìn)。不同的陣營(yíng)之間,難免有理念的差異、政策的辯論,甚至民眾的動(dòng)員,但是,民主選舉的結(jié)果,不是成王敗寇的結(jié)局,更不應(yīng)該演變?yōu)槊癖娭g的對(duì)立。政黨政治監(jiān)督制衡的設(shè)計(jì),乃是民主健全的根基。負(fù)責(zé)的執(zhí)政黨以及忠誠(chéng)的反對(duì)黨,都代表國(guó)民意志的一部分,也都是國(guó)家人民的政治資產(chǎn)。不管扮演執(zhí)政或者在野的角色,都是人民所賜與的一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì),也是一個(gè)責(zé)任。

      個(gè)人認(rèn)為,此次選舉最終的考驗(yàn),已經(jīng)不是跨越多數(shù)門坎的問題,而是朝野全民如何跨過對(duì)立的圍墻、如何超越信任的鴻溝。不能夠因?yàn)檫x票的距離拉近,而使得社會(huì)的矛盾擴(kuò)大??v使無(wú)法消弭于一時(shí),個(gè)人仍將繼續(xù)秉持「傾聽、理解、法理、團(tuán)結(jié)」的用心,弭平選舉的對(duì)立、重建朝野的信任。

      團(tuán)結(jié)臺(tái)灣、穩(wěn)定兩岸、安定社會(huì)、繁榮經(jīng)濟(jì),這些都是當(dāng)前人民殷切的期待,也是政府未來(lái)施政的首要。其中任何一項(xiàng),都不是一人、一黨所能獨(dú)力完成,所以我要懇請(qǐng)?jiān)谝罢h以及社會(huì)輿論共同支持鞭策,更要祈求人民賜給阿扁力量。

      相信臺(tái)灣,必須持續(xù)創(chuàng)造國(guó)家的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力,打造一個(gè)人文關(guān)懷、生態(tài)環(huán)保的永續(xù)家園。堅(jiān)持改革,是要讓政治、司法、教育、金融、財(cái)政、媒體及社會(huì)的改革,響應(yīng)人民長(zhǎng)久的期

      待。相信就有力量,堅(jiān)持才能實(shí)現(xiàn)理想?,F(xiàn)在付出的一切努力,是要讓我們的下一代生活在一個(gè)符合社會(huì)正義、經(jīng)濟(jì)正義、司法正義、性別正義、以及國(guó)際正義的公義新臺(tái)灣。

      當(dāng)前,臺(tái)灣面對(duì)全面、激烈、快速的國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng),如何凝聚全民的力量,進(jìn)一步提升政府的效能已經(jīng)是攸關(guān)國(guó)家發(fā)展的當(dāng)務(wù)之急。但是,由于特殊的國(guó)情以及歷史的因素,使得政府效能的改造,立即面臨憲政體制的難題。

      籌組憲改委會(huì) 尋求修憲共識(shí)

      憲法是國(guó)家的根本大法,也是政府與人民的契約書。我國(guó)憲法囿于當(dāng)初制訂的時(shí)空背景,絕大多數(shù)的條文早已不符臺(tái)灣當(dāng)前及未來(lái)所需。推動(dòng)憲政改造的工程,重建憲政秩序,不僅是人民的期望,也已經(jīng)獲得朝野政黨的共識(shí)。

      憲政改造的工程是為了政府的良好管理及效能的提升、為了確立民主法治的根基,更是為了國(guó)家的長(zhǎng)治久安。其中,立即而明顯的問題包括:三權(quán)分立或五權(quán)憲法、總統(tǒng)制或內(nèi)閣制、總統(tǒng)選制為相對(duì)多數(shù)或絕對(duì)多數(shù)、國(guó)會(huì)改革及相關(guān)的配套條文、國(guó)民大會(huì)的定位與存廢、省政府組織的存廢、投票年齡的降低、兵役制度的調(diào)整、基本人權(quán)與弱勢(shì)權(quán)益的保障、國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)條款……等,可以說(shuō)是工程浩大、影響至深。

      為了避免重蹈過去十年內(nèi)六次修憲的覆轍,憲政改造的工程不應(yīng)該由一人或一黨主導(dǎo),更不能只著眼于一時(shí)之便。未來(lái),我們將邀請(qǐng)朝野政黨、法界、學(xué)界及各領(lǐng)域階層的代表,共同籌組憲政改造委員會(huì),針對(duì)憲政改造的范圍及程序?qū)で笊鐣?huì)最大的共識(shí),并且接受人民及輿論的監(jiān)督。

      在2008年阿扁卸任總統(tǒng)之前,能夠交給臺(tái)灣人民及我們的國(guó)家一部合時(shí)、合身、合用的新憲法,這是阿扁對(duì)歷史的責(zé)任,也是對(duì)人民的承諾?;谙嗤呢?zé)任與承諾,阿扁也深切了解,涉及國(guó)家主權(quán)、領(lǐng)土及統(tǒng)獨(dú)的議題,目前在臺(tái)灣社會(huì)尚未形成絕大多數(shù)的共識(shí),所以個(gè)人明確的建議這些議題不宜在此次憲改的范圍之內(nèi)。至于首次憲改的程序,我們?nèi)詫⒁姥F(xiàn)行憲法及增修條文的規(guī)定,經(jīng)由國(guó)會(huì)通過之后,選出第一屆也是最后一屆的任務(wù)型國(guó)代,同時(shí)完成憲政改造、廢除國(guó)大、以及公投入憲,為民主憲政長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)的發(fā)展及未來(lái)人民公投復(fù)決國(guó)會(huì)憲改提案奠定開闊的基石。

      過去四年,全球政經(jīng)情勢(shì)產(chǎn)生明顯的變化,臺(tái)灣面對(duì)國(guó)際新秩序的變動(dòng),除了必須自我提升、站穩(wěn)腳步之外,在全球化的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)與國(guó)際的合作之間,也必須尋求新的立足點(diǎn)。

      持續(xù)奉獻(xiàn)國(guó)際 爭(zhēng)取加入世衛(wèi)

      長(zhǎng)久以來(lái),臺(tái)灣與美、日及許多國(guó)際友邦的友誼基礎(chǔ),不僅在于維護(hù)共同的利益,更重要的是建立在自由、民主、人權(quán)與和平的「價(jià)值同盟」關(guān)系。

      臺(tái)灣的民主發(fā)展與臺(tái)海的和平穩(wěn)定,一直備受國(guó)際關(guān)注。對(duì)于這些天涯若比鄰的友誼,個(gè)人要代表我國(guó)政府及人民再一次表達(dá)由衷的感謝。臺(tái)灣人民愛好和平,我們絕對(duì)比任何人更關(guān)心自己的國(guó)家安全,面對(duì)海峽對(duì)岸持續(xù)增加的武力威脅,朝野全民應(yīng)該凝聚堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的國(guó)防

      意識(shí),積極強(qiáng)化有效的防備,提升自我防衛(wèi)的能力,也盼望國(guó)際社會(huì)繼續(xù)關(guān)注并協(xié)助維護(hù)臺(tái)海的和平與亞太地區(qū)的穩(wěn)定。

      在此,阿扁號(hào)召大家、朝野全民以熱烈的掌聲感謝國(guó)際友邦的友誼及真情。

      臺(tái)灣愿意持續(xù)以積極奉獻(xiàn)的角色參與國(guó)際社會(huì),這是兩千三百萬(wàn)人民應(yīng)有的權(quán)利,也是我們做為世界公民的義務(wù)。在全球反恐的浪潮以及國(guó)際人道援助的行列中,臺(tái)灣一直沒有缺席。過去這幾年,我們籌設(shè)民主太平洋聯(lián)盟、成立民主基金會(huì),積極參與國(guó)際非政府組織,與地球村的其它成員共同分享并維護(hù)自由、民主、人權(quán)的普世價(jià)值。

      臺(tái)灣目前是世界第十五大貿(mào)易國(guó),各項(xiàng)國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的評(píng)比都名列前茅,我們?nèi)匀唤?jīng)過十二年的努力,才得以成為世界貿(mào)易組織的第一四四個(gè)會(huì)員國(guó),其中的艱辛不可言喻。如今,我們?nèi)栽阱浂簧岬呐尤胧澜缧l(wèi)生組織。去年SARS疫情蔓延的殷鑒不遠(yuǎn),基于醫(yī)療、衛(wèi)生、防疫無(wú)國(guó)界以及基本人權(quán)的普世價(jià)值,臺(tái)灣理應(yīng)獲得更公平的對(duì)待。

      在此,阿扁呼吁大家,我們更應(yīng)團(tuán)結(jié)同心,繼續(xù)努力,希望在未來(lái)兩年之內(nèi)完成加入世界衛(wèi)生組織的心愿。

      不久之前,歐洲聯(lián)盟熱烈的慶祝十個(gè)新會(huì)員國(guó)的加入。歐盟經(jīng)過數(shù)十年的努力,在尊重個(gè)別國(guó)家及其人民自由意志的選擇之下,成功整合了歐洲人民共同利益的寶貴經(jīng)驗(yàn),對(duì)于新世紀(jì)的全球局勢(shì)產(chǎn)生巨大的影響和沖擊。區(qū)域整合不僅是當(dāng)前、也是未來(lái)的趨勢(shì)。這種區(qū)域整合加上全球化的發(fā)展,使得人類社會(huì)原有的國(guó)家主權(quán)原理,乃至于國(guó)界的藩籬,都產(chǎn)生結(jié)構(gòu)性的變化。世界大同已經(jīng)不是遙不可及的夢(mèng)想。

      積極看待異同 兩岸合作互惠

      海峽兩岸新世紀(jì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人,為了創(chuàng)造人民最大的福祉,應(yīng)該都能前瞻這個(gè)新趨勢(shì),并且以全新的思維和格局,共同來(lái)面對(duì)和處理兩岸未來(lái)的問題。

      兩岸人民曾經(jīng)擁有共同的血緣、文化和歷史背景,過去一個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái)也都遭逢強(qiáng)權(quán)的欺凌和專制的統(tǒng)治。如今,兩岸人民都有站起來(lái)當(dāng)家作主的堅(jiān)強(qiáng)意愿,這一點(diǎn)應(yīng)該能夠獲得彼此充分的理解。

      我們可以體會(huì)海峽對(duì)岸源于歷史情結(jié)與民族情感,無(wú)法放棄對(duì)于「一個(gè)中國(guó)原則」的堅(jiān)持。相對(duì)的,北京當(dāng)局也應(yīng)該要充分了解,臺(tái)灣人民要民主、愛和平、求生存、求發(fā)展的堅(jiān)定信念。如果對(duì)岸不能夠體會(huì)兩千三百萬(wàn)人民單純良善的心愿,繼續(xù)對(duì)臺(tái)灣施加武力的威脅和政治的孤立,無(wú)理的將臺(tái)灣阻絕于國(guó)際社會(huì)之外,只會(huì)讓臺(tái)灣的民心和海峽的對(duì)岸越離越遠(yuǎn)。

      中華民國(guó)在臺(tái)澎金馬存在、臺(tái)灣在國(guó)際社會(huì)存在的事實(shí),不容許任何人以任何理由加以否定,這就是臺(tái)灣人民集體意志之所在。過去半個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái),兩千三百萬(wàn)人民胼手胝足所創(chuàng)造的臺(tái)灣經(jīng)驗(yàn),不僅印證了中華民國(guó)存在的正面價(jià)值,也應(yīng)該是華人社會(huì)及兩岸人民的共同資產(chǎn)。

      歷史的緣故讓兩岸發(fā)展出相當(dāng)不同的政治制度和生活方式,但是如果以積極的態(tài)度來(lái)看待兩岸發(fā)展的「異」與「同」,應(yīng)該可以善加利用,走向進(jìn)一步合作互惠的關(guān)系。臺(tái)灣是一個(gè)完全自由民主的社會(huì),沒有任何個(gè)人或政黨可以代替人民做出最后的選擇。如果兩岸之間能夠本于善意,共同營(yíng)造一個(gè)「和平發(fā)展、自由選擇」的環(huán)境,未來(lái)中華民國(guó)與中華人民共和國(guó)或者臺(tái)灣與中國(guó)之間,將發(fā)展任何形式的關(guān)系,只要兩千三百萬(wàn)臺(tái)灣人民同意,我們都不排除。

      過去十幾年兩岸人民的互動(dòng)交流,已經(jīng)發(fā)展出極為密切的關(guān)系,對(duì)于兩岸關(guān)系的進(jìn)展具有重要的價(jià)值與意義。未來(lái),我們希望在既有的基礎(chǔ)之上,持續(xù)放寬并且擴(kuò)大兩岸新聞、信息、教育、文化、經(jīng)貿(mào)交流的相關(guān)措施,推動(dòng)兩岸恢復(fù)對(duì)話與溝通的管道,如此才能拉近彼此的距離,建立互信的基礎(chǔ)。

      21世紀(jì)的前二十年,不僅是臺(tái)灣要全面向上提升的關(guān)鍵轉(zhuǎn)型期,也是中國(guó)大陸邁向民主化及自由化的機(jī)遇期,雙方的政府理應(yīng)掌握機(jī)會(huì)全力打拚,放眼于全球競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的趨勢(shì),不要再虛耗于政治爭(zhēng)辯的僵局。我們已經(jīng)注意到,中共的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人近來(lái)一再?gòu)?qiáng)調(diào)穩(wěn)定發(fā)展的重要,強(qiáng)調(diào)十三億大陸人民的福祉,并且選擇「和平崛起」做為拓展國(guó)際關(guān)系的基調(diào)。我們也相信,北京當(dāng)局應(yīng)該認(rèn)知維持臺(tái)海和平的現(xiàn)狀,對(duì)于兩岸各自的發(fā)展以及亞太區(qū)域穩(wěn)定的重要性。

      個(gè)人深信,唯有兩岸致力于建設(shè)與發(fā)展,協(xié)商建立一個(gè)動(dòng)態(tài)的和平穩(wěn)定互動(dòng)架構(gòu),共同確保臺(tái)海的現(xiàn)狀不被片面改變,并且進(jìn)一步推動(dòng)包括三通在內(nèi)的文化經(jīng)貿(mào)往來(lái),才能符合兩岸人民的福祉與國(guó)際社會(huì)的期待。

      四年前的承諾 未來(lái)四年不變

      身為中華民國(guó)的總統(tǒng),接受臺(tái)灣人民的付托,個(gè)人必須捍衛(wèi)國(guó)家的主權(quán)、安全與尊嚴(yán),兼顧國(guó)家的永續(xù)發(fā)展及臺(tái)海的和平穩(wěn)定,匯聚全民的意志和共識(shí),妥善處理兩岸未來(lái)的關(guān)系。今天,個(gè)人愿意在此重申,公元2000年五二○就職演說(shuō)所揭橥的原則和承諾,過去四年沒有改變,未來(lái)四年也不會(huì)改變。在此基礎(chǔ)之上,阿扁將進(jìn)一步邀集朝野政黨及社會(huì)各界共同參與,成立「兩岸和平發(fā)展委員會(huì)」,凝聚朝野的智慧與全民的共識(shí),擬定「兩岸和平發(fā)展綱領(lǐng)」,共同策進(jìn)兩岸和平穩(wěn)定、永續(xù)發(fā)展的新關(guān)系。

      各位貴賓、親愛的國(guó)人同胞,攤開世界地圖來(lái)看,臺(tái)澎金馬只是太平洋邊的幾個(gè)小島,但是如果仔細(xì)檢視這些島嶼上美麗的山河、多元的族群、多樣的生態(tài),細(xì)數(shù)兩千三百萬(wàn)人民過去幾個(gè)世紀(jì)所寫下的政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化篇章,你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)猶如進(jìn)入一部精彩豐富的百科全書。海洋國(guó)家的包容,世界島的開闊,讓這一塊土地上的子民,視野和胸懷隨著地平線無(wú)限的延伸。

      臺(tái)灣的故事所以動(dòng)人,不是因?yàn)樘焐愘|(zhì),而是歷經(jīng)挫折砥礪、苦難錘煉之后,所蘊(yùn)含散發(fā)的光彩。這就是「臺(tái)灣精神」,從我們的祖先一直流傳到我們每一個(gè)人的身上。

      如今,歷史的火炬再一次交到阿扁的手上,也握在每一位國(guó)人同胞的手中。未來(lái)四年,阿扁自我期許能夠做到講誠(chéng)信、存慈悲、大公無(wú)私、中道治國(guó),更希望國(guó)人同胞給我支持、給我鞭策。

      阿扁是一個(gè)平凡的人,我一直相信,沒有偉大的總統(tǒng),只有偉大的人民可以成就偉大的國(guó)家。援引人民的力量,為民主永續(xù)、改革永續(xù)、人文永續(xù)、和平永續(xù)的國(guó)家發(fā)展奠基,讓臺(tái)灣中華民國(guó)邁向團(tuán)結(jié)和諧、公平正義、富足均衡、生生不息,這是歷史賦予阿扁的責(zé)任,也是人民交付的使命。

      今年的二二八,上百萬(wàn)的民眾站在福爾摩沙這一塊土地上,不分族群、年齡、性別,手牽著手,筑成一座長(zhǎng)達(dá)五百公里的民主長(zhǎng)城,完成一幅最美的臺(tái)灣圖像。臺(tái)灣不但要站起來(lái),還要勇敢的走出去,在世界地圖上永續(xù)發(fā)展、屹立不搖。

      親愛的國(guó)人同胞,讓我們一起對(duì)土地感恩、向人民致敬!讓我們繼續(xù)團(tuán)結(jié)臺(tái)灣、守護(hù)臺(tái)灣、牽手向前,再一次寫下21世紀(jì)動(dòng)人的臺(tái)灣故事。

      最后,敬祝中華民國(guó)國(guó)運(yùn)昌?。「魑秽l(xiāng)親朋友及各位嘉賓健康快樂!謝謝大家!

      第二篇:華盛頓總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)

      First Inaugural Address of George Washington

      THE CITY OF NEW YORK

      THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789

      Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

      Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil

      deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified

      or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文譯文】:

      美國(guó)人民的實(shí)驗(yàn)

      喬治-華盛頓

      第一次就職演講

      紐約 星期四,1789年4月30日

      參議院和眾議院的同胞們:

      在人生沉浮中,沒有一件事能比本月14日收到根據(jù)你們的命令送達(dá)的通知更使我焦慮不安,一方面,國(guó)家召喚我出任此職,對(duì)于她的召喚,我永遠(yuǎn)只能肅然敬從;而隱退是我以摯愛心憎、滿腔希望和堅(jiān)定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿,由于愛好和習(xí)慣,且時(shí)光流逝,健康漸衰,時(shí)感體力不濟(jì),愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。另一方面,國(guó)家召喚我擔(dān)負(fù)的責(zé)任如此重大和艱巨,足以使國(guó)內(nèi)最有才智和經(jīng)驗(yàn)的人度德量力,而我天資愚飩,又無(wú)民政管理的實(shí)踐,理應(yīng)倍覺自己能力之不足,因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情,我唯一敢斷言的是,通過正確估計(jì)可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來(lái)克盡厥職,乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標(biāo)。我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在執(zhí)行這項(xiàng)任務(wù)時(shí)因陶醉于往事,或因由衷感激公民們對(duì)我的高度信賴,因而受到過多影響,以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時(shí),忽視了自己的無(wú)能和消極,我的錯(cuò)誤將會(huì)由于使我誤人歧途的各種動(dòng)機(jī)而減輕,而大家在評(píng)判錯(cuò)誤的后果時(shí);也會(huì)適當(dāng)包涵產(chǎn)生這些動(dòng)機(jī)的偏見。

      既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現(xiàn)職時(shí)的感想,那么,在此宣誓就職之際,如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當(dāng),因?yàn)樯系劢y(tǒng)治著宇宙,主宰著各國(guó)政府,它的神助能彌補(bǔ)人類的任何不足,愿上帝賜福,侃佑一個(gè)為美國(guó)人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府,保佑它為這些基本目的而作出奉獻(xiàn),保佑政府的各項(xiàng)行政措施在我負(fù)責(zé)之下都能成功地發(fā)揮作用。我相信,在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻(xiàn)上這份崇敬時(shí),這些活也同樣表達(dá)了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國(guó)人更堅(jiān)定不移地承認(rèn)和崇拜掌管人間事務(wù)的上帝。他們?cè)谶~向獨(dú)立國(guó)家的進(jìn)程中,似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象;他們?cè)趧倓偼瓿傻穆?lián)邦政府體制的重大改革中,如果不是因虔誠(chéng)的感恩而得到某種回報(bào),如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預(yù)示的賜福的到來(lái),那么,通過眾多截然不同的集團(tuán)的平靜思考和自愿贊同來(lái)完成改革,這種方式是不能與大多數(shù)政府的組建方式同日而語(yǔ)的。在目前轉(zhuǎn)折關(guān)頭,我產(chǎn)生這些想法確實(shí)是深有所感而不能自已,我相信大家會(huì)和我懷有同感,即除了仰仗上帝的力量,一個(gè)新生的自由政府別無(wú)他法能一開始就事事順利。根據(jù)設(shè)立行政部門的條款,總統(tǒng)有責(zé)任“將他認(rèn)為必要而妥善的措施提請(qǐng)國(guó)會(huì)審議”。但在目前與各位見面的這個(gè)場(chǎng)合,恕我不進(jìn)一步討論這個(gè)問題,而只提一下偉大的憲法,它使各位今天聚集一堂,它規(guī)定了各位的權(quán)限,指出了各位應(yīng)該注意的目標(biāo)。在這樣的場(chǎng)合,更恰當(dāng)、也更能反映我內(nèi)心激情的做法是不提出具體措施,而是稱頌將要規(guī)劃和采納這些措施的當(dāng)選者的才能、正直和愛國(guó)心。我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證:其一,任何地方偏見或地方感情,任何意見分歧或黨派敵視,都不能使我們偏離全局觀點(diǎn)和公平觀點(diǎn),即必須維護(hù)這個(gè)由不同地區(qū)和利益所組成的大聯(lián)合;因此,其二,我國(guó)的政策將會(huì)以純潔而堅(jiān)定的個(gè)人道德原則為基礎(chǔ),而自由政府將會(huì)以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點(diǎn)而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對(duì)國(guó)家的一片熱愛之心激勵(lì)著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠(yuǎn)景,因?yàn)楦鶕?jù)自然界的構(gòu)成和發(fā)展趨勢(shì),在美德與幸福之間,責(zé)任與利益之間,恪守誠(chéng)實(shí)寬厚的政策與獲得社會(huì)繁榮幸福的碩果之間,有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一;因?yàn)槲覀儜?yīng)該同樣相信,上帝親自規(guī)定了水恒的秩序和權(quán)利法則,它決不可能對(duì)無(wú)視這些法則的國(guó)家慈祥地加以贊許;因?yàn)槿藗兝硭?dāng)然地、滿懷深情地、也許是最后一次把維護(hù)神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運(yùn),系于美國(guó)人所遵命進(jìn)行的實(shí)驗(yàn)上。

      我已將有感于這一聚會(huì)場(chǎng)合的想法奉告各位,現(xiàn)在我就要向大家告辭;但在此以前,我要再一次以謙卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝給予幫助。因?yàn)槌忻缮系鄣亩髻n,美國(guó)人有了深思熟慮的機(jī)會(huì),以及為確保聯(lián)邦的安全和促進(jìn)幸福,用前所未有的一致意見來(lái)決定政府體制的意向;因而,同樣明顯的是,上帝將保佑我們擴(kuò)大眼界,心平氣和地進(jìn)行協(xié)商,并采取明智的措施,而這些都是本屆政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。

      第三篇:老布什總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)

      FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989

      Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends:

      There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history.President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America.I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his.It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country.And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day;for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began.We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends.For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended.And my first act as President is a prayer.I ask you to bow your heads:

      Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love.Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely.Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: “Use power to help people.” For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name.There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people.Help us to remember it, Lord.Amen.I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise.We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better.For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn;for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over.The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree.A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on.There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken.There are times when the future seems thick as a fog;you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right path.But this is a time when the future seems a door you can walk right through into a room called tomorrow.Great nations of the world are moving toward democracy through the door to freedom.Men and women of the world move toward free markets through the door to prosperity.The people of the world agitate for free expression and free thought through the door to the moral and intellectual satisfactions that only liberty allows.We know what works: Freedom works.We know what's right: Freedom is right.We know how to secure a more just and prosperous life for man on Earth: through free markets, free speech, free elections, and the exercise of free will unhampered by the state.For the first time in this century, for the first time in perhaps all history, man does not have to invent a system by which to live.We don't have to talk late into the night about which form of government is better.We don't have to wrest justice from the kings.We only have to summon it from within ourselves.We must act on what we know.I take as my guide the hope of a saint: In crucial things, unity;in important things, diversity;in all things, generosity.America today is a proud, free nation, decent and civil, a place we cannot help but love.We know in our hearts, not loudly and proudly, but as a simple fact, that this country has meaning beyond what we see, and that our strength is a force for good.But have we changed as a nation even in our time? Are we enthralled with material things, less appreciative of the nobility of work and sacrifice?

      My friends, we are not the sum of our possessions.They are not the measure of our lives.In our hearts we know what matters.We cannot hope only to leave our children a bigger car, a bigger bank account.We must hope to give them a sense of what it means to be a loyal friend, a loving parent, a citizen who leaves his home, his neighborhood and town better than he found it.What do we want the men and women who work with us to say when we are no longer there? That we were more driven to succeed than anyone around us? Or that we stopped to ask if a sick child had gotten better, and stayed a moment there to trade a word of friendship?

      No President, no government, can teach us to remember what is best in what we are.But if the man you have chosen to lead this government can help make a difference;if he can celebrate the quieter, deeper successes that are made not of gold and silk, but of better hearts and finer souls;if he can do these things, then he must.America is never wholly herself unless she is engaged in high moral principle.We as a people have such a purpose today.It is to make kinder the face of the Nation and gentler the face of the world.My friends, we have work to do.There are the homeless, lost and roaming.There are the children who have nothing, no love, no normalcy.There are those who cannot free themselves of enslavement to whatever addiction——drugs, welfare, the demoralization that rules the slums.There is crime to be conquered, the rough crime of the streets.There are young women to be helped who are about to become mothers of children they can't care for and might not love.They need our care, our guidance, and our education, though we bless them for choosing life.The old solution, the old way, was to think that public money alone could end these problems.But we have learned that is not so.And in any case, our funds are low.We have a deficit to bring down.We have more will than wallet;but will is what we need.We will make the hard choices, looking at what we have and perhaps allocating it differently, making our decisions based on honest need and prudent safety.And then we will do the wisest thing of all: We will turn to the only resource we have that in times of need always grows——the goodness and the courage of the American people.I am speaking of a new engagement in the lives of others, a new activism, hands-on and involved, that gets the job done.We must bring in the generations, harnessing the unused talent of the elderly and the unfocused energy of the young.For not only leadership is passed from generation to generation, but so is stewardship.And the generation born after the Second World War has come of age.I have spoken of a thousand points of light, of all the community organizations that are spread like stars throughout the Nation, doing good.We will work hand in hand, encouraging, sometimes leading, sometimes being led, rewarding.We will work on this in the White House, in the Cabinet agencies.I will go to the people and the programs that are the brighter points of light, and I will ask every member of my government to become involved.The old ideas are new again because they are not old, they are timeless: duty, sacrifice, commitment, and a patriotism that finds its expression in taking part and pitching in.We need a new engagement, too, between the Executive and the Congress.The challenges before us will be thrashed out with the House and the Senate.We must bring the Federal budget into balance.And we must ensure that America stands before the world united, strong, at peace, and fiscally sound.But, of course, things may be difficult.We need compromise;we have had dissension.We need harmony;we have had a chorus of discordant voices.For Congress, too, has changed in our time.There has grown a certain divisiveness.We have seen the hard looks and heard the statements in which not each other's ideas are challenged, but each other's motives.And our great parties have too often been far apart and untrusting of each other.It has been this way since Vietnam.That war cleaves us still.But, friends, that war began in earnest a quarter of a century ago;and surely the statute of limitations has been reached.This is a fact: The final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory.A new breeze is blowing, and the old bipartisanship must be made new again.To my friends——and yes, I do mean friends——in the loyal opposition——and yes, I mean loyal: I put out my hand.I am putting out my hand to you, Mr.Speaker.I am putting out my hand to you Mr.Majority Leader.For this is the thing: This is the age of the offered hand.We can't turn back clocks, and I don't want to.But when our fathers were young, Mr.Speaker, our differences ended at the water's edge.And we don't wish to turn back time, but when our mothers were young, Mr.Majority Leader, the Congress and the Executive were capable of working together to produce a budget on which this nation could live.Let us negotiate soon and hard.But in the end, let us produce.The American people await action.They didn't send us here to bicker.They ask us to rise above the merely partisan.“In crucial things, unity”——and this, my friends, is crucial.To the world, too, we offer new engagement and a renewed vow: We will stay strong to protect the peace.The “offered hand” is a reluctant fist;but once made, strong, and can be used with great effect.There are today Americans who are held against their will in foreign lands, and Americans who are unaccounted for.Assistance can be shown here, and will be long remembered.Good will begets good will.Good faith can be a spiral that endlessly moves on.Great nations like great men must keep their word.When America says something, America means it, whether a treaty or an agreement or a vow made on marble steps.We will always try to speak clearly, for candor is a compliment, but subtlety, too, is good and has its place.While keeping our alliances and friendships around the world strong, ever strong, we will continue the new closeness with the Soviet Union, consistent both with our security and with progress.One might say that our new relationship in part reflects the triumph of hope and strength over experience.But hope is good, and so are strength and vigilance.Here today are tens of thousands of our citizens who feel the understandable satisfaction of those who have taken part in democracy and seen their hopes fulfilled.But my thoughts have been turning the past few days to those who would be watching at home to an older fellow who will throw a salute by himself when the flag goes by, and the women who will tell her sons the words of the battle hymns.I don't mean this to be sentimental.I mean that on days like this, we remember that we are all part of a continuum, inescapably connected by the ties that bind.Our children are watching in schools throughout our great land.And to them I say, thank you for watching democracy's big day.For democracy belongs to us all, and freedom is like a beautiful kite that can go higher and higher with the breeze.And to all I say: No matter what your circumstances or where you are, you are part of this day, you are part of the life of our great nation.A President is neither prince nor pope, and I don't seek a window on men's souls.In fact, I yearn for a greater tolerance, an easy-goingness about each other's attitudes and way of life.There are few clear areas in which we as a society must rise up united and express our intolerance.The most obvious now is drugs.And when that first cocaine was smuggled in on a ship, it may as well have been a deadly bacteria, so much has it hurt the body, the soul of our country.And there is much to be done and to be said, but take my word for it: This scourge will stop.And so, there is much to do;and tomorrow the work begins.I do not mistrust the future;I do not fear what is ahead.For our problems are large, but our heart is larger.Our challenges are great, but our will is greater.And if our flaws are endless, God's love is truly boundless.Some see leadership as high drama, and the sound of trumpets calling, and sometimes it is that.But I see history as a book with many pages, and each day we fill a page with acts of hopefulness and meaning.The new breeze blows, a page turns, the story unfolds.And so today a chapter begins, a small and stately story of unity, diversity, and generosity——shared, and written, together.Thank you.God bless you and God bless the United States of America.

      第四篇:克林頓總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)

      My fellow citizens:

      Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.同胞們,今天,我們?cè)谶@里隆重集會(huì)來(lái)慶祝復(fù)興美國(guó)偉大時(shí)刻的到來(lái)。

      This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But by the words we speak and faces we show the world.We force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent American.現(xiàn)在雖然仍是寒月隆冬,但在對(duì)世界發(fā)出的誓言和展示的姿態(tài)中,我們已經(jīng)讓春暖花開悄然降臨到了每個(gè)人的心里。春天已經(jīng)來(lái)到了世界上最古老的民主國(guó)家,它為美利堅(jiān)的中興帶來(lái)了一派欣欣向榮的新氣象和令人鼓舞的勇氣。

      When our founder boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the almighty,they knew that America, would have to change.,to endure,Not change for change's sake,but change to preserve America's ideals, life,liberty ,the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time,our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what if means to be an American.當(dāng)美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)的締造者向全世界宣告這個(gè)國(guó)家的獨(dú)立和我們的遠(yuǎn)大目標(biāo)的時(shí)候,他們已然知道,美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)必須在不斷的變革中才能得到長(zhǎng)足的生存和發(fā)展。然而,我們并不是僅僅為了改變而改變,我們要變革是為了保持美利堅(jiān)尊重生命,尊重國(guó)家公民自由和追求幸福的權(quán)利的立國(guó)思想萬(wàn)代千秋永垂不朽!此刻,雖然我們已經(jīng)伴隨著時(shí)代的行進(jìn)曲抬頭挺進(jìn),但我們?nèi)匀恍枰c時(shí)俱進(jìn)。每一個(gè)時(shí)代的美國(guó)人都必須清楚的了解自己作為一個(gè)美國(guó)公民的使命所在。

      On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, president Bush,for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and communism.在這里,請(qǐng)?jiān)试S我代表國(guó)家,向我的前任——布什總統(tǒng)致敬,他盡忠職守的為這個(gè)國(guó)家奉獻(xiàn)了半個(gè)世紀(jì)。同時(shí),我還要感謝數(shù)以百萬(wàn)的美國(guó)人,他們?cè)谄D難困苦中堅(jiān)定信念,犧牲奉獻(xiàn),最終戰(zhàn)勝了大蕭條,法西斯和共產(chǎn)主義。

      Today, a generation raised in shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threaten still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.今天,在冷戰(zhàn)陰影下成長(zhǎng)的一代在我們這個(gè)被自由陽(yáng)光溫暖的世界中肩負(fù)著新的責(zé)任,但是我們?nèi)悦媾R著新仇與舊恨的威脅。

      Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant(停滯的)wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.盡管我們?cè)跓o(wú)與倫比的物質(zhì)繁華中成長(zhǎng),盡管我們?nèi)匀焕^承了世界上最為強(qiáng)大的經(jīng)濟(jì)體,但實(shí)際上我們的社會(huì)同時(shí)也被商業(yè)蕭條,收入停滯不前,不平等現(xiàn)象不斷增加以及階層隔閡加劇所削弱。

      When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.當(dāng)喬治華盛頓在宣誓我剛才所宣誓過的誓詞的時(shí)候,消息是通過馬背和艦船緩慢的穿過陸地,跨過海洋的。而此刻,盛會(huì)現(xiàn)場(chǎng)的現(xiàn)場(chǎng)音頻視頻信號(hào)正在向全球的億萬(wàn)觀眾不間斷直播。

      Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.現(xiàn)代社會(huì),溝通和商業(yè)是全球化的,技術(shù)發(fā)展令人驚訝,同時(shí)讓生活更美好也成為了大家的愿望。我們?cè)谌蛐缘墓礁?jìng)爭(zhēng)中營(yíng)造我們自己的生活。

      Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.深厚和強(qiáng)大的力量正在動(dòng)搖和改寫我們的世界,而能否讓變革成為我們的朋友而非敵人成為了我們這個(gè)時(shí)代最為緊迫的問題。

      This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.這個(gè)新世界已經(jīng)讓數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的美國(guó)人通過努力奮斗過上了富足的生活,但當(dāng)大部分的人每天都在努力工作卻只能勉強(qiáng)維持生計(jì),當(dāng)還有人得不到工作,當(dāng)醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生的支出正在讓許多的家庭支離破碎,當(dāng)大大小小的企業(yè)正在面臨破產(chǎn)威脅的時(shí)候,當(dāng)犯罪案件頻發(fā)給遵紀(jì)守法的人們帶來(lái)極大恐慌而無(wú)法正常享受生活的時(shí)候,當(dāng)還有數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的貧苦兒童甚至還過著我們無(wú)法想象的生活的時(shí)候,我們還沒有讓變革成為我們的朋友。

      We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.我們知道我們必須面對(duì)殘酷的現(xiàn)實(shí)和采取更有力的措施。但是我們還沒有付諸實(shí)際行動(dòng),而是聽天由命隨波逐流,而恰恰正是這種聽之任之的不作為正在腐蝕我們的根基,削弱我們的經(jīng)濟(jì),它正在動(dòng)搖我們的信心。

      Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.盡管我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)令人畏懼,但是我們的力量也同樣不容忽視。美利堅(jiān)的國(guó)民從來(lái)就不甘于現(xiàn)狀,我們一直都在不斷探索進(jìn)取,樂觀向上。我們肩膀上的使命帶著美利堅(jiān)的先驅(qū)們賦予的美好愿望和堅(jiān)強(qiáng)意志。

      From our revolution, to the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.從我們的革命開始,到南北戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)到大蕭條再到民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng),我們的人民一次又一次的從危機(jī)中萬(wàn)眾一心眾志成城的書寫著歷史的豐碑。

      Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow Americans, this is our time.Let us embrace it.托馬斯杰斐遜堅(jiān)信為了維護(hù)我們國(guó)家的根基,我們必須與時(shí)俱進(jìn)義無(wú)返顧的進(jìn)行變革?,F(xiàn)在,親愛的同胞們,我們改革的時(shí)刻到來(lái)了,讓我們一起緊密擁抱它吧。

      Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.我們的民主不單單是世界向往的楷模同時(shí)更是美利堅(jiān)自我復(fù)興的強(qiáng)勁動(dòng)力,它將帶領(lǐng)著偉大的美利堅(jiān)這艘巨艦一如既往乘風(fēng)破浪無(wú)往不前。

      And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.今天,我們要在這里宣告僵持和隨波逐流時(shí)代的結(jié)束,一個(gè)美利堅(jiān)復(fù)興的全新時(shí)代已經(jīng)開始。為了重振美利堅(jiān)雄風(fēng),除了披荊斬棘勇往向前,我們別無(wú)選擇。我們必須排除萬(wàn)難做一些前人從未做過的創(chuàng)舉。我們的政策需要向美國(guó)本土的就業(yè),未來(lái)傾斜,同時(shí)減縮巨額債務(wù)。我們還要建立一個(gè)公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的社會(huì),這不是一件容易的事情,它需要我們做出犧牲,但它一定會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn),犧牲并不是我們的目的,實(shí)現(xiàn)我們的目標(biāo)才是我們的最終目的,我們要像一個(gè)家庭對(duì)待自己的孩子一樣對(duì)待我們的國(guó)家。

      Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity(子孫,后裔)is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.美利堅(jiān)的開國(guó)元?jiǎng)讉儚慕▏?guó)伊始就一直從子孫萬(wàn)代的長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)利益出發(fā)考慮國(guó)家的發(fā)展規(guī)劃。我們更需要考慮更多。每一個(gè)注視過在夢(mèng)想中熟睡的孩子眼睛的的人都明白子孫后代意味著什么。孩子就意味著未來(lái)的世界,一個(gè)我們?yōu)橹葱l(wèi)美利堅(jiān)普世價(jià)值觀思想的世界,從他們那里我們借用了這一個(gè)星球,而為了他們我們承擔(dān)了很多神圣的責(zé)任。我們必須傾盡我們所有讓這個(gè)國(guó)家至善完美,那就是,賦予所有國(guó)民更多機(jī)會(huì)以及責(zé)任!

      It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.現(xiàn)在該是到了打破只管索取而不付出這一壞習(xí)慣的時(shí)候了,不管是我們的政府還是任何一方。讓我們承擔(dān)其更多的責(zé)任吧,不僅僅是為了我們的家庭,而是為了我們的社區(qū)和國(guó)家。要復(fù)興美利堅(jiān),我們就必須重建我們的民主制度。

      This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.這個(gè)美麗的首都,就像每一個(gè)文明初生的首都一樣,常常是一個(gè)充滿陰謀和較量的地方,權(quán)貴們?yōu)榱烁吖俸竦摱M(fèi)盡心思盤算著誰(shuí)進(jìn)誰(shuí)出,誰(shuí)上誰(shuí)下。他們也許早已忘記了那些為了我們今天的生而付出了艱辛汗水和多少磨難的先輩們。

      Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.美利堅(jiān)的國(guó)民本該得到更好的生活,就在這城市,就在今天,還有很多的人向往著那些更令人憧憬的美好生活。在這里我要跟所有的人說(shuō),同胞們,讓我們堅(jiān)決地把我們的政治制度改革事業(yè)進(jìn)行到底吧,那樣那些權(quán)貴和利益集團(tuán)從此往后再也不能覆蓋來(lái)自人民的聲音,讓我們把我們的政府變成一個(gè)富蘭克林羅斯福稱之為持續(xù)進(jìn)行大刀闊斧變革的試驗(yàn)場(chǎng),變成一個(gè)給我們帶來(lái)更美好的明天而不是讓生活倒退的政府。讓我們把這個(gè)美麗的首都?xì)w還給到她本來(lái)的主人——我們美利堅(jiān)公民的手上!

      To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well as at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.要復(fù)興美利堅(jiān),我們要面臨來(lái)自國(guó)內(nèi)外的挑戰(zhàn)!這些挑戰(zhàn)無(wú)法區(qū)分哪些是來(lái)自海外哪些來(lái)自本土,全球經(jīng)濟(jì),世界環(huán)境,艾滋病危機(jī),還有全球軍備競(jìng)賽,這些問題無(wú)時(shí)不刻不在影響著我們。

      Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities(仇恨)and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.時(shí)至今日,作為一個(gè)舊的秩序的過渡,新的世界獲得了更多的自由同時(shí)也更加動(dòng)蕩。共產(chǎn)主義的垮臺(tái)帶來(lái)了新仇舊恨,我們清楚的認(rèn)識(shí)到美國(guó)必須繼續(xù)一如既往的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界向前開進(jìn)。

      While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize[i:] the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.當(dāng)我們重建美國(guó)的時(shí)候,面對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)我們不會(huì)退縮,不會(huì)放棄我們主導(dǎo)新世界的機(jī)會(huì),我們將和我們的盟友一起重塑變革,讓它順應(yīng)我們的意志。

      When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.當(dāng)美國(guó)的重要利益受到挑戰(zhàn),或者國(guó)際社會(huì)的道德秩序受到公然挑釁的時(shí)候,我們不會(huì)袖手旁觀,我們將采取和平的外交手段及一切可能的方法,必要的時(shí)候甚至訴諸武力解決問題。就在現(xiàn)在,驍勇善戰(zhàn)的美軍士兵正在波斯灣,在索馬里以及其他任何需要他們?nèi)ヂ男忻绹?guó)政府意志的地方實(shí)現(xiàn)美國(guó)的決心。

      But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.實(shí)際上我們最強(qiáng)大的力量所在是我們的思想,在很多的領(lǐng)域都占據(jù)領(lǐng)先地位??v觀全球,我們看到這些思想為世人所接受,而我們也深感欣慰,我們的希望,我們的熱心,我們的雙手,靠著這些我們幫助了其他國(guó)家的人民在每一塊大陸建立了民主和自由,他們的成就也是美國(guó)的成就。

      The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.美國(guó)人民一直在召喚著我們做出今天所提出的變革,你們已經(jīng)發(fā)出圣歌的強(qiáng)音,你們已經(jīng)投出了具有歷史意義的一票,是你們,讓國(guó)會(huì)舊貌換新顏,你們改變了美利堅(jiān)的總統(tǒng)制度和政治進(jìn)程。是的,親愛的美國(guó)同胞們,是你們促使了美利堅(jiān)春暖花開的早日到來(lái)。同胞們,現(xiàn)在,到了我們響應(yīng)時(shí)代要求付諸實(shí)際行動(dòng)的時(shí)候了。

      To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.我將和本屆政府的所有職能部門來(lái)肩負(fù)這一重要使命,我也將請(qǐng)求國(guó)會(huì)和我們站在一起。但是,沒有哪一個(gè)總統(tǒng),哪一屆國(guó)會(huì)哪一屆政府能單獨(dú)扛起這樣的重任。親愛的同胞們,你們,我們需要你們和我們一起參與到偉大的美利堅(jiān)復(fù)興運(yùn)動(dòng)中來(lái)。我呼吁美國(guó)的年青一代加入到報(bào)效國(guó)家的行列中來(lái),去通過幫助貧困交加和需要幫助的兒童來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)你的理想,陪伴那些有需要的人們,重新連接我們撕裂的社區(qū),這是一項(xiàng)浩瀚的工程,足以讓成千上萬(wàn)有理想的年輕人投身其中。

      In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.加入效力國(guó)家的行列,我們就會(huì)明白一個(gè)很簡(jiǎn)單但卻很令人振奮的道理,我相互需要。所以我們需要關(guān)愛彼此。今天,我們來(lái)這里不是僅僅為了歡呼為了慶祝,我們更需要把自己奉獻(xiàn)給最重要的美國(guó)思想。

      An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.這是一種誕生于隆隆的革命洪潮并經(jīng)受了兩個(gè)世紀(jì)洗禮的理念。這是一種煉就于知識(shí)與智慧的理念,它在影響著我們的一生,不管幸與不幸的人們,我們都身處這種思想當(dāng)中。

      And so, my fellow Americans, as we stand at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

      所以,親愛的同胞們,當(dāng)我們已經(jīng)站在二十一世紀(jì)的邊緣,讓我們帶著希望和力量,帶著信念和紀(jì)律,讓我們把美利堅(jiān)的復(fù)興進(jìn)行到底吧,正如圣經(jīng)所說(shuō):不要厭于行善,在收獲的季節(jié),假如沒有倒下,我們將得到收獲。

      From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.在歡樂的慶祝巔峰之中,我聽到了山谷中傳來(lái)的召喚,我們聽到了凱旋的號(hào)角聲,我們已經(jīng)換崗各就各位,現(xiàn)在,每一個(gè)和我們站在一起的人,在神的幫助之下,我們都必須響應(yīng)國(guó)家的呼喚。

      Thank you, and God bless you all.謝謝大家,愿上帝保佑你們!

      第五篇:林肯總統(tǒng)就職演說(shuō)

      林肯總統(tǒng)第一次就職演說(shuō)(1861年3月4日)

      林肯

      [學(xué)術(shù)交流網(wǎng)按:林肯是美國(guó)人民和政治家推崇的偉大人物之一,他的維護(hù)國(guó)家同意,反對(duì)分裂的主張,反對(duì)擴(kuò)張奴隸制的主張尤其受到廣泛贊揚(yáng)。自2005年3月1日起發(fā)布林肯總統(tǒng)有關(guān)維護(hù)國(guó)家統(tǒng)一、反對(duì)分裂的演說(shuō)、信件、咨文的內(nèi)容。] 合眾國(guó)的同胞們: 1861年3月4日

      按照一個(gè)和我們的政府一樣古老的習(xí)慣,我現(xiàn)在來(lái)到諸位的面前,簡(jiǎn)單地講幾句話,并在你們的面前,遵照合眾國(guó)憲法規(guī)定一個(gè)總統(tǒng)在他“到職視事之前”必須宣誓的儀式,在大家面前宣誓。

      我認(rèn)為沒有必要在這里來(lái)討論并不特別令人憂慮和不安的行政方面的問題。

      在南方各州人民中似乎存在著一種恐懼心理。他們認(rèn)為,隨著共和黨政府的執(zhí)政,他們的財(cái)產(chǎn),他們的和平生活和人身安全都將遭到危險(xiǎn)。這種恐懼是從來(lái)沒有任何事實(shí)根據(jù)的。說(shuō)實(shí)在的,大量相反的證據(jù)倒是一直存在,并隨時(shí)可以供他們檢查的。那種證據(jù)幾乎在現(xiàn)在對(duì)你們講話的這個(gè)人公開發(fā)表的每一篇演說(shuō)中都能找到。這里我只想引用其中的一篇,在那篇演說(shuō)中我曾說(shuō),“我完全無(wú)意,對(duì)已經(jīng)存在奴隸制的各州的這一制度,進(jìn)行直接或間接的干涉。我深信我根本沒有合法權(quán)利那樣做,而且我無(wú)此意圖?!蹦切┨崦也⑦x舉我的人都完全知道,我曾明確這么講過,并且還講過許多類似的話,而且從來(lái)也沒有收回過我已講過的這些話。不僅如此,他們還在綱領(lǐng)中,寫進(jìn)了對(duì)他們和對(duì)我來(lái)說(shuō),都具有法律效力的一項(xiàng)清楚明白、不容含糊的決議讓我接受。這里我來(lái)對(duì)大家談?wù)勥@一決議:

      “決議,保持各州的各種權(quán)利不受侵犯,特別是各州完全憑自己的決斷來(lái)安排和控制本州內(nèi)部各種制度的權(quán)利不受侵犯,乃是我們的政治結(jié)構(gòu)賴以完善和得以持久的權(quán)力均衡的至為重要的因素;我們譴責(zé)使用武裝力量非法入侵任何一個(gè)州或準(zhǔn)州的土地,這種入侵不論使用什么借口,都是最嚴(yán)重的罪行?!?/p>

      我現(xiàn)在重申這些觀點(diǎn):而在這樣做的時(shí)候,我只想提請(qǐng)公眾注意,最能對(duì)這一點(diǎn)提出確切證據(jù)的那就是全國(guó)任何一個(gè)地方的財(cái)產(chǎn)、和平生活和人身安全決不會(huì)在任何情況下,由于即將上任的政府而遭到危險(xiǎn)。這里我還要補(bǔ)充說(shuō),各州只要符合憲法和法律規(guī)定,合法地提出保護(hù)要求,政府便一定會(huì)樂于給予保護(hù),不管是出于什么原因一一而且對(duì)任何一個(gè)地方都一視同仁。

      有一個(gè)爭(zhēng)論得很多的問題是,關(guān)于逃避服務(wù)或引渡從勞役中逃走的人的問題。我現(xiàn)在要宣讀的條文,也和任何有關(guān)其它問題的條款一樣,明明白白寫在憲法之中:

      “凡根據(jù)一個(gè)州的法律應(yīng)在該州于服務(wù)或從事勞役的人,如逃到另一州,一律不得按照這一州的法律或條例,使其解除該項(xiàng)服務(wù)或勞役,而必,須按照有權(quán)享有該項(xiàng)服務(wù)或勞役當(dāng)事人的要求,將其引渡?!?/p>

      毫無(wú)疑問,按照制訂這一條款的人的意圖,此項(xiàng)規(guī)定實(shí)際指的就是,對(duì)我們所說(shuō)的逃亡奴隸有權(quán)索回;而法律制訂人的這一意圖實(shí)際已成為法律。國(guó)會(huì)的所有議員都曾宣誓遵守憲法中的一切條款——對(duì)這一條和其它各條并無(wú)兩樣。因此,關(guān)于適合這一條款規(guī)定的奴隸應(yīng) 1 “將其引渡”這一點(diǎn),他們的誓言是完全一致的。那么現(xiàn)在如果他們心平氣和地作一番努力,他們難道不能以幾乎同樣完全一致的誓言,制訂一項(xiàng)法律,以使他們的共同誓言得以實(shí)施嗎? 究竟這一條款應(yīng)該由國(guó)家當(dāng)局,還是由州當(dāng)局來(lái)執(zhí)行,大家的意見還不完全一致;但可以肯定地說(shuō),這種分歧并不是什么十分重要的問題。只要奴隸能被交還,那究竟由哪一個(gè)當(dāng)局來(lái)交還,對(duì)奴隸或?qū)e的人來(lái)說(shuō),沒有什么關(guān)系。任何人,在任何情況下,也決不會(huì)因?yàn)閼?yīng)以何種方式來(lái)實(shí)。現(xiàn)他的誓言這樣一個(gè)無(wú)關(guān)緊要的爭(zhēng)執(zhí),他便會(huì)認(rèn)為完全可以不遵守自己的誓言吧? 另外,在任何有關(guān)這一問題的法律中,應(yīng)不應(yīng)該把文明和人道法學(xué)中關(guān)于自由的各項(xiàng)保證都寫上,以防止在任何情況下使一個(gè)自由人被作為奴隸交出嗎?同時(shí),憲法中還有一條規(guī)定,明確保證“每一州的公民都享有其它各州公民所享有公民的一切特權(quán)和豁免權(quán)”,我們用法律保證使這一條文得以執(zhí)行,那不是更好嗎? 我今天在這里正式宣誓,思想上決無(wú)任何保留,也決無(wú)意以任何過于挑剔的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來(lái)解釋憲法或法律條文。我現(xiàn)在雖不打算詳細(xì)指出國(guó)會(huì)的哪些法令必須要遵照?qǐng)?zhí)行;但我建議,我們大家,不論以個(gè)人身份還是以公職人員的身份,為了有更多的安全,我們最好服從并遵守現(xiàn)在還沒有廢除的一切法令,而不要輕易相信可以指之為不合憲法,便可以逃脫罪責(zé),而對(duì)它們公然違反。

      自從第一任總統(tǒng)根據(jù)國(guó)家憲法宣誓就職以來(lái),七十二年已經(jīng)過去了。在這期間,十五位十分杰出的公民相繼主持過政府的行政部門。他們引導(dǎo)著它度過了許多艱難險(xiǎn)阻;一般都獲得極大的成功。然而,盡管有這么多可供參考的先例,我現(xiàn)在將在憲法所規(guī)定的短短四年任期中來(lái)?yè)?dān)任這同一任務(wù),卻.面臨著巨大的非同一般的困難。在此以前,分裂聯(lián)邦只是受到了威脅,而現(xiàn)在卻是已出現(xiàn)力圖分裂它的可怕行動(dòng)了。

      從一般法律和我們的憲法來(lái)仔細(xì)考慮,我堅(jiān)信,我們各州組成的聯(lián)邦是永久性的。在一切國(guó)民政府的根本大法中永久性這一點(diǎn),雖不一定寫明,卻是不言而喻的。我們完全可以肯定說(shuō),沒有一個(gè)名副其實(shí)的政府會(huì)在自己的根本法中定出一條,規(guī)定自己完結(jié)的期限。繼續(xù)執(zhí)行我國(guó)憲法所明文規(guī)定的各項(xiàng)條文,聯(lián)邦便將永遠(yuǎn)存在下去——除了采取并未見之于憲法的行動(dòng),誰(shuí)也不可能毀滅掉聯(lián)邦。

      還有,就算合眾國(guó)并不是個(gè)名副其實(shí)的政府,而只是依靠契約成立的一個(gè)各州的聯(lián)合體,那既有契約的約束,若非參加這一契約的各方一致同意,我們能說(shuō)取消就把它取消嗎?參加訂立契約的一方可以違約,或者說(shuō)毀約;但如果合法地取消這一契約,豈能不需要大家一致同意嗎? 從這些總原則出發(fā),我們發(fā)現(xiàn),從法學(xué)觀點(diǎn)來(lái)看,聯(lián)邦具有永久性質(zhì)的提法,是為聯(lián)邦自身的歷史所證實(shí)的。聯(lián)邦本身比憲法更為早得多。事實(shí)上,它是由1774年,簽訂的《聯(lián)合條款》建立的。到1776年的《獨(dú)立宣言》才使它進(jìn)一步成熟和延續(xù)下來(lái)。然后,通過1778年的“邦聯(lián)條款”使它更臻成熟,當(dāng)時(shí)參加的十三個(gè)州便已明確保證要使邦聯(lián)永久存在下去。最后,到1787年制訂的憲法公開宣布的目的之一,便是“組建一個(gè)更為完美的聯(lián)邦”。但是,如果任何一個(gè)州,或幾個(gè)州也可以合法地把聯(lián)邦給取消掉,加這個(gè)聯(lián)邦可是比它在憲法制訂以前還更不完美了,因?yàn)樗咽チ怂囊粋€(gè)至關(guān)重要因素——永久性。從這些觀點(diǎn)我們可以認(rèn)定,任何一個(gè)州,都不可能僅憑自己動(dòng)議,便能合法地退出聯(lián)邦——而任何以此為目的的決議和法令在法律上都是無(wú)效的;至于任何一州或幾州的反對(duì)合眾國(guó)當(dāng)

      局的暴力行為,都可以依據(jù)具體情況視為叛亂或革命行為。

      因此我認(rèn)為,從憲法和法律的角度來(lái)看,聯(lián)邦是不容分裂的;我也將竭盡全力,按照憲法明確賦于我的責(zé)任,堅(jiān)決負(fù)責(zé)讓聯(lián)邦的一切法令在所有各州得以貫徹執(zhí)行。這樣做,我認(rèn)為只是履行我應(yīng)負(fù)的簡(jiǎn)單職責(zé);只要是可行的,我就一定要履行它,除非我的合法的主人美國(guó)人民,收回賦予我的不可缺少的工具,或行使他們的權(quán)威,命令我采取相反的行動(dòng)。我相信我這話決不會(huì)被看成是一種恫嚇,而只會(huì)被看作實(shí)現(xiàn)聯(lián)邦已公開宣布的目的,它必將按照憲法保衛(wèi)和維持它自己的存在。

      要做到這一點(diǎn)并不需要流血或使用暴力,除非有人把它強(qiáng)。加于國(guó)家當(dāng)局,否則便決不會(huì)發(fā)生那種情況。賦予我的權(quán)力將被用來(lái)保持、占有和掌管屬于政府的一切財(cái)產(chǎn)和土地。征收各種稅款和關(guān)稅;但除開為了這些目的確有必要這外,決不會(huì)有什么入侵問題——決不會(huì)在任何地方對(duì)人民,或在人民之間使用武力。任何內(nèi)地,即使對(duì)聯(lián)邦政府的敵對(duì)情緒已十分嚴(yán)重和普遍,以致妨害有能力的當(dāng)?shù)毓駡?zhí)行聯(lián)邦職務(wù)的時(shí)候,政府也決不會(huì)強(qiáng)制派進(jìn)令人厭惡的外來(lái)人去擔(dān)任這些職務(wù)。盡管按嚴(yán)格的法律規(guī)定,政府有權(quán)強(qiáng)制履行這些職責(zé),但一定要那樣做,必然非常使人不愉快,也幾乎不切實(shí)際,所以我認(rèn)為最好還是暫時(shí)先把這些職責(zé)放一放。

      郵政,除非遭到拒收,仍將在聯(lián)邦全境運(yùn)作。在可能的情況下,一定要讓各地人民,都享有完善的安全感,這十分有利于冷靜思索和反思。我在這里所講的這些方針必將奉行,除非當(dāng)前事態(tài)和實(shí)際經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明修改或改變方針是合適的。對(duì)任何一個(gè)事件和緊急問題,我一定會(huì)根據(jù)當(dāng)時(shí)出現(xiàn)的具體形勢(shì)謹(jǐn)慎從事,期望以和平手段解決國(guó)內(nèi)糾紛,力圖恢復(fù)兄弟愛手足情。

      至于說(shuō)某些地方總有些人不顧一切一心想破壞聯(lián)邦,并不惜以任何借口圖謀不軌,我不打算肯定或否定;如果確有這樣一些人,我不必要再對(duì)他們講什么。但對(duì)那些真正熱愛聯(lián)邦的人,我不可以講幾句嗎? 在我們著手研究如此嚴(yán)重的一件事情之前,那就是要把我們的國(guó)家組織連同它的一切利益,一切記憶和一切希望全給消滅掉,難道明智的做法不是先仔細(xì)研究一下那樣做究竟是為了什么?當(dāng)事實(shí)上極有可能你企圖逃避的禍害并不存在的時(shí)候,你還會(huì)不顧一切采取那種貽害無(wú)窮的步驟嗎?或者你要逃避的災(zāi)禍雖確實(shí)存在,而在你逃往的地方卻有更大的災(zāi)禍在等著你;那你會(huì)往那里逃嗎?你會(huì)冒險(xiǎn)犯下如此可怕的一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤嗎? 大家都說(shuō),如果憲法中所規(guī)定的一切權(quán)利都確實(shí)得到執(zhí)行,那他也就會(huì)留在聯(lián)邦里。那么,真有什么如憲法申明文規(guī)定的權(quán)利被否定了嗎?我想沒有。很幸運(yùn),人的頭腦是這樣構(gòu)造出來(lái)的,沒有一個(gè)黨敢于如此冒天下之大不韙。如果可能,請(qǐng)你們講出哪怕是一個(gè)例子來(lái),說(shuō)明有什么憲法中明文規(guī)定的條款是沒有得到執(zhí)行的。如果多數(shù)派完全靠人數(shù)上的優(yōu)勢(shì),剝奪掉少數(shù)派憲法上明文規(guī)定的權(quán)利,這件事從道義的角度來(lái)看,也許可以說(shuō)革命是正當(dāng)?shù)摹绻粍儕Z的是極為重要的權(quán)利,那革命就肯定無(wú)疑是合理行動(dòng)。但我們的情況卻并非如此。少數(shù)派和個(gè)人的一切重要權(quán)利,在憲法中,通過肯定和否定、保證和禁令;都一一向他們作了明確保證,以致關(guān)于這類問題,從來(lái)也沒有引起過爭(zhēng)論。但是,在制訂基本法時(shí)卻不可能對(duì)實(shí)際工作中出現(xiàn)的任何問題,都一一寫下可以立即加以應(yīng)用的條文。再高明的預(yù)見也不可能料定未來(lái)的一切,任何長(zhǎng)度適當(dāng)?shù)奈募膊豢赡馨菹箩槍?duì)一切可能發(fā)生的問題的條文。逃避勞役的人到底應(yīng)該由聯(lián)邦政府交還還是由州政府交還呢?憲法上沒有具體規(guī)定。國(guó)會(huì)可以在準(zhǔn)州禁止奴隸制嗎?憲法沒有具體規(guī)定。國(guó)會(huì)必須保護(hù)準(zhǔn)州的奴隸制嗎?憲法也沒有具體規(guī)定。

      從這類問題中引出了我們對(duì)憲法問題的爭(zhēng)端,并因這類問題使我們分成了多數(shù)派和少數(shù)派。如果少數(shù)派不肯默認(rèn),多數(shù)派便必須默認(rèn),否則政府便只好停止工作了。再?zèng)]有任何別的路可走;要讓政府繼續(xù)行使職權(quán),便必須要這一方或那一方默認(rèn)。在這種情況下,如果一 個(gè)少數(shù)派寧可脫離也決不默認(rèn),那他們也就開創(chuàng)將來(lái)必會(huì)使他們分裂和毀滅的先例;因?yàn)?,?dāng)多數(shù)派拒絕接受這樣一個(gè)少數(shù)派的控制的時(shí)候,他們中的少數(shù)派便必會(huì)從他們之中再脫離出去。比如說(shuō),一個(gè)新的聯(lián)盟的任何一部分,在一兩年之后,為什么就不會(huì)像現(xiàn)在的聯(lián)邦中的一些部分堅(jiān)決要脫離出去一樣,執(zhí)意要從從那個(gè)新聯(lián)盟中脫離出去。所有懷著分裂聯(lián)邦思想的人現(xiàn)在都正接受著分裂思想的教育。難道要組成一個(gè)新聯(lián)邦的州,它們的利益竟會(huì)是那樣完全一致,它們只會(huì)有和諧,而不會(huì)再出現(xiàn)脫離行動(dòng)嗎? 非常清楚,脫離的中心思想實(shí)質(zhì)就是無(wú)政府主義。一個(gè)受著憲法的檢查和限制的約束,總是隨著大眾意見和情緒的慎重變化而及時(shí)改變的多數(shù)派,是自由人民的唯一真正的統(tǒng)治者。誰(shuí)要想排斥他們,便必然走向無(wú)政府主義或?qū)V浦髁x。完全一致是根本不可能的;把少數(shù)派的統(tǒng)治作為一種長(zhǎng)期安排是完全不能接受的,所以,一旦排斥了多數(shù)原則,剩下的便只有某種形式的無(wú)政府主義或某專制主義了。

      我沒有忘記某些人的說(shuō)法,認(rèn)為憲法問題應(yīng)該由最高法院來(lái)裁決。我也不否認(rèn)這種裁決,在任何情況下,對(duì)訴訟各萬(wàn),以及訴訟目的,完全具有約束力,而且在類似的情況中,—應(yīng)受到政府的一切其它部門高度的尊重和重視。盡管非常明顯,這類裁決在某一特定案例中都很可能會(huì)是錯(cuò)誤的,然而,這樣隨之而來(lái)的惡果總只限于該特定案件,同時(shí)裁決還有機(jī)會(huì)被駁回,不致成為以后判案的先例,那這種過失比起其它的過失來(lái)當(dāng)然更讓人容易忍受。同時(shí),正直的公民必須承認(rèn),如果政府在有關(guān)全體人民利害的重大問題的政策,都得由最高法院的裁決,作出決定那一旦對(duì)個(gè)人之間的一般訴訟作出裁決時(shí),人民便已不再是自己的主人,而達(dá)到了將他們的政府交給那個(gè)高于一切的法庭的地步了。我這樣說(shuō),決無(wú)意對(duì)法院或法官表示不滿。一件案子按正常程序送到他們面前,對(duì)它作出正當(dāng)裁決,是他們的不可推卸的責(zé)任;如果別的人硬要把他們的判決用來(lái)達(dá)到政治目的,那并不是他們的過錯(cuò)。

      我國(guó)有一部分人相信奴隸制是正確的。應(yīng)該擴(kuò)展,而另一部分人又相信它是錯(cuò)誤的,不應(yīng)該擴(kuò)展。這是唯一的實(shí)質(zhì)性的爭(zhēng)執(zhí),憲法中有關(guān)逃亡奴隸的條款,以及制止對(duì)外奴隸貿(mào)易的法

      律,在一個(gè)人民的道德觀念并不支持該法的,社會(huì)里,它們的執(zhí)行情況也許不次于任何一項(xiàng)法律所能達(dá)到的程度。在兩種情況下,絕大多數(shù)的人都遵守枯燥乏味的法律義務(wù),但又都有少數(shù)人不聽那一套。關(guān)于這一點(diǎn),我想,要徹底解決是根本不可能的;如果寸巴兩個(gè)地區(qū)分離。以后,情況只會(huì)更壞。對(duì)外奴隸貿(mào)易現(xiàn)在并未能完全加以禁止,最后在一個(gè)地區(qū)中必將全面恢復(fù);對(duì)于逃亡奴隸,在另一個(gè)地區(qū),現(xiàn)在送回的只是一部分,將來(lái)會(huì)完全不肯交出來(lái)了。

      就自然條件而言,我們是不能分離的。我們決不能把我們的各個(gè)地區(qū)相互搬開,也不可能在它們之間修建起一道無(wú)法逾越的高墻。一對(duì)夫妻可以離婚,各走各的路,彼此再不見面。但我們國(guó)家的各部分可無(wú)法這么辦。它們只能面對(duì)面相處,友好也罷。仇視也罷,他們?nèi)员仨毐舜私煌?。我們維道能有任何辦法使得這種交往在分離之后,比分離:之前更為有利,更為令,人滿意嗎?難道在外人之間訂立條約,比在朋友之間制訂法律還更為容易嗎?難道在外人之間履行條約,比在朋友之間按法律辦事還更忠實(shí)嗎?就算你們決定。訴諸戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),你們,總不能永遠(yuǎn)打下去吧;最后當(dāng)兩敗俱傷而雙方都一無(wú)所獲時(shí),你們停止戰(zhàn)斗,那時(shí)依照什么條件相互交往,這同一個(gè)老問題仍會(huì)照樣擺在你們面前了。

      這個(gè)國(guó)家,連同它的各種機(jī)構(gòu),都屬于居住在這里的人民。任何時(shí)候,他們對(duì)現(xiàn)存政府感到厭倦了,他們可以行使他們的憲法權(quán)利,改革這個(gè)政府,或者行使他們的革命權(quán)利解散它或者推翻它。我當(dāng)然知道,現(xiàn)在就有許多尊貴的、愛國(guó)的公民極于想修訂我們的憲法。盡管我自己不會(huì)那么建議,我卻也完全承認(rèn)他們?cè)谶@個(gè)問題上的合法權(quán)利,承認(rèn)他們可以按照憲法所規(guī)定的兩種方式中的任何一種來(lái)行使這種權(quán)利;而且,在目前情況下,我不但不反對(duì),而倒是贊成給人民一個(gè)公正的機(jī)會(huì)讓他們?nèi)バ袆?dòng)。

      我還不禁要補(bǔ)充一點(diǎn),在我看來(lái),采取舉行會(huì)議的方式似乎更好一些,這樣可以使修訂方案完全由人民自己提出,而不是只讓他們?nèi)ソ邮芑蚓芙^一些并非特別為此目的而選出的一些人提出的方案,因?yàn)橐部赡苣切┓桨盖∏〔⒉皇撬麄冊(cè)敢饨邮芑蚓芙^的。我了解到現(xiàn)在已有人提出一項(xiàng)憲法修正案——這修正案我并沒有看到,但在國(guó)會(huì)中已經(jīng)通過了,大意說(shuō),聯(lián)邦政府將永遠(yuǎn)不再干涉各州內(nèi)部制度,包括那些應(yīng)服勞役者的問題。為了使我講的話不致被誤解,我現(xiàn)在改變我不談具體修正案的原來(lái)的打算,明確聲明,這樣一個(gè)條款,既然現(xiàn)在可能列入憲法,我不反對(duì)使它成為明確而不可改動(dòng)的條文。

      合眾國(guó)總統(tǒng)的一切權(quán)威都來(lái)之于人民,人民并沒有授于他規(guī)定條件讓各州脫離出去的權(quán)力。人民自己如果要那樣干,那自然也是可以的;可是現(xiàn)在的行政當(dāng)局不能這樣做。他的職責(zé),是按照他接任時(shí)的樣子管理這個(gè)政府,然后,毫無(wú)損傷地再移交給他的繼任者。我們?yōu)槭裁床荒苣托牡貓?jiān)決相信人民的最終的公道呢?難道在整個(gè)世界上還有什么更好的,或與之相等的希望嗎?在我們今天的分歧中,難道雙方不都是認(rèn)為自己正確嗎?如果萬(wàn)國(guó)的全能統(tǒng)治者,以他的永恒的真理和公正,站在你們北方一邊,或你們南方一邊,那么,依照美國(guó)人民這一偉大法官的判決,真理和公正必將勝利。

      按照目前我們生活其下的現(xiàn)政府的構(gòu)架,我國(guó)人民十分明智;授于他們的公仆的胡作非為的權(quán)力是微乎其微的;而且同樣還十分明智地規(guī)定,即使那點(diǎn)微乎其微的權(quán)力,經(jīng)過很短一段時(shí)間后,就必須收回到他們自己手中。

      由于人民保持他們的純正和警惕,任何行政當(dāng)局,在短短的四年之中,也不可能用極其惡劣或愚蠢的行為對(duì)這個(gè)政府造成嚴(yán)重的損害。

      我的同胞們,請(qǐng)大家對(duì)這整個(gè)問題平心靜氣地好好想一想,真正有價(jià)值的東西是不會(huì)因從容從事而喪失的。如果有個(gè)什么目標(biāo)使你迫不及待地要取得它,你采取的步驟是在審慎考慮的

      情況下不會(huì)采取的,那個(gè)目標(biāo)的確可能會(huì)由于你的從容不迫而達(dá)不到;但一個(gè)真正好的自標(biāo)是不會(huì)因?yàn)閺娜輳氖露サ?。你們中現(xiàn)在感到不滿的人,仍然必須遵守原封未動(dòng)的老憲法,新個(gè)敏感的問題上,仍然有根據(jù)憲法制訂的法律;而對(duì)此二者,新政府即使想要加以改變,它自身也立即無(wú)此權(quán)力。即使承認(rèn)你們那些心懷不滿的人在這一爭(zhēng)執(zhí)中站在正確的一邊,那也絲毫沒有正當(dāng)?shù)睦碛梢扇≠Q(mào)然行動(dòng)。明智、愛國(guó)主義、基督教精神,以及對(duì)從未拋棄過這片得天獨(dú)厚的土地的上帝的依賴,仍然完全能夠以最理想的方式來(lái)解決我們當(dāng)前的一切困難。

      決定內(nèi)戰(zhàn)這個(gè)重大問題的是你們,我的心懷不滿的同胞們,而并非決定于我。政府決不會(huì)攻擊你們。只要你們自己不當(dāng)侵略者,就不會(huì)發(fā)生沖突。你們并沒有對(duì)天發(fā)誓必須毀滅這個(gè)政

      府,而我卻曾無(wú)比莊嚴(yán)地宣誓,一定要“保持、保護(hù)和保衛(wèi)”這個(gè)政府。

      我真不想就此結(jié)束我的講話,我們不是敵人,而是朋友。我們決不能成為敵人。盡管目前的情緒有些緊張,但決不能容許它使我們之間的親密情感紐帶破裂。回憶的神秘琴弦,在整個(gè)這片遼闊的土地上,從每一個(gè)戰(zhàn)場(chǎng),每一個(gè)愛國(guó)志士的墳?zāi)?,延伸到每一顆跳動(dòng)的心和每一個(gè)家庭,它有一天會(huì)被我們的良知所觸動(dòng),再次奏出聯(lián)邦合唱曲。

      第二任就職演說(shuō)Second Inaugural Address

      亞伯拉罕.林肯(ABRAHAM LINCOLN)

      在這第二任的就職宣誓典禮中,并不需要像第一任就職時(shí)那樣發(fā)表長(zhǎng)篇演說(shuō)。那時(shí),對(duì)當(dāng)時(shí)所要采取的方針政策多少作一些詳細(xì)說(shuō)明,似乎是適當(dāng)?shù)摹,F(xiàn)在四年任期屆滿,在這期間于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的每個(gè)重要時(shí)刻和階段──這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)至今仍為舉國(guó)所關(guān)注、并且占用了國(guó)家的大部分力量──我都經(jīng)常發(fā)布文告,所以現(xiàn)在也提不出什么新的主張。我們的軍事進(jìn)展,是一切其它問題的關(guān)鍵所在,大家對(duì)其情形和我一樣明了,而且我相信進(jìn)展的情況可以使我們?nèi)w人民有理由感到滿意和鼓舞。既然將來(lái)很有希望,那么我也無(wú)須在這方面作什么預(yù)言了。四年前,在與此相同的時(shí)刻,所有人的思想都焦慮地集中在一場(chǎng)即將來(lái)臨的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)上。誰(shuí)都害怕內(nèi)戰(zhàn),都想盡辦法去避免它。當(dāng)我在這個(gè)地方作就職演說(shuō)時(shí),我曾想盡量不訴諸戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)而保存聯(lián)邦,然而反叛分子的代理人卻設(shè)法在這個(gè)城市里以不打仗的方式(推毀聯(lián)邦──他們力圖以談判的方式來(lái)瓦解聯(lián)邦,分享財(cái)物。雙方都聲稱反對(duì)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),可是有一方寧愿打仗而不愿讓國(guó)家生存,另一方則寧可接受戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)而不愿讓國(guó)家滅亡,于是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)就來(lái)臨了。我們?nèi)珖?guó)人口的八分之一是黑奴,他們并不是遍布于全國(guó),而是局部地分布于南方。這些奴隸形成一種特殊而重大的利益。大家都知道這種利益可說(shuō)是這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的原因。為了加強(qiáng)、永久保持并擴(kuò)大這種利益,反叛分子會(huì)不惜以戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)來(lái)分裂聯(lián)邦,而政府只不過要限制這種利益的地區(qū)擴(kuò)張。當(dāng)初,任何一方都沒有想到戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)會(huì)發(fā)展到目前這么大的范圍,持續(xù)這么長(zhǎng)的時(shí)問,也沒有料到?jīng)_突的原因會(huì)隨沖突本身終止而終止,甚至?xí)跊_突本身終止以前而終止。雙方都在尋求一個(gè)較輕易的勝利,都不期盼有什么帶根本性的或驚人的結(jié)果。雙方都誦讀同樣的圣經(jīng),向同一個(gè)上帝祈禱,甚至每一方都祈求同一個(gè)上帝的幫助以反對(duì)另一方。人們竟敢要求公正的上帝來(lái)幫助他們奪取他人以血汗換來(lái)的面包,這看來(lái)似乎很奇怪??墒?,我們還是別評(píng)判人家,以免別人來(lái)評(píng)判我們。雙方的祈禱都無(wú)法如愿,而且從沒全部如愿以償。萬(wàn)能的上帝自有他自己的意旨:“世界由于罪惡而受苦難,因?yàn)槭澜缈偸怯凶飷旱?,然而那個(gè)作惡的人,要受苦難。”假如我們認(rèn)為美國(guó)的奴隸制是這種罪惡之一,而這些罪惡按上帝的意志又在所不免,但既經(jīng)持續(xù)了他所指定的一段時(shí)間,他現(xiàn)在便要消除這些罪惡。假如我們認(rèn)為上帝把這場(chǎng)慘烈的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)加在南北雙方的頭上,作為對(duì)那些作惡的人的責(zé)罰,難道我們可以由此認(rèn)為這有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒們所歸諸上帝的那些圣德嗎?我們殷切地希塑,熱忱地祈禱,但愿這戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的重罰會(huì)很快過去??墒牵偈股系垡寫?zhàn)爭(zhēng)再繼續(xù)下去,直到二百五十年來(lái)奴隸無(wú)償勞動(dòng)所積聚的財(cái)富化為烏有,并像三千年前人們所說(shuō)的那樣,直至被鞭苔所流的每一滴血為刀劍下流的每一滴血所償付為止,那么,我也只好說(shuō):“主的裁判是完全正確而公道的?!?/p>

      我們對(duì)任何人都不懷惡意,我們對(duì)任何人都抱好感。上帝讓我們看到哪一邊是正確的,我們就堅(jiān)信那正確的一邊。讓我們繼續(xù)奮斗,以完成我們正在進(jìn)行的工作,去治療國(guó)家的創(chuàng)傷,去照顧艱苦作戰(zhàn)的戰(zhàn)士和他們的遺孀遺孤,盡一切努力實(shí)現(xiàn)并維護(hù)我們自己之間以及我國(guó)與他國(guó)之間的公正和持久的和平。

      蓋茲堡獻(xiàn)儀演說(shuō)--亞.林肯1863年

      距進(jìn)八十七年以前,我們的先輩在這個(gè)大陸之上曾經(jīng)締造了一個(gè)新的國(guó)家,這個(gè)國(guó)家孕育于自由,并以人人生而平等之主張為其奮斗宗旨。目前,我們正在進(jìn)行一場(chǎng)偉大的國(guó)內(nèi)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng),其結(jié)果必將表明,一個(gè)如此孕育與如此奮斗而建成的國(guó)家(乃至任何這類的國(guó)家),是否能夠運(yùn)作久長(zhǎng)。我們今天集會(huì)的地方就是這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中的偉大戰(zhàn)場(chǎng),而我們來(lái)此則是為向那為國(guó)捐生因而國(guó)賴以存的烈士英靈,恭行獻(xiàn)土之儀;從中辟地一方,以為他們殮骨歸骸之所。我們這樣做乃是完全必要,完全恰當(dāng)?shù)?。但是,從一種更深廣的意義來(lái)講,我們卻又深感這種獻(xiàn)儀的不足,崇仰的不足,至于為墓地增光,就更說(shuō)不上。一切曾經(jīng)在這里奮戰(zhàn)過的英勇的人們,不論是生者死者,他們所作的奉獻(xiàn)之大,遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不是我們所能妄加損益。世人對(duì)我們 在這里所說(shuō)的種種,未必會(huì)給予注意,或者很快忘記,但對(duì)他們所成就的一切,卻將永志不忘。對(duì)于我們生者來(lái)說(shuō),有所報(bào)效,似更應(yīng)奮力于他們一向堅(jiān)貞以赴、多所推進(jìn)的事業(yè),奮力于留待我們?nèi)ネ瓿山涞膫タ?jī)殊勛;誠(chéng)能這樣,我們必將更能從英魂那里汲引壯志,奮發(fā)忠誠(chéng),而他們正是為了我們的事業(yè)而肝腦涂地,竭盡忠誠(chéng);這樣,我們必將益發(fā)堅(jiān)信這些死者之不枉犧牲,這樣,這個(gè)國(guó)家,上帝之鑒,必將在自由上重獲新生,而這樣,一個(gè)民有,民治與民享的政府必將在世界上永遠(yuǎn)立于不敗之地。

      That we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain;that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom;and that this government of the people, by the people,for the people, shall not perish from the earth.主耶穌基督欣賞“簡(jiǎn)單”之美。

      寧可住在房頂?shù)慕巧?,不在寬闊的房屋,與爭(zhēng)吵的婦人同住。

      你要盡心、盡性、盡意、盡力愛主你的神。其次,就是說(shuō),要愛人如己。

      救恩的得著,簡(jiǎn)單的法門,只要“信”。雖然救恩的設(shè)立,是一道復(fù)雜的過程,但神費(fèi)盡心思,把救恩的得著,簡(jiǎn)化成一個(gè)“信”字。

      ——所羅門

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