第一篇：職業(yè)性別歧視社會(huì)理論與政策——論文1000字

職業(yè)性別歧視是一個(gè)世界性的難題，職業(yè)性別歧視不僅是經(jīng)濟(jì)現(xiàn)象，更是社會(huì)問題，社會(huì)理論解釋了這一現(xiàn)象，同時(shí)，作為一種社會(huì)現(xiàn)象，社會(huì)政策當(dāng)仁不讓地?fù)?dān)負(fù)起其消除職業(yè)性別歧視的職責(zé)。

89字

勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)同樣受“供需關(guān)系”的掌控，雇主的價(jià)值、偏好將導(dǎo)致不同的市場(chǎng)結(jié)果。相關(guān)調(diào)查表明，勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上的歧視是存在的，一些雇主堅(jiān)持不選擇女性，認(rèn)為女性不能兼顧家庭和事業(yè)，生育和照顧家庭會(huì)影響工作和加大支出成本，75.6%的調(diào)查者“同意”或“很同意”這種觀點(diǎn)。還有部分對(duì)雇主對(duì)女性未來發(fā)展的適應(yīng)性、工作內(nèi)容和崗位變動(dòng)的應(yīng)變性表示擔(dān)憂。161字

我國(guó)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上職業(yè)性別歧視現(xiàn)象主要體現(xiàn)在三方面，女性就業(yè)率較低、下崗失業(yè)比重大和職業(yè)報(bào)酬差距大。雖然每年的調(diào)查結(jié)果有所變動(dòng)，總體狀況沒有明顯改善。這一系列的事例都表明了職業(yè)性別歧視的存在。

95字

大多數(shù)學(xué)者認(rèn)為，在社會(huì)性別意識(shí)的強(qiáng)化以及對(duì)男女在家庭和社會(huì)中不同角色是女性在勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上處于劣勢(shì)的主要原因之一，不僅影響到女性是否參與勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)的決策，而且決定了女性進(jìn)入勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)后的職業(yè)選擇，也會(huì)影響雇主的招聘行為。

109字

雇主對(duì)一部分人具有主觀的偏愛或?qū)α硪徊糠秩司哂邢訍呵榫w，而與其技能無關(guān)。如一部分男性雇主對(duì)女性雇員抱有偏見，即使女性與男性有相同的勞動(dòng)生產(chǎn)率，他們也只愿雇傭男性，除非女性雇員和男性雇員之間的工資差別大到足以抵消對(duì)女性的偏見的程度，才會(huì)雇傭女性。

122字

雇員歧視這與工作職位的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)、工作中的磨擦、人們對(duì)民族、種族、性別、年齡、健康等的認(rèn)識(shí)的不同有關(guān)。例如，大多數(shù)白人對(duì)有色人種持有偏見，或者有些人不愿跟老年人、殘疾人一起工作，即使他們能夠勝任。

95字

大致認(rèn)為女性在社會(huì)勞動(dòng)中處于不平等的地位，主要根源在于她們?cè)谛院蜕确矫媸苣行钥刂?，不能自主。提供較好的戰(zhàn)略便是使女性與男性分離，鼓勵(lì)女性去創(chuàng)建自己的產(chǎn)業(yè)，如商店、銀行、企業(yè)、飯店、醫(yī)院、書店等，以做到自行自業(yè)，免受社會(huì)就業(yè)市場(chǎng)的性別歧視。121字

消除職業(yè)性別歧視需要社會(huì)政策建設(shè)，如公共政策的大力支持、進(jìn)一步完善社會(huì)保障制度等。而我國(guó)目前需要制定相關(guān)法律，依靠法律的強(qiáng)制來保證女性獲得與男性平等的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，實(shí)現(xiàn)同工同酬。同時(shí)，社會(huì)應(yīng)大力興辦公共工程，為女性提供就業(yè)崗位，鼓勵(lì)女性自主創(chuàng)業(yè)。121字

第二篇：論社會(huì)政策與和諧社會(huì)專題

論社會(huì)政策與和諧社會(huì)

張勇

四川農(nóng)業(yè)大學(xué)人文社科院社會(huì)工作系

從世界各國(guó)實(shí)現(xiàn)現(xiàn)代化的過程來看，一是經(jīng)濟(jì)要繁榮發(fā)展，二是社會(huì)要全面進(jìn)步。這兩者相輔相成，互為條件，缺一不可，偏重偏輕也不成，經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)必須協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展。黨的十六屆六中全會(huì)通過《中共中央關(guān)于構(gòu)建社會(huì)主義和諧社會(huì)若干重大問題的決定》，指出社會(huì)和諧是中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義的本質(zhì)屬性，是國(guó)家富強(qiáng)、民族振興、人民幸福的重要保證。而社會(huì)和諧發(fā)展，就必須維護(hù)社會(huì)公平公正，倡導(dǎo)社會(huì)主義的社會(huì)公正觀。因此，維護(hù)公平公正是建設(shè)和諧社會(huì)的本質(zhì)要求。

一、面向社會(huì)問題的社會(huì)政策

社會(huì)政策一詞為德國(guó)人首創(chuàng)，提出這一概念的目的在于討論如何解決各種實(shí)際的社會(huì)問題。在傳統(tǒng)上有兩種定義，一為德國(guó)學(xué)界的定義，主要指政府關(guān)于就業(yè)、勞動(dòng)力和勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)管理的政策。一為英美學(xué)界的定義，即社會(huì)政策是政府為直接滿足人民的社會(huì)需求或福利而制定的政策，它一般包括社會(huì)保障、健康、公共服務(wù)、住房政策、教育政策等。綜合起來看，社會(huì)政策就是一種面向社會(huì)全體成員，以追求社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展為最終目標(biāo)的國(guó)家政策。

工業(yè)革命的興起和發(fā)展帶來了一系列的社會(huì)問題，比較突出的是失業(yè)和貧窮問題。1884年英國(guó)牛津大學(xué)講師巴納特在倫敦創(chuàng)設(shè)了世界上第一所社區(qū)服務(wù)中心，稱為湯恩比館，由此推動(dòng)了19世紀(jì)末20世紀(jì)初歐美各國(guó)的社區(qū)改良運(yùn)動(dòng)，并出現(xiàn)了最初的社區(qū)個(gè)案工作。這是最早的社會(huì)政策專業(yè)化的雛形。英國(guó)費(fèi)邊社的出現(xiàn)，推動(dòng)了社會(huì)政策的演變。費(fèi)邊社是一個(gè)社會(huì)改良主義派別，注重緩進(jìn)的社會(huì)改良和社會(huì)建設(shè)，提出設(shè)立社會(huì)福利國(guó)家，認(rèn)為政府應(yīng)該通過各種財(cái)政政策、立法渠道實(shí)現(xiàn)財(cái)富和權(quán)利的再分配。1936年出現(xiàn)的凱恩斯主義提出社會(huì)的主要目標(biāo)是創(chuàng)造和保證充分就業(yè)，這需要社會(huì)保持一定的有效需求。通過實(shí)現(xiàn)財(cái)政赤字政策、累進(jìn)稅收制和對(duì)貧困人口的救助，達(dá)到擴(kuò)大社會(huì)需求的目的。1941年英國(guó)的貝弗里奇受政府委托，撰寫了題為《社會(huì)保障及相關(guān)服務(wù)》的“貝弗里奇報(bào)告”。該報(bào)告是一個(gè)實(shí)行社會(huì)保障的計(jì)劃，以消除貧困、疾苦、骯臟、無知和懶散五大社會(huì)病害為目標(biāo)，主張建立全社會(huì)的公民保障制度，讓每個(gè)公民都享有醫(yī)療保健、養(yǎng)老金。英國(guó)以此報(bào)告為藍(lán)本，建立所謂“從搖籃到墳?zāi)埂钡纳鐣?huì)保障體系，1948年宣布建成世界上第一個(gè)福利國(guó)家。

二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后，西方主要發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的社會(huì)福利得到了迅速的發(fā)展。進(jìn)入20世紀(jì)70年代中期以后，西方工業(yè)化國(guó)家便先后陷入了經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展速度減緩、失業(yè)率居高不下、通貨膨脹等困境，使社會(huì)保障制度存在的弊端顯現(xiàn)出來，導(dǎo)致社會(huì)保障制度危機(jī)。歐洲和美國(guó)都先后對(duì)社會(huì)保障制度等社會(huì)政策進(jìn)行了改革，以使社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)得以協(xié)調(diào)、持續(xù)向前發(fā)展。

西方發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家通過實(shí)施關(guān)于貧困、就業(yè)、社會(huì)救濟(jì)、社會(huì)保障等社會(huì)政策，其社會(huì)的貧富差距明顯縮小，社會(huì)問題得到極大改善。社會(huì)政策對(duì)于歐美發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家社會(huì)的安全運(yùn)行和有效發(fā)展起著十分重要的作用。一方面它在一定程度上緩解了各個(gè)社會(huì)利益群體之間的矛盾，為社會(huì)的良性運(yùn)行創(chuàng)造了一個(gè)比較有利的社會(huì)環(huán)境。

西方國(guó)家發(fā)展的經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明，適時(shí)的實(shí)施社會(huì)政策是解決社會(huì)問題的有效手段。社會(huì)政策以社會(huì)問題為對(duì)象，以解決社會(huì)問題為出發(fā)點(diǎn)，目的在于通過社會(huì)政策的實(shí)施，使社會(huì)問題得到緩和或解決，使社會(huì)各組成部分之間能夠協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展，促使社會(huì)進(jìn)步。

近30年來我國(guó)發(fā)展速度之快和變化程度之深在世界歷史上是空前的。在快速發(fā)展過程中產(chǎn)生的各種社會(huì)問題也是空前的，如何解決發(fā)展過程出現(xiàn)的這些社會(huì)問題，就成為社會(huì)政策關(guān)注的焦點(diǎn)。因此，有學(xué)者提出我國(guó)社會(huì)發(fā)展進(jìn)入社會(huì)政策時(shí)代（王思斌，2003；鄭杭生，2003）。

二、社會(huì)政策的背景：中國(guó)的社會(huì)問題

隨著改革開放的發(fā)展與不斷深入，中國(guó)現(xiàn)代化進(jìn)程加快，中國(guó)社會(huì)發(fā)生了巨大的變化，出現(xiàn)了許多重大的社會(huì)問題，如失業(yè)、貧困、貧富差距過大、教育、醫(yī)療、住房、征地、城市拆遷、國(guó)企改制、環(huán)境污染、社會(huì)治安惡化等諸多問題。這些社會(huì)問題對(duì)中國(guó)社會(huì)的安全運(yùn)行和健康發(fā)展造成了極其不利的影響。在科學(xué)發(fā)展觀的指導(dǎo)下，構(gòu)建社會(huì)主義和諧社會(huì)就是要化解不和諧的因素，正視存在的這些社會(huì)問題，分析其存在的社會(huì)原因，探尋解決的途徑。因此，認(rèn)清這些社會(huì)問題就成為研究制定社會(huì)政策的基本背景。

2006年3月至7月，中國(guó)社會(huì)科學(xué)院社會(huì)學(xué)所按照社會(huì)抽樣調(diào)查方法，在全國(guó)進(jìn)行了一次“社會(huì)和諧穩(wěn)定問題全國(guó)抽樣調(diào)查”。此次調(diào)查覆蓋全國(guó)28個(gè)省（市、自治區(qū)）130個(gè)縣（市、區(qū)），260個(gè)鄉(xiāng)（鎮(zhèn)、街道），520個(gè)村（居委會(huì)），訪問住戶7140余戶，獲得有效問卷7061份，調(diào)查誤差小于2%。在調(diào)查的17個(gè)社會(huì)問題中，根據(jù)城鄉(xiāng)居民的看法，排在第一至第三位的社會(huì)問題依次為“看病難、看病貴”“就業(yè)失業(yè)問題”和“收入差距過大、貧富分化問題”，排在第四至第六位的是“貪污腐敗問題”“養(yǎng)老保障問題”“教育收費(fèi)問題”，排在第七至第十位的是“住房?jī)r(jià)格過高”“社會(huì)治安問題”“社會(huì)風(fēng)氣問題”和“環(huán)境污染問題”。

1、貧富差距問題

隨著中國(guó)改革開放不斷深入和經(jīng)濟(jì)的快速增長(zhǎng)，居民收入差距也正呈逐漸拉大之勢(shì)。世界銀行1997年發(fā)布的一份題為《共享不斷提高的收入》的報(bào)告指出，中國(guó)在20世紀(jì)80年代初期反映居民收入差距的基尼系數(shù)是0.28，到90年代末期就變?yōu)?.4581。這一數(shù)據(jù)意味著在世界范圍內(nèi)，中國(guó)的貧富差距情況僅僅比撒哈拉以南的非洲國(guó)家和部分拉美國(guó)家稍好。報(bào)告指出，全世界還沒有一個(gè)國(guó)家在短短15年內(nèi)收入差距變化如此之大。更為糟糕的是，自90年代末期以來，中國(guó)的基尼系數(shù)仍在不斷提高：1999年為0.457，2000年為0.458，2001年為0.459，2002年為0.46。聯(lián)合國(guó)有關(guān)組織規(guī)定：若基尼系數(shù)低于0.2表示收入絕對(duì)平均；0.2-0.3表示比較平均；0.3-0.4表示相對(duì)合理；0.4-0.5表示收入差距較大；0.5以上表示收入差距懸殊，容易引起社會(huì)動(dòng)蕩。當(dāng)今，中國(guó)基尼系數(shù)已接近0.5。

對(duì)于居民收入差距拉大問題，在一段時(shí)期內(nèi)學(xué)界主流曾認(rèn)為，這是打破平均主義分配體制、強(qiáng)調(diào)效率優(yōu)先政策的自然結(jié)果，而且多數(shù)人相信諾貝爾經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)獎(jiǎng)得主庫(kù)茲涅茨的“倒U型”分配曲線，即在人均GDP500—1000美元的經(jīng)濟(jì)起飛階段，收入差距會(huì)迅速擴(kuò)大，但隨著經(jīng)濟(jì)的進(jìn)一步增長(zhǎng)，收入差距會(huì)自然縮小。當(dāng)前，我國(guó)的人均GDP已超過1000美元，然而居民收入差距擴(kuò)大的勢(shì)頭并未扭轉(zhuǎn)。

基尼系數(shù)的加大意味著社會(huì)已處于嚴(yán)重不公狀態(tài)，而這種不公狀態(tài)完全是人為因素造成的，那就是既得利益者在獲得收入上的能力遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過了其他社會(huì)成員，造成了收入分配不平衡的現(xiàn)象。這種“能力”包括貪污腐敗、包括權(quán)錢交易，包括政策與制度的傾斜等等。旅美華人學(xué)者、《當(dāng)代中國(guó)》雜志主編程曉農(nóng)認(rèn)為，拉美化社會(huì)的許多特點(diǎn)在中國(guó)都已經(jīng)具備，權(quán)利和金錢相勾結(jié)的腐敗現(xiàn)象有目共睹，貧富差別的嚴(yán)重程度已經(jīng)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超出國(guó)際公認(rèn)的警戒線。

這種嚴(yán)重不公造成了社會(huì)的不穩(wěn)定。新華社主辦的《瞭望》周刊曾披露，2004年，中國(guó)各地共發(fā)生5萬8千多起聚眾抗議事件，相當(dāng)于10年前的6倍多。

2、醫(yī)療問題

中國(guó)改革開放以來，醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生體制發(fā)生了很大變化，在某些方面也取得了進(jìn)展，但暴露的問題更為嚴(yán)重。主要是醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生體制改革煮成了“夾生飯”：患者不滿意，醫(yī)院不滿意，政府不滿意，富裕階層不滿意，中等收入階層不滿意，低收入階層更不滿意?？床‰y、看病貴，因病致貧、因病返貧，老百姓甚至將“醫(yī)療、教育、養(yǎng)老”三大支出喻為“新三座大山”。這些感受得到了相關(guān)部門研究成果的證實(shí)。國(guó)務(wù)院發(fā)展研究中心和世界衛(wèi)生組織“中國(guó)醫(yī)療

衛(wèi)生體制改革”合作課題組研究報(bào)告表明，中國(guó)醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生體制改革“從總體上講是不成功的”。

1992年 9月，國(guó)務(wù)院下發(fā)《關(guān)于深化衛(wèi)生改革的幾點(diǎn)意見》。時(shí)任衛(wèi)生部醫(yī)政司司長(zhǎng)的遲寶蘭后來在會(huì)議上要求，醫(yī)院要在“以工助醫(yī)”、“以副補(bǔ)主”等方面取得新成績(jī)。此后，點(diǎn)名手術(shù)、特殊護(hù)理、特殊病房等新事物在醫(yī)療系統(tǒng)涌現(xiàn)，衛(wèi)生系統(tǒng)以市場(chǎng)化改革的取向一直處于主導(dǎo)地位。1998年12月14日，《國(guó)務(wù)院關(guān)于建立城鎮(zhèn)職工基本醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)制度的決定》發(fā)布。決定指出，加快醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)制度改革，保障職工基本醫(yī)療，是建立社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)體制的客觀要求和重要保障。國(guó)家要“大踏步”后退，政府只舉辦部分公立醫(yī)院，允許民營(yíng)資本、外資進(jìn)入醫(yī)療市場(chǎng)，即如同國(guó)企改革一樣“國(guó)退民進(jìn)”。這種以市場(chǎng)化為主導(dǎo)的醫(yī)改，導(dǎo)致出現(xiàn)了哈爾濱天價(jià)醫(yī)療事件、深圳天價(jià)醫(yī)療事件和藥品價(jià)格的虛高等諸多事件，最終使醫(yī)改失敗。

據(jù)衛(wèi)生部公布的《2005年中國(guó)衛(wèi)生統(tǒng)計(jì)提要》的數(shù)據(jù)顯示，中國(guó)的衛(wèi)生總費(fèi)用從1980年的143.2億元，急速上漲到2005年的6623.3億元，而在這飛漲的衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用中，政府衛(wèi)生支出從36.2%降至17.2%，社會(huì)衛(wèi)生支出從42.6%下降至27.3%，而個(gè)人衛(wèi)生支出卻從21.2%劇增至55.5%，在2001年達(dá)到60%。老百姓負(fù)擔(dān)之重十分明顯。香港中文大學(xué)政治與行政系王紹光教授研究這個(gè)問題發(fā)現(xiàn)，發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的政府負(fù)擔(dān)了衛(wèi)生總費(fèi)用的73%，轉(zhuǎn)型國(guó)家的政府負(fù)擔(dān)了百分之70%，最不發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的政府負(fù)擔(dān)了百分之59.3%，其它發(fā)展中國(guó)家的政府負(fù)擔(dān)了百分之57.2%，而中國(guó)則只負(fù)擔(dān)了百分之39.4%。

王紹光分析說，如果醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用主要由個(gè)人負(fù)擔(dān)，除非收入和財(cái)富在社會(huì)各階層的分配相當(dāng)平等，否則經(jīng)濟(jì)上的不平等必然轉(zhuǎn)化為醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生上的不平等。如果醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用主要由于政府負(fù)擔(dān)，即使是窮人也能獲享受起碼的醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生服務(wù)，從而有利于提高全民族的健康水平。

3、教育問題

毫無疑問，這些年來教育為民族造就大量人才、為中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的快速發(fā)展作出了很大貢獻(xiàn)，但也不能不看到這十幾年來，教育在某些方面走向了它功能的反面，失學(xué)兒童、因高昂學(xué)費(fèi)把不少孩子隔在學(xué)校大門之外等。教育權(quán)利是一項(xiàng)基本人權(quán)?，F(xiàn)代社會(huì)的公平性在很大程度上要靠教育系統(tǒng)來調(diào)節(jié)，中下階層子女一般是通過接受更多教育的渠道來提升社會(huì)地位，這使社會(huì)形成整體穩(wěn)定。而現(xiàn)在我國(guó)教育的政策，創(chuàng)一流大學(xué)和重點(diǎn)中學(xué)的種種做法，把有限的教育資源作不公平的分配，人為地?cái)U(kuò)大原有的差距。

教育投入不足這首先是由于教育經(jīng)費(fèi)長(zhǎng)期嚴(yán)重不足。在上世紀(jì)八十年代，發(fā)展中國(guó)家教育經(jīng)費(fèi)占GDP的比例平均是4%，當(dāng)時(shí)我國(guó)的教育經(jīng)費(fèi)低于發(fā)展中國(guó)家的平均水平。要發(fā)展教育首先得趕上發(fā)展中國(guó)家的平均水平。而1993年《中國(guó)教育改革和發(fā)展綱要》提出財(cái)政性教育經(jīng)費(fèi)占國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值的比重達(dá)到4%的目標(biāo)，卻至今沒有實(shí)現(xiàn)。教育經(jīng)費(fèi)短缺的現(xiàn)實(shí)一直存在。二十年內(nèi)的大部分時(shí)間里，財(cái)政性教育經(jīng)費(fèi)占國(guó)內(nèi)（民）生產(chǎn)總值的比重在3%以下，1986年和2002年是兩個(gè)高峰，但從來沒有超過3.32%。其中的教訓(xùn)是，必須建立教育公共財(cái)政制度，使教育投入和義務(wù)教育經(jīng)費(fèi)保障納入法制的軌道。

教育資源配置失衡我國(guó)教育資源配置中的價(jià)值和結(jié)構(gòu)失衡，突出地表現(xiàn)為重城市、輕農(nóng)村的城鄉(xiāng)分治模式，三級(jí)教育中重高等教育、輕基礎(chǔ)教育，等級(jí)化的學(xué)校制度等等。它助長(zhǎng)了客觀存在的城鄉(xiāng)差距、地區(qū)差距，造成高等教育與基礎(chǔ)教育發(fā)展失衡，制造了嚴(yán)重的學(xué)校差距。

社會(huì)力量辦學(xué)滯后 客觀而言，要政府把所有的教育都包下來，也是政府很難承受的。古今中外的歷史告訴我們，從2500年前古代大教育家孔子招收三千弟子開始，民辦教育從來是興旺的教育事業(yè)的組成部分。像美國(guó)這樣經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)的國(guó)家，民辦學(xué)校還占58%，很多世界一流大學(xué)是私立學(xué)校。日本的民辦教育學(xué)校是71%，印度是59%，香港地區(qū)是55%，臺(tái)灣地區(qū)是59%，韓國(guó)是80.5%。再看芬蘭，已連續(xù)三年被評(píng)為世界上最有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的經(jīng)濟(jì)體。芬

蘭的名言就是：“教育是芬蘭的國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力”。芬蘭從九年制義務(wù)教育，到高中和大學(xué)，都是免費(fèi)的。教育經(jīng)費(fèi)占GDP的18%，遠(yuǎn)高于美國(guó)和日本。因此，我國(guó)的社會(huì)力量辦學(xué)亟待提高。

4、住房問題

近年來，住房問題成為全社會(huì)關(guān)注的一個(gè)焦點(diǎn)問題，特別是一路飆升的房?jī)r(jià)，讓眾多購(gòu)房者望房興嘆。目前形成的以市場(chǎng)化取向?yàn)橹鞣康禺a(chǎn)業(yè)，是住房難的主要原因之一。

房地產(chǎn)投資的迅速增漲與投資過熱。由于受1997年亞洲金融危機(jī)的影響，以出口拉動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的戰(zhàn)略遭重創(chuàng)，國(guó)家調(diào)整經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略，于是房地產(chǎn)成為拉動(dòng)內(nèi)需的支柱產(chǎn)業(yè)。房地產(chǎn)投資的年增長(zhǎng)率，從1998年的13.7％迅速提高到2003、2004年的30％左右。與此同時(shí)，房地產(chǎn)投資額占同期全社會(huì)固定資產(chǎn)投資的比重，也從1997、1998年的12％迅速提高到這些年的接近20％。住房投資的高速增長(zhǎng)一方面反映政府通過房地產(chǎn)業(yè)帶動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的政策偏好；另一方面，住房投資過熱使得整個(gè)國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展過分依賴房地產(chǎn)業(yè)的發(fā)展，金融信貸風(fēng)險(xiǎn)增大，經(jīng)濟(jì)產(chǎn)業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)協(xié)調(diào)等問題迅速凸現(xiàn)，各種能源、電力、建材等基本生產(chǎn)資料的漲價(jià)都不利于我國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的持續(xù)、穩(wěn)定發(fā)展。

商品房?jī)r(jià)格的迅速上漲。自1997年以來，全國(guó)商品房平均銷售價(jià)格一直呈上升勢(shì)態(tài)，而且上升速度越來越快。過高的房?jī)r(jià)成為普通公眾抱怨政府和譴責(zé)開發(fā)商的焦點(diǎn)。2004年的房?jī)r(jià)的漲幅甚至激增至15％。在個(gè)別地區(qū)，房?jī)r(jià)漲幅甚至接近30％。與此同時(shí)，住房投機(jī)已經(jīng)從大城市迅速波及到許多中小城市。房?jī)r(jià)的迅速增長(zhǎng)，超出普通家庭的承擔(dān)能力。

住房供給結(jié)構(gòu)失衡。這主要在兩個(gè)方面，即商品房的大量空置和經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房的供應(yīng)不足。按照國(guó)家統(tǒng)計(jì)局的數(shù)據(jù)，全國(guó)商品房的空置面積到2005年11月末已經(jīng)達(dá)到1.14億平方米，同比增長(zhǎng)了14.2％。2004年全國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房完成投資僅為606億元，所占房地產(chǎn)投資的比重為4.6%，同比下降1.5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。由于政府監(jiān)管不嚴(yán)和房地產(chǎn)商的不規(guī)范操作，許多經(jīng)濟(jì)適用住房項(xiàng)目都變相成為高檔住宅，甚至引發(fā)了對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房制度本身的極大爭(zhēng)議。市場(chǎng)上對(duì)高檔房屋的過份提供和對(duì)較低房?jī)r(jià)的經(jīng)濟(jì)適用住房的供應(yīng)不足，不僅造成巨大的浪費(fèi)，而且增加了經(jīng)濟(jì)和金融風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的持續(xù)發(fā)展造成嚴(yán)重的不良后果。

三、實(shí)施社會(huì)政策是構(gòu)建和諧社會(huì)的關(guān)鍵

約翰·羅爾斯在其名著《正義論》中強(qiáng)調(diào)正義是社會(huì)制度的首要價(jià)值，正義的主題是社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)，是社會(huì)的主要制度分配的基本權(quán)利和義務(wù)。所有的社會(huì)改革都必須使社會(huì)中最不幸的人受益，否則，該制度就是不正義的。溫家寶總理在十屆全國(guó)人大五次會(huì)議中外記者招待會(huì)上指出，我們?cè)谏鐣?huì)主義初級(jí)階段要實(shí)現(xiàn)的兩大任務(wù)，一是集中精力發(fā)展社會(huì)生產(chǎn)力；二是推進(jìn)社會(huì)公平與正義，特別是“讓正義成為社會(huì)主義國(guó)家制度的首要價(jià)值”。因此，社會(huì)公平問題已成為當(dāng)代中國(guó)社會(huì)進(jìn)一步發(fā)展的障礙。只有保證了社會(huì)公平、實(shí)施積極的社會(huì)政策，以人為本的科學(xué)發(fā)展觀才能得到落實(shí)，構(gòu)建社會(huì)主義和諧社會(huì)的目標(biāo)才能得到實(shí)現(xiàn)。

1、倡導(dǎo)社會(huì)公正的核心價(jià)值觀

社會(huì)公正作為社會(huì)規(guī)范和價(jià)值體系的組成部分，是個(gè)內(nèi)涵極為豐富的概念。它既包括經(jīng)濟(jì)公正，也包括政治公正及社會(huì)生活其他方面的公正。也就是說，社會(huì)公正包括保證每個(gè)社會(huì)成員享有大致相同的基本權(quán)利和同等發(fā)展機(jī)會(huì)，不同階層的社會(huì)成員間能相互開放和平等進(jìn)入；保證每個(gè)社會(huì)成員能得到與其貢獻(xiàn)相對(duì)等的有所差別但恰如其分的回報(bào)；保證全體社會(huì)成員能夠共享社會(huì)發(fā)展成果。從社會(huì)公正的含義可以看出，社會(huì)公正涉及到了社會(huì)生活的各個(gè)領(lǐng)域，關(guān)系到最廣大人民的根本利益，是構(gòu)建和諧社會(huì)的核心價(jià)值。因此，在全社會(huì)要倡導(dǎo)社會(huì)公正的價(jià)值觀念，使其深入人心，成為社會(huì)主義國(guó)家制度首要價(jià)值。

2、社會(huì)政策天然的傾向社會(huì)弱勢(shì)群體

社會(huì)政策這門學(xué)科從產(chǎn)生之初，就天然地傾向社會(huì)弱勢(shì)群體。19世紀(jì)以降，伴隨工業(yè)革命等現(xiàn)代化運(yùn)動(dòng)而來的是日益嚴(yán)重的社會(huì)問題?，F(xiàn)代社會(huì)政策的起源，則在于對(duì)這些社會(huì)問題的積極回應(yīng)。1873年，德國(guó)成立世界上第一個(gè)社會(huì)政策協(xié)會(huì)，其背景是19世紀(jì)下半期

工業(yè)化深入推進(jìn)的時(shí)期，工業(yè)化和城市化的推進(jìn)形成了以自由資本主義為源泉的巨大的生產(chǎn)力，但另一方面也給城市工人的生活帶來了越來越多的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。為了解決這些風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，德國(guó)政策出臺(tái)了一系列社會(huì)政策，并以法律形式頒布實(shí)施，解決了工業(yè)化過程中產(chǎn)生的社會(huì)弱勢(shì)群體問題，首開了世界各國(guó)社會(huì)政策制度之先河。

中國(guó)已經(jīng)歷近30年的高速經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)，與此同時(shí)，經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)軌和社會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)型過程中產(chǎn)生了大量的社會(huì)弱勢(shì)群體，也引發(fā)了諸多社會(huì)問題，如上文所列的一些重點(diǎn)社會(huì)問題，都是關(guān)系民生的問題，并且已成為近年來社會(huì)發(fā)展的焦點(diǎn)。因此，今后一段時(shí)期內(nèi)把關(guān)注民生作為我國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展的重點(diǎn)問題，把縮小收入差距、擴(kuò)大就業(yè)、減少貧困、解決上學(xué)難、看病難、住房難等放在突出位置，制定出針對(duì)解決這些問題的社會(huì)政策。才能進(jìn)一步鞏固經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展取得的成果，促進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展，從而使全體人民共享改革發(fā)展。

3、社會(huì)政策維護(hù)社會(huì)穩(wěn)定、促進(jìn)社會(huì)公平

在1998年舉行的“歐盟社會(huì)政策”論壇上，歐盟經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)委員會(huì)主席T·堅(jiān)金斯宣稱：“我們相信，社會(huì)保護(hù)能夠幫助促進(jìn)和推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)行。無論是在歐盟層次上，還是在各成員國(guó)層次上，社會(huì)與經(jīng)濟(jì)政策之間的協(xié)調(diào)與同步發(fā)展已經(jīng)獲益良多。??社會(huì)保護(hù)削弱會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)換為糟糕的經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)行。反之亦然。從而形成消極和每況愈下的輪流惡化，形成低消費(fèi)和人民被迫減少需求，反過來又造成企業(yè)裁減人員，經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展緩慢或倒退?！眻?jiān)金斯的觀點(diǎn)對(duì)我國(guó)現(xiàn)實(shí)社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況具有很好的思考意義。近幾年來我國(guó)的通貨緊縮對(duì)國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)造成了極大的影響，擴(kuò)大內(nèi)需、刺激經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的方法未完全達(dá)到預(yù)期效果。全國(guó)下崗失業(yè)人員不斷增多，對(duì)社會(huì)穩(wěn)定與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展構(gòu)成了極大的威脅。加之我國(guó)的社會(huì)保護(hù)和社會(huì)保障水平還不高，人們的消費(fèi)需求受到壓制。而低水平的消費(fèi)會(huì)制約生產(chǎn)發(fā)展和經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長(zhǎng)。這對(duì)我國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展是非常不利的。經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展受到影響，反過來又會(huì)影響社會(huì)保障的能力，從而影響社會(huì)穩(wěn)定。因此社會(huì)政策對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的有極其重要的作用。

4、社會(huì)政策的制定適應(yīng)社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展變化

中國(guó)目前社會(huì)政策存在明顯的滯后性和局限性。社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)體制初步確立，但與之相適應(yīng)的社會(huì)政策體系并沒有建立起來，造成經(jīng)濟(jì)與社會(huì)發(fā)展的不協(xié)調(diào)。一面是經(jīng)濟(jì)的高速增長(zhǎng)，一面是社會(huì)事業(yè)衰落。社會(huì)發(fā)展不能適應(yīng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展，迫切需要制定與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展相適應(yīng)的社會(huì)政策。人們對(duì)社會(huì)政策內(nèi)容的理解往往比較狹窄，把社會(huì)政策等同于社會(huì)保障，或者是僅僅局限于一些應(yīng)急性的措施。然而西方社會(huì)政策的發(fā)展史清楚地揭示出社會(huì)政策的范疇遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)大于社會(huì)保障。社會(huì)政策也不同于經(jīng)濟(jì)政策。改革開放后中國(guó)社會(huì)一切都以經(jīng)濟(jì)為“綱”，好像只要把經(jīng)濟(jì)搞好了，經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展上去了，其它一切社會(huì)問題都可以迎刃而解了。經(jīng)濟(jì)政策似乎可以代替社會(huì)政策。從目前的社會(huì)實(shí)際情況看，這種指導(dǎo)思想已經(jīng)帶來了不良的后果。實(shí)際上社會(huì)政策與經(jīng)濟(jì)政策是有區(qū)別的兩種政策。因此，我們?cè)谘芯恐贫ㄉ鐣?huì)政策時(shí)，應(yīng)當(dāng)把社會(huì)政策作為一個(gè)獨(dú)立的科學(xué)研究領(lǐng)域來對(duì)待。惟有如此，才能將社會(huì)政策的效應(yīng)發(fā)揮到最大程度，對(duì)和諧社會(huì)的構(gòu)建、經(jīng)濟(jì)的持續(xù)發(fā)展產(chǎn)生積極的影響。

參考文獻(xiàn)：

1.羅爾斯正義論中國(guó)社會(huì)科學(xué)出版社［M］ 1988。

2.陳國(guó)鈞社會(huì)政策與社會(huì)立法［M］ 三民書局，1985。

3.金太軍 社會(huì)保障制度改革與政治穩(wěn)定：西方的經(jīng)驗(yàn)分析,學(xué)習(xí)與探索，2001（3）。

4.林義西方國(guó)家社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)改革的制度分析及其啟示［J］ 學(xué)術(shù)月刊，2001（5）。

5.吳忠民社會(huì)政策：一個(gè)亟待拓展的研究領(lǐng)域［J］ 中國(guó)黨政干部論壇，2002（1）。

6.唐鈞社會(huì)政策：國(guó)際經(jīng)驗(yàn)與國(guó)內(nèi)實(shí)踐［M］ 華夏出版社，2001。

7.關(guān)信平社會(huì)政策概論高等教育出版社［M］ 2004。

8.周建明社會(huì)政策：歐洲的啟示與對(duì)中國(guó)的挑戰(zhàn)上海社會(huì)科學(xué)院出版社［M］2005

第三篇：論英語(yǔ)中的性別歧視

景德鎮(zhèn)陶瓷學(xué)院科技

藝術(shù)學(xué)院

本科生畢業(yè)論文（設(shè)計(jì)）

題目：Sexism in English Vocabulary 學(xué) 號(hào)： 姓 名： 院（系）： 專 業(yè)： 完成時(shí)間： 指導(dǎo)老師：

CONTENTS Acknowledgements…………………………………………..Abstract in Chinese…………………………………….Abstract in English…………………………………….1.Definition……………………………………………… 2.Sexism in word-formation methods………………..2.1 Suffixes………………………………………….2.2 Sexism in compound words……………………..3.Sxism in Naming and Addressing…………………..3.1 Sexism and Naming……………………………….3.1.1 Sexism in the first names………………..3.1.1.1 Derivation of Female Names from Male Names……..3.1.1.2 Sexism in Semantic Naming of First Names……….3.1.2 Sexism in the family names…………… 3.1.2.1 Patrilineal System of Family Names 3.1.2.2 Change of Female Family Names upon marriage 3.2 Sexism and Addressing……….3.2.1 Sexism in Addressing Terms…..3.2.1.1Female Social Titles upon Relationship with Male…

3.2.1.2 Derogation of Female Honorific Titles…………….3.2.1.3 Abusive Addressing Patterns………………..4.Sexism in Proverb and Slang……………………………..4.1 Sexism in Proverb…………………………………………… 4.2 Sexism in Slang……………………………………… 5.Conclusion……………………………………………………..6.Bibliography……………………………………………………

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My deepest gratitude goes first and foremost to Professor Hou Xiaohua,my supervisor,for her constant and inspiring guidance and encouragement.She has walked me through all the stages of writing of the thesis.Without her constant and illuminating instruction,this thesis could not have reached its present form.Second,i would like to expree my heartfelt gratitude to all the teachers who taught me when i have striving for my Bachelor Degree for their excellent lectures and inspiring ideas.Last, my thanks would go to my beloved family for their loving considerations and great confidence in me all through these years.I also owe my sincere gratitude to my friends and my fellow classmates who gave me their help and time in listening to me and helping me work out my problems during the difficult course of the thesis

摘要

英語(yǔ)不僅是一種語(yǔ)言工具，也是一種意識(shí)形態(tài)工具。性別歧視這一文化觀念反映在語(yǔ)言的詞匯學(xué)中。牛津高級(jí)字典是這樣解釋的：“不平等的對(duì)待人，尤其是對(duì)女性，因?yàn)樗齻兊男詣e”。本篇論文將從英語(yǔ)詞匯構(gòu)詞法、詞義、稱謂語(yǔ)及諺語(yǔ)和俚語(yǔ)分析英語(yǔ)詞匯中的性別歧視。所以對(duì)性別歧視了解的越多，避免的困難也就越多。這是很有實(shí)際意義的。關(guān)鍵詞：語(yǔ)言；英語(yǔ)詞匯；性別歧視

ABSTRACT

English is not only a language tool, but also an ideological tool.Vocabulary of the language can faithfully reflect the culture it serves such as sexism.The oxford advanced learner's dictionary explains it as below: the unfair treatment of people, especially women, because of their sex.This article will discuss sexism that exists in English lexicon in terms of word formation ,word meaning ,naming and addressing terms ,as well as proverb and slang terms.So the more you know it, the better you will avoid trouble.Therefore, the present research has important practical significances.Key words： language；English word;sexism;

1.Definition

Sexism，according to Oxford Advanced Learner?s English

-Chinese Dictionary is defined as prejudice or discrimination against people(esp.woman)because of their sex;and according to Longman Dictionary of Comtenporary English ,sexism is defined as ideas and believe that menbers of one(usually man)sex are more able and clever than theode of the other sex.It is manifest in all forms of behavior from subtle gestures and especially language to exploitation and oppression，and in all human institutions from the family to the multinational corporation(Paula S．Rothenberg 1988：21)． It affirms the dominance of men over women，jnst as Rosemary Radford Ruether(1993：165)holds that“sexism is gender privilege of males over females．It is males primarily who have originated this form of oppression，benefited from it，and perpetuated it，legally and ideologically．”In this sense，it keeps women in second．classstatus，denies them their rights to control their own bodies，and denies personal，mental，and physical safety；it reinforces the false notion that any man who is gentle，flexible，compassionateor gay becomes“feminine”and thereby loses status and respect． 2.Sexism in word formation

Word formation is one of the elements in language from which we can find many examples of sexism.The most obvious one is the word “history”,which it combines words “his”and “story”.It claimed that the history belonged to man not the woman.In general,it is divided in to two categories,adding suffixes and compounding.2.1 Adding suffixes Adding-tress is common among words like ,actress,authoress,sculptress and waitress.Although it sometimes awarded some outlanding achievements of women,the importance of its role isn?t the same as man.For instance,we usually call a man of a general manager,rather than a general manageress.The highest rank of poet in British is Poet Laureate,which it award to every distinguished poet including both males and females.Howerever,rarly had it probably honored a poet of Poetess Laureate.Word like hostess is widely accepted by people in bar ,which its meaning had been degraded.The same as in the terms of JewessNegrss and Quakeress

The suffix of-ette includes three meanings.The first one aims at small size,such as “cigarette(香煙)” and “kitchenette(小廚房）”.The second level is artifical ,such as “Leatherette(人造皮）”.The third level derives from the last two meanings which discloses the oweakness of woman and subordinates to man.As a result ,it discininates against woman obviously.Woman are unfairly treated.Duing the turn of 19 century and 20 century ,“Suffragette”was frequently used by women who wanted to strive rights for women.However,the public and media used it with derogation.Words like aviatrix(女飛行員），executrix(女執(zhí)行官）and dominatrix(母夜叉)added the suffix of-trix,which all present an insular prejudice towards women.Women are so weak and fragile that they need obey to men.2.2 Sexism in compound words

In addition to sex discrimination in suffixes,compounding is a good example too.Take word-formationof common words made by “man” and “woman”for example.on one hand,there are a great many words with “man”,like human,policeman,chairman,businessman,sportsman,superman,mankind,postman,Englishman,airman,salesman,clergyman,kinsman,countryman,etc.Even the word “woman”is made up of “man.All these words should refer only to the male,while in fact,the meanings of these words also cover woman,which is obviously unfair to the female.Actually,this kind of words are regarded as masculine words in grammar.According to the point of view in English history,it inherits word-formation principle of Latin and old English in grammar gender.So such kinds of words empasize masculine in word structure.At the sametime,it also stresses that all things are done by the mmale, not the female in practical use.That is quite unfair to the female.On the other hand,in social life,pepole always regard women with discrimination.If a woman is engaged in noble cases,she will face much more difficulties than men.And the following meaning of words also show that the words made up of”woman”mainly emphasize the characteristics of women who are engaged in some kind of profession or belong to a certain of sector.For example,(1)Womankind: female human beings(2)Chairwoman: a woman presiding officer of an assembly meeting,committee or board(3)Womanpower:the power of woman physcial strength(4)Policewoman: a woman who is in a member of a police force(5)Womanhood:the state of being a woman;woman(6)Horsewoman:a woman horseback rider

3.Sexim in Naming and Addressing Spender(1985:24)notes: one of the features of English language practices which are inherently sexist is the use of naming and addressing terms.”Naming and addressing terms play an important role in interpersonal communication.They are continuously used in our daily life hence the social and cultualfactors encoded in them are very valuable for us to explore.3.1 Sexism and Naming

Naming system usually includes first name,middle name and family nam,such as “William Jefferson Clinton”.First name such as”William”in the example,is otherwise known as Chtistian name,forename or given name.Middle name like”Jefferson”in the example occurs betwwen the first name and family name as the second forename,and is usually represented by its capitalized initial letter and is often used in formal occassions.Family name is known as Surname,or last name,which is a name shared in common to identify the mumbers of a family,which is usuallyinheritedfrom the ascending generation on the paternal side,such as?Clinton”in the example.This part will discuss the sexist phenomena in the first and family name on the basis of the analysis of their semantic features.3.1.1 Sexism in the first names

Giving first name to the infant is one of the most important tasks.First name is truly a lifetime gift from parents;it helps define the children within the family,school and the outside word.Hence an analysis of sexism in first names is very significant.3.1.1.1 Derivation of Female Names from Male Names

In English lots of female names derivate from male names by adding affixes for example,Stephen-Stephanie,Dana-Dana.Affixs play an important role in the formation of female names.After researching affixes used to refer to female in English,Mills(1995:93)claims that those affixes lead to a view of women as a derivation from a male universal norm and the female form is seen as the marked term and the male as the unmarked term.Therefore,it is not a surprise that female names would have some consistent marker bias.Many female names derive of male ones by addingthe suffixes “-a”(or “-ia” due to phonetic reason), “e” and “-line” to them.like Albert and Alberta、、Alex and Alexa、Daniel and Danielle、Gabriel and Gabriell and Paul and Pauline etc.First corresponding with the above, research has shown that male names differ fromfemale ones in two major aspects.Firstly, male names are shorter in spelling than female names according to the research, There are many male names are formed with one syllable such as Jim, Fred, John, Bob and Jack, while only few female names are one syllable.Furthermore, fewer female names have three or more than three syllables, such as Roberta, Victoria and Amand.Part of the explanation of this study lies in the fact that many female names are originated from male names by adding one or more syllables.Secondly, male names are phonologically different from female ones.This thesis finds that majority of male names are ended with consonant phonetic symbol in which some male names end with the stops [d], [t], [k] such as Robert, Richard, Jack;while only two femalenames do, namely, Brooke and Jade.However, most of female names analyzed endedwith a vowel [i], [i:], [?], such as Mary and Anna, but only a few male names do so.Cutler argues(1990: 476), “Small vocal tracts such as [i], [i:], [?], which producehigh-pitched sounds, are typically possessed by smaller, weaker, less threateningbeings.” Therefore, the frequent use of [i] in such female names as Tracey, Mary andBonnie, and [?] in Rita, Selina and Lisa, reflects “smallness and lack of threat are heldto be desirable attributes of females”.Theoretically, the practice of deriving female names from male ones forms the contrast in which men are dominant and women are subordinate in society and meanwhile it is in accordance with the belief in Bible that woman was created from a rib of man.3.1.1.2 Sexism in Semantic Meaning of First Names

The names that people give their children show the hopes and dreams they have for them and also reflects their parents? hope and expectations for their children.So from their first names,we can know the different attitudes of parents to boys and girls.First names for girls and boys often reflect stereotyped features of feminity or.masculinity prevailing in a particular culture or society.It is undeniable that first names contain various connotations and this thesis will make an effort on the sexism in name?s connotation In our society the vast majority of first names carry clear feminine or masculine connotations.People no matter in the East or West attach great importance to marking the child?s sex when choosing a name for him or her.And in baby naming book, there might be two lists: one for girls and another for boys.According to it, parents are recommended to choose a name that identifies the child?s sex.Besides marking the sex of the child, first names for girls and boys often reflect stereotyped features of femininity and masculinity prevailing in culture.More female names contain the connotation associated with appearance while more male names contain connotation associated with wealth, power, wisdom and intelligence.It reflects the sexist expectaton that male should improve internal quality and female should pay more attention to external beauty.3.1.2 Sexism in Family Names

Family names are passed down from generation to generation, it symbolizes the blood relationship and development of a family.From the way of giving family names, it is not difficult to find the sexism.3.1.2.1 Patrilineal System of Family Names

When women were born, they were given their fathers? name and adopted their husbands? names upon marriage.It?s only sons who carry on their fathers? name forever, whereas women lost this capacity when they got married.This stresses the portrayal of women as the prosperity of men, passed from father to husband.They just have no freedom to own their own names.US Senator Hilary Clinton.Either way she names herself after a man－ her father or her husband, or both.Children typically inherited their fathers? rather than their mothers? family names, which enables fathers but not mothers to achieve a direct continuity of naming from generation, provided they have sons.Even if there are only daughter, however the derivation of female forms from male names enables the transmission to continue.It?s very common for women in English-speaking countries to adapt their husbands? names upon they got married.Thus women are said to“marry into families and families are sad to ?die out? if an all-female” generation occurs.Thus, Spender comments:“Practically”, it means that women?s family names don?t count and there is one more device making women invisible.”

In the ceremony, the, the official asks,“ Who gives the bride away?”and the father answers.“I do”, or “Her mother and I do”, but that does not solve the problem inherent in the idea that a bride is something to be handed over from one man to another.3.1.2.2 Change of Female Family Names upon Marriage

When a woman is referred with her husband?s name, as in “Mrs.John Smith”, she is rendered both subordinate and invisible.For example, when a woman named Helen Keller marries to a man named John Fords, She is submerged by being called Mrs.John Fords.Even the woman is of high social status;it is the same with her.One of the candidates in 2008 Presidential Election of the United States of America, Hilary, the former president of Bill Clinton?s wife, kept her maiden name “Hilary Rodham” after marriage.But in order to help her husband in the election, she had to change her names.Though allegedly a feminist, she has shifted between naming herself Hilary Rodham, Hilary Rodham Clinton and Hilary Clinton.Despite the fact that some countries no longer legally require for women to adopt their husband?s names upon marriage, women who do not conform to this practice still face many practical and attitudinal obstacles.3.2 Sexism and Addressing

3.2.1 Sexism in Addressing Terms Addressing term is a mark that indentifies the relationship of people in social activities, which can present our ideal and social ties.It is used frequently in the communication.According to different criteria, address forms can be divided into different classifications.They can be divided into: social titles, occupational titles, endearments, abusive terms,kinship terms etc.3.2.1.1 Female Social Titles upon Relationship with Male Mr、Miss and Mrs are used frequently when we refers to address someone in social communication.All adult men are called Mr, however women have different addressing terms after they get married.As we know, marriage and age is private.The title of Mrs indicates that women are reluctant to disclose his marriage condition, which is unfair to women.In addition to this ,when adapting the Mrs, her family names do not belong to her own ,but her husbands?.“Iron Lady” Margaret Thatcher and Nobel Prize Lady Marie Curie did not change this condition.These two famous persons still surbodinated to men.人們?cè)谏鐣?huì)交往中稱呼某個(gè)男性或女性個(gè)體時(shí)，最常使 用的是Mr、Miss 和Mrs。對(duì)所有成年男性都統(tǒng)稱為Mr，而對(duì)于 成年女性則有已婚和未婚的不同稱謂。眾所周知，婚姻和年齡 一直都是涉及到個(gè)人隱私的話題，而Mrs.這一稱謂公開宣布 了女性不愿意表明的婚姻狀況，讓女人永遠(yuǎn)都得不到和男人 能夠平起平坐的對(duì)待。更有甚者，當(dāng)使用Mrs.的時(shí)候，女性使 用的不是自己的姓氏，取而代之的是丈夫的姓，表明自己已經(jīng) 嫁給了某人，即使是一代名相“鐵娘子”撒切爾夫人和諾貝爾 物理獎(jiǎng)的居里夫人也沒有改變這種現(xiàn)象，這兩位女強(qiáng)人雖聞 名世界卻仍舊擺脫不了被的問題。這一語(yǔ)言現(xiàn)象正

是由于人們認(rèn)為男人是世界的主宰，而女人只是男人的附屬

3.2.1.2 Derogation of Female Honorific Titles

In the male-orienated society, people honor high stature to men solely, for instance chairman、spokesman and policeman.However when woman gets achievements in her career, she will be regarded as an example.Such as words, doctor、lawyer can both designate the same state or condition as it did for men.However,it is a convention for people classifying them into male-dominated society.for example, “master” and “mistress”.In an earlier society, master and mistress were simple male-female equivalents meaning “one who has control over or ownership of something or has control over another or others”.With the changing of society, “master” now generally refers to a man who has power over others or who has acquired skills in some field.But its feminine counterpart cannot be used in this way.It is practically restricted to its sense of “paramour”, a woman who a man has a sexual relationship with, but is not married to.For example, “He is a master of intricacies and academic politics”, and “Catherine declined to be his mistress, and returned to her husband”.3.2.1.3 Abusive Addressing Terms for Female

Abusive terms of address are unfriendly and insulting terms to address others;convey quite unpleasant affections.There are two major types of words that are most likely to serve as abusive addressing terms which females are humiliated.Examples of the first type are: “wanton” is used to address a woman who is immoral, lewd, and unchaste.The second type are associated with such words as ass, pig, rat, tigress, duckie, shrew, turkey, cow, goat which is closely connected with the figurative meanings of such foods, plants and animals.A.Foods The food terms have not escaped the process of derogation, which often associated with women show women?s passive image and subordinate status.The following are some examples: cheesecake—a picture of a naked lady;dumpling—short and fat women;mutton—indicating an elderly lady dressed up as a young girl in “mutton dressed(up)as lamb”;

sweet-pie—a mistress;tart—a prostitute or women behave frivolously or a woman considered to be sexually;B.Plants

Plants names are involved in addressing male or female.But the semantic prototype of male is a gigantic tree while that of female is flowers.Plants names are used to address females, they often have insulting meaning as follows: clinging vine—a woman who overly depends on a man emotionally;shrinking violet—a shy woman;wall flower—a woman who has no one to dance with.C.Animals

When you use an animal name for a female, usually they are smaller animals like “kitten”, “bunny”, “chick” which are more likely to become pejorative;and others like “chicken”, which more likely to acquire sexual suggestions.Male, however, are referred to as being a tiger, moose, or even as a bear to show aggressive masculine attribute and dominance to female.When you use an animal name for a female, usually they are smaller animals like “kitten”, “bunny”, “chick” which are more likely to become pejorative;and others like “chicken”, which more likely to acquire sexual suggestions.Male, however, are referred to as being a tiger, moose, or even as a bear to show aggressive masculine attribute and dominance to female.The following are examples:(a)For females bitch—a woman considered to be spiteful or overbearing or a lewd woman;butterfly—a showy or frivolous person(esp.a female);cat—a malicious or spiteful woman or an evil woman;chicken—prostitutes;(b)For males

goat—an old man who is sexually active or a lecherous man;loin—a brave, strong, or fiercely cruel person(usu.of males);tiger—a fierce, determined person(esp.males);wolf—a man given to paying unwanted sexual attention to women or a satyr.From the example discussed above, we could conclude that names of foods, plants and animals used to address female are sexist, because most of them humiliate female from the perspectives of appearance, personality and identity and meanwhile imply that female is inferior to male or easy to be obtained by male.4.Sexism in English proverbs

English proverbs reflect the social customs and cultural perceptions of the English-speaking countries.Since sexism is embodied in human culture, English proverbs unavoidably reflect sexist discrimination.This essay penetrates into sexism in English proverbs from three perspectives, namely status, personality flaws, and demands on women.4.1 Sexism in English proverb There are many proverbs that indicate women?s low condition in society and her vulnerability in family.The following examples are classified into three kinds a.Social status and family status Man, woman and devil are three degrees of comparison.(男人、女人和魔鬼，三個(gè)等級(jí)分貴賤。)If the husband be not at home, there is nobody.(丈 夫不在家，等于說沒人。)

A woman?s advice is never to seek.(女人的建議一文 不值。)A woman of no birth may marry into the purple.(夫榮 妻貴。)A woman, a dog and a walnut tree, the more you beat them, the better they?ll be.(拳腳之下出好妻，棍棒之下 有義犬，胡桃敲打多結(jié)果。)A man is a man though he have/has but a hose on his head.(家貧襪當(dāng)帽，仍是男子漢。)A man of straw is worth of a woman of gold.(稻草男 兒抵得上金玉女子。)A fair face is half a portion.(姿色顏，嫁妝半。)Since the acient time ,women were suppressed under the low social status and suffered a lot.They subordinated to men and acted as an animal for men beating.b.vulnerability characteristic(1)Women are fragile

Frailty , thy name is woman.(脆弱啊，你的名字是女 人。)Woman is made to weep.(女人生性愛流淚。)A woman and a glass are ever in danger.(女人易毀，玻璃易碎。)A woman is the weaker vessel.(女人是易碎的器皿。)It is no more pity to see a woman weep than to see a goose go bare foot.(女人哭如鵝光腳走路，根本不值得可憐。)(2)Women are changeable.A woman is a weather cock.(女人是風(fēng)向標(biāo)。)A winter weather and women’s thoughts change oft.(秋 天的云，女人的心—變化莫測(cè)。)Women are wavering as the wind.(女人心思猶如風(fēng)之多 變。)There’s nothing sooner dry than women’s tears.(什 么也沒有女人的眼淚干得快。)(3)Women are noisy and troublesome.A woman’s tongue is the last thing about her that dies.Where there are women and geese, there wants no noise.(哪有鵝和女人，哪不缺喧鬧聲)Foxes are all tail and women are all tongue.Three women and a goose make a market.(三個(gè)女人一只 鵝，市場(chǎng)里面鬧哄哄。)A woman’s tongue wags like a lamb’s tail.(女人饒 舌如同羔羊擺尾。)Words are women, deeds are men.（女人的嘴巴，男人的 行動(dòng)。）

(4)Women are deceptive, pretentious and evil.Every woman would rather be beautiful than good.(女 人愛美不重德。)Tell a woman she is fair, and she will soon turn fool.(跟女人講她長(zhǎng)得漂亮，很快她就會(huì)暈頭轉(zhuǎn)向。)Bad woman are worse than bad men.Trust not a woman, when she weeps.Bad women can do more than the devil.Women are the devil’s nets.(女人是萬惡之源。)There is no devil so bad as a she-devil.(魔鬼當(dāng)中女 人最壞。)3.Traditonal requirments The smell of an onion from the mouth of the lovely is sweeter than that of a rose in the hand of the ugly.(美女口中蔥蒜臭，勝過丑女手中玫瑰香。)Husbands are in heaven whose wives scold not.(老婆 不嘮叨，丈夫就像生活在天堂里。)A simple maiden in her flower is worth a hundred coats of arms.(正值芳齡的純潔少女值一百枚勛章。)Beauty without virtue is like a rose without scent.(美而無德猶如花無香味。)Silence is the best ornament of a woman.(女子文靜，不須治容。)Maidens should be mild and meek, swift to hear, and slow to speak.(少女尚溫柔，多聽慢開口。)Modesty is the ornament of women.(穩(wěn)重為婦女增美。)A good wife and health are a man’s best wealth.(賢 妻與健康是丈夫最佳財(cái)富。)從古至今，女性都處在被觀賞和被品位的地位，在男性占主 導(dǎo)的社會(huì)中，女性被要求既要上得廳堂，又要下得廚房，既要有 貌，又要有德，既要純潔，又要賢淑。

第四篇：理論政策

全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)

小康社會(huì)概念

“小康社會(huì)”是由鄧小平在20世紀(jì)70年代末80年代初在規(guī)劃中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展藍(lán)圖時(shí)提出的戰(zhàn)略構(gòu)想。隨著中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義建設(shè)事業(yè)的深入，其內(nèi)涵和意義不斷地得到豐富和發(fā)展。在20世紀(jì)末基本實(shí)現(xiàn)“小康”的情況下，中共十六大報(bào)告明確提出了“全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)”。

全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)的五點(diǎn)要求

十七大報(bào)告對(duì)全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)奮斗目標(biāo)實(shí)現(xiàn)后的愿景提出了新要求，第一次向世界莊嚴(yán)宣告社會(huì)主義的中國(guó)要在五個(gè)方面成為對(duì)人類文明作出更大貢獻(xiàn)的國(guó)家。胡錦濤同志指出:到二二年全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)目標(biāo)實(shí)現(xiàn)之時(shí)，我們這個(gè)歷史悠久的文明古國(guó)和發(fā)展中社會(huì)主義大國(guó)，一是將成為工業(yè)化基本實(shí)現(xiàn)、綜合國(guó)力顯著增強(qiáng)、國(guó)內(nèi)市場(chǎng)總體規(guī)模位居世界前列的國(guó)家；二是成為人民富裕程度普遍提高、生活質(zhì)量明顯改善、生態(tài)環(huán)境良好的國(guó)家；三是成為人民享有更加充分民主權(quán)利、具有更高文明素質(zhì)和精神追求的國(guó)家；四是成為各方面制度更加完善、社會(huì)更加充滿活力而又安定團(tuán)結(jié)的國(guó)家；五是成為對(duì)外更加開放、更加具有親和力、為人類文明作出更大貢獻(xiàn)的國(guó)家。這既是復(fù)興中國(guó)的一個(gè)宣言，同時(shí)也是對(duì)我們國(guó)家要建設(shè)成為一個(gè)什么樣的社會(huì)主義國(guó)家的認(rèn)識(shí)的豐富和發(fā)展，因而也是中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義理論的重要豐富和發(fā)展。

全面建設(shè)小康社會(huì)的目標(biāo)是：

在優(yōu)化結(jié)構(gòu)和提高效益的基礎(chǔ)上，國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值到二0二0年力爭(zhēng)比二000年翻兩番，綜合國(guó)力和國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力明顯增強(qiáng)?；緦?shí)現(xiàn)工業(yè)化，建成完善的社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)體制和更具活力、更加開放的經(jīng)濟(jì)體系。城鎮(zhèn)人口的比重較大幅度提高，工農(nóng)差別、城鄉(xiāng)差別和地區(qū)差別擴(kuò)大的趨勢(shì)逐步扭轉(zhuǎn)。社會(huì)保障體系比較健全，社會(huì)就業(yè)比較充分，家庭財(cái)產(chǎn)普遍增加，人民過上更加富足的生活。

社會(huì)主義民主更加完善，社會(huì)主義法制更加完備，依法治國(guó)基本方略得到全面落實(shí)，人民的政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和文化權(quán)益得到切實(shí)尊重和保障?；鶎用裰鞲咏∪?，社會(huì)秩序良好，人民安居樂業(yè)。

全民族的思想道德素質(zhì)、科學(xué)文化素質(zhì)和健康素質(zhì)明顯提高，形成比較完善的現(xiàn)代國(guó)民教育體系、科技和文化創(chuàng)新體系、全民健身和醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生體系。人民享有接受良好教育的機(jī)會(huì)，基本普及高中階段教育，消除文盲。形成全民學(xué)習(xí)、終身學(xué)習(xí)的學(xué)習(xí)型社會(huì)，促進(jìn)人的全面發(fā)展。

可持續(xù)發(fā)展能力不斷增強(qiáng)，生態(tài)環(huán)境得到改善，資源利用效率顯著提高，促進(jìn)人與自然的和諧，推動(dòng)整個(gè)社會(huì)走上生產(chǎn)發(fā)展、生活富裕、生態(tài)良好的文明發(fā)展道路

第五篇：現(xiàn)代金融理論與政策

近年來，在統(tǒng)籌城鄉(xiāng)發(fā)展、應(yīng)對(duì)金融危機(jī)、擴(kuò)大農(nóng)村需求背景下，為有效提升農(nóng)村金融服務(wù)質(zhì)量，國(guó)家先后頒發(fā)并實(shí)施了一系列針對(duì)農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)的扶持政策。2010年5月13日，財(cái)政部、國(guó)家稅務(wù)總局下發(fā)?關(guān)于農(nóng)村金融有關(guān)稅收政策的通知?（財(cái)稅[2010]4號(hào)），6月2日，財(cái)政部又印發(fā)了?中央財(cái)政農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)定向費(fèi)用補(bǔ)貼資金管理暫行辦法?（財(cái)金[2010]42號(hào)），標(biāo)志著我國(guó)農(nóng)村金融稅收扶持進(jìn)入一個(gè)新階段。筆者通過對(duì)廣西玉林農(nóng)村信用社（以下簡(jiǎn)稱農(nóng)信社）的調(diào)查發(fā)現(xiàn)，政策出臺(tái)后效應(yīng)逐步凸顯，但也存在一些問題，亟待進(jìn)一步完善。

農(nóng)村金融扶持政策存在問題

部分政策存在明顯的臨時(shí)性特征，而且優(yōu)惠數(shù)額有限。如財(cái)政部?關(guān)于呆賬核銷和貸款自主核銷政策?，僅局限于2008年1月1日至2010年12月31日；現(xiàn)行免收農(nóng)信社銀行業(yè)監(jiān)管費(fèi)政策2010年到期；“對(duì)金融機(jī)構(gòu)農(nóng)戶小額貸款的利息收入，免征營(yíng)業(yè)稅”、“對(duì)金融機(jī)構(gòu)農(nóng)戶小額貸款的利息收入在計(jì)算應(yīng)納稅所得額時(shí)，按90%計(jì)入收入總額”僅自2009年1月1日至2013年12月31日?qǐng)?zhí)行；“金融保險(xiǎn)業(yè)收入減按3%的稅率征收營(yíng)業(yè)稅”僅限于2009年1月1日至2011年12月31日等等。筆者在廣西玉林農(nóng)信社調(diào)查時(shí)發(fā)現(xiàn)，由于上述政策臨時(shí)性特征比較濃重，短期內(nèi)對(duì)農(nóng)信社實(shí)際上是“優(yōu)而不惠”，同時(shí)，由于缺乏長(zhǎng)期激勵(lì)作用，最終弱化了政策效應(yīng)。部分政策尚在試點(diǎn)中或存在局限，受惠面有限。如涉農(nóng)貸款增量獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)政策，2009年僅在黑龍江、山東、河南、湖南、新疆、云南省等6個(gè)?。▍^(qū)）試點(diǎn)，2010年則擴(kuò)大將江蘇、安徽、內(nèi)蒙古3?。▍^(qū)）納入政策試點(diǎn)范圍。由于廣西尚未列入試點(diǎn)范圍，玉林農(nóng)信社2009年新增涉農(nóng)貸款20.89億元?jiǎng)t無法獲得獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。又如農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)定向費(fèi)用補(bǔ)貼主要針對(duì)村鎮(zhèn)銀行、貸款公司、農(nóng)村資金互助社三類農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)而言，顯然對(duì)同樣是服務(wù)農(nóng)村且服務(wù)時(shí)間更長(zhǎng)、遺留歷史問題更多的農(nóng)信社、農(nóng)村合作銀行不公平。廣西屬于西部地區(qū)，為穩(wěn)步擴(kuò)大農(nóng)村金融服務(wù)覆蓋面、促進(jìn)農(nóng)村金融體系建設(shè)，農(nóng)信社主動(dòng)填補(bǔ)農(nóng)村金融服務(wù)空白，截至2010年6月末，玉林轄區(qū)共有523個(gè)網(wǎng)點(diǎn)，其中三分之二以上網(wǎng)點(diǎn)在農(nóng)村，覆蓋了轄區(qū)全部鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)和部分村（屯），農(nóng)信社也為此支付了較高的經(jīng)濟(jì)成本，卻不被列入中央財(cái)政農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)定向費(fèi)用補(bǔ)貼范圍。

部分政策缺乏細(xì)則與整合，影響了執(zhí)行效果。一是對(duì)有關(guān)概念內(nèi)涵與外延缺乏科學(xué)的界定，容易造成執(zhí)行的混亂。如關(guān)于涉農(nóng)貸款，在損失準(zhǔn)備金稅前扣除政策中，特指?涉農(nóng)貸款專項(xiàng)統(tǒng)計(jì)制度?（銀發(fā)[2007]246號(hào)）統(tǒng)計(jì)的農(nóng)戶貸款、農(nóng)村企業(yè)及各類組織貸款；但在貸款增量獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)政策中，涉農(nóng)貸款特指縣域金融機(jī)構(gòu)發(fā)放的，支持農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)、農(nóng)村建設(shè)和農(nóng)民生產(chǎn)生活的貸款，具體統(tǒng)計(jì)口徑以?中國(guó)人民銀行中國(guó)銀行業(yè)監(jiān)督管理委員會(huì)關(guān)于建立?涉農(nóng)貸款專項(xiàng)統(tǒng)計(jì)制度?的通知?（銀發(fā)?2007?246號(hào)）規(guī)定為準(zhǔn)；根據(jù)銀發(fā)?2007?246號(hào)文件，涉農(nóng)貸款除了農(nóng)村貸款（農(nóng)戶貸款、農(nóng)村企業(yè)及各類組織貸款）外，還包括城市企業(yè)及各類組織涉農(nóng)貸款。二是部分兌付、獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)條件設(shè)臵籠統(tǒng)；部分審查、審批程序復(fù)雜，各部門理解不一致，反復(fù)較多、執(zhí)行成本較高。這些皆會(huì)影響到農(nóng)村金融業(yè)務(wù)的引導(dǎo)與激勵(lì)政策的有效實(shí)施。

部分政策設(shè)臵門檻太高，影響了農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)的積極性。如縣域金融機(jī)構(gòu)涉農(nóng)貸款增量獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)工作和農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)定向費(fèi)用補(bǔ)貼工作都強(qiáng)調(diào)遵循政府扶持、商業(yè)運(yùn)作、風(fēng)險(xiǎn)可控、管理到位的基本原則，設(shè)臵了一系列的條件。筆者調(diào)查發(fā)現(xiàn)，由于兩個(gè)政策同時(shí)設(shè)計(jì)了與貸款增長(zhǎng)、不良貸款率掛鉤兩個(gè)門檻，同時(shí)由于農(nóng)村金融成本高、效率低、成本高的特點(diǎn)，這樣的制度安排對(duì)金融機(jī)構(gòu)支持“三農(nóng)”發(fā)展和提升農(nóng)村金融服務(wù)質(zhì)量、水平缺乏足夠的吸引力。

針對(duì)農(nóng)村合作金融機(jī)構(gòu)的政策扶持力度有待進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)。農(nóng)信社立足城鄉(xiāng)，經(jīng)營(yíng)歷史悠久，網(wǎng)點(diǎn)和員工數(shù)量眾多，與農(nóng)戶關(guān)系密切，是農(nóng)村金融事實(shí)的主力軍和聯(lián)系農(nóng)民的金融紐帶。以玉林為例，農(nóng)信社的貸款市場(chǎng)份額達(dá)47%，“三農(nóng)”貸款市場(chǎng)份額達(dá)95%；自2006年以來，轄內(nèi)9家縣級(jí)農(nóng)村信用聯(lián)社的貸款市場(chǎng)份額均排當(dāng)?shù)劂y行業(yè)金融機(jī)構(gòu)首位。國(guó)家從資金、財(cái)政、稅收和利率等方面給予農(nóng)信社有力的政策扶持，對(duì)化解歷史包袱、改善財(cái)務(wù)狀況起到了重大的作用；但對(duì)農(nóng)信社改革，在資金扶持?jǐn)?shù)量和支持方式方面，仍存在一些問題。一是資金扶持力度有待加強(qiáng)。一方面，農(nóng)信社長(zhǎng)期以來信貸資產(chǎn)質(zhì)量和統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)不實(shí)，根據(jù)2002年年末全國(guó)農(nóng)信社報(bào)表而計(jì)算的資不抵債金額偏小，并不是真實(shí)的損失數(shù)量；另一方面，對(duì)改革試點(diǎn)地區(qū)農(nóng)信社的一半損失，短期內(nèi)靠地方和自身顯然是無法彌補(bǔ)的。二是資金支持方式有待完善。與慷慨支持國(guó)有商業(yè)銀行改革方式大為不同，對(duì)農(nóng)信社改革在資金扶持上采取了近于苛刻的“花錢買機(jī)制”方式，力求促進(jìn)改革措施的真正到位。但由于資金扶持條件的有限性和轉(zhuǎn)制期限的倉(cāng)促性，致使“花錢買機(jī)制”短期內(nèi)難以實(shí)現(xiàn)預(yù)期的理論效果。在這種情況下，資金扶持政策不到位，“輸血”數(shù)量不足，歷史包袱得不到有效解決，不僅無法強(qiáng)化農(nóng)信社支持“三農(nóng)”的金融服務(wù)功能，而且在日趨激烈的金融市場(chǎng)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)中，農(nóng)信社處于十分不利的地位。以玉林農(nóng)信社為例，雖然獲得15.39億元的央行票據(jù)扶持，但由于歷史包袱沉重，不良貸款占比仍較高、資本充足率較低，直到2008年年末才全部消化歷年虧損掛賬，而且存貸比例一直較高，部分縣級(jí)機(jī)構(gòu)甚至高達(dá)80%，資金實(shí)力和支持“三農(nóng)”的能力受到極大影響。

完善我國(guó)農(nóng)村金融扶持政策的建議

為促進(jìn)農(nóng)村金融的發(fā)展，很多國(guó)家已經(jīng)在農(nóng)村金融扶持體系建設(shè)方面進(jìn)行了長(zhǎng)期的探索和實(shí)踐，積累了許多有益的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。國(guó)際經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明，給予農(nóng)村金融政策扶持是推動(dòng)農(nóng)村金融改革發(fā)展必不可少的措施。結(jié)合我國(guó)的國(guó)情，應(yīng)充分借鑒國(guó)外經(jīng)驗(yàn)，建立完善符合我國(guó)實(shí)情的農(nóng)村金融扶持政策，推動(dòng)金融資源要素向“三農(nóng)”有效配臵。遵循“普惠制”原則，進(jìn)一步提高財(cái)稅優(yōu)惠政策的覆蓋范圍和力度。運(yùn)用財(cái)稅政策支持農(nóng)村金融發(fā)展是各國(guó)普遍的實(shí)踐，我國(guó)也出臺(tái)了多項(xiàng)優(yōu)惠政策給予扶持，但政策的有機(jī)契合不夠。因此，應(yīng)遵循“普惠制”原則，“加快財(cái)稅政策與農(nóng)村金融政策的有效銜接”，在政策支持方向、力度和政策結(jié)合方式、時(shí)機(jī)等方面形成合力。要探索多樣化“財(cái)稅+金融”的政策銜接方式，綜合運(yùn)用貸款貼息、擔(dān)保、稅收減免、費(fèi)用補(bǔ)貼等財(cái)稅杠桿和支農(nóng)再貸款、存款準(zhǔn)備金率、貸款利率等貨幣政策工具，同時(shí)要發(fā)揮好市場(chǎng)準(zhǔn)入、金融監(jiān)管、地方支持等各項(xiàng)政策的作用，探索更為有效的多樣化的金融支農(nóng)政策手段。一是適當(dāng)?shù)亩愂諆?yōu)惠。遵循“普惠制”原則，對(duì)達(dá)到一定支農(nóng)要求的金融機(jī)構(gòu)給予相應(yīng)的所得稅和營(yíng)業(yè)稅優(yōu)惠。二是擴(kuò)大農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)定向補(bǔ)貼范圍。對(duì)凡是在農(nóng)村設(shè)立網(wǎng)點(diǎn)的金融機(jī)構(gòu)都給予一定的費(fèi)用補(bǔ)貼，補(bǔ)償農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)運(yùn)營(yíng)成本。特別是要加大對(duì)中西部地區(qū)、老少邊窮地區(qū)等農(nóng)民需要卻達(dá)不到規(guī)模效益的農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)網(wǎng)點(diǎn)的財(cái)政彌補(bǔ)力度。三是進(jìn)一步加大對(duì)縣域機(jī)構(gòu)發(fā)放涉農(nóng)貸款的獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。盡快在全國(guó)范圍內(nèi)推廣涉農(nóng)貸款獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)試點(diǎn)經(jīng)驗(yàn)，并不斷提高獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。首先從理論層面對(duì)涉農(nóng)貸款的內(nèi)涵、外延及特征進(jìn)行科學(xué)界定，解決不同的扶持政策對(duì)涉農(nóng)貸款不同的解釋問題；其次剖析在落實(shí)涉農(nóng)貸款增量獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)政策中的操作障礙及其根源，進(jìn)而規(guī)范各類金融機(jī)構(gòu)有關(guān)涉農(nóng)貸款增量獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)申報(bào)、確認(rèn)制度；再次要提高獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。四是結(jié)合“進(jìn)一步完善縣域內(nèi)銀行業(yè)金融機(jī)構(gòu)新吸收存款主要用于當(dāng)?shù)匕l(fā)放貸款政策”要求，將財(cái)政、公共性資金存款優(yōu)先向支農(nóng)力度大的金融機(jī)構(gòu)傾斜。建議市、縣兩級(jí)財(cái)政部門按“存貸同比”原則，即按各金融機(jī)構(gòu)涉農(nóng)貸款的占比調(diào)配相應(yīng)的財(cái)政性存款份額，調(diào)動(dòng)各金融機(jī)構(gòu)支農(nóng)的積極性。五是建立涉農(nóng)貸款項(xiàng)目的配套機(jī)制。財(cái)政安排專項(xiàng)資金專門用于涉農(nóng)貸款貼息和資金配套，降低單獨(dú)由政策性貸款和商業(yè)性貸款支持的涉農(nóng)貸款項(xiàng)目風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，提高金融機(jī)構(gòu)的支農(nóng)積極性。六是實(shí)行涉農(nóng)貸款利息補(bǔ)貼和儲(chǔ)蓄存款免繳利息稅制度，使利率由金融手段轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)樨?cái)政金融綜合手段，促進(jìn)農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展和農(nóng)民收入的增加。

遵循“尊重歷史，正視現(xiàn)實(shí)”原則，在健全農(nóng)村金融組織體系的同時(shí)，突出抓好農(nóng)村合作金融機(jī)構(gòu)的政策扶持。一是對(duì)按照服務(wù)“三農(nóng)”原則設(shè)立的農(nóng)信社、農(nóng)村合作銀行、農(nóng)村商業(yè)銀行，統(tǒng)一享受政策優(yōu)惠和行業(yè)監(jiān)管。目前，農(nóng)信社改革總體方向是按照市場(chǎng)原則、堅(jiān)持股份制方向，“力爭(zhēng)用5到10年時(shí)間把農(nóng)信社分期分批辦成產(chǎn)權(quán)明晰、經(jīng)營(yíng)有特色的現(xiàn)代金融企業(yè)?！钡捎谵r(nóng)村商業(yè)銀行無法和農(nóng)信社、農(nóng)村合作銀行享受一樣的優(yōu)惠政策，也影響了農(nóng)信社和農(nóng)村合作銀行“變身”農(nóng)村商業(yè)銀行的積極性。二是逐步取消各種制約農(nóng)村合作金融機(jī)構(gòu)的政策障礙。如近年來全國(guó)新型農(nóng)村社會(huì)養(yǎng)老保險(xiǎn)試點(diǎn)工作扎實(shí)有序推進(jìn)，而農(nóng)信社卻由于政策障礙無緣代理“新農(nóng)?！被鹳~戶，從而影響了“新農(nóng)保”業(yè)務(wù)在農(nóng)村產(chǎn)生更大的社會(huì)效益。三是繼續(xù)延長(zhǎng)稅收優(yōu)惠政策。應(yīng)結(jié)合農(nóng)信社歷史包袱沉重、支農(nóng)實(shí)力受限等特點(diǎn)，延長(zhǎng)農(nóng)信社稅收優(yōu)惠政策。四是支持農(nóng)信社消化歷史包袱，解決農(nóng)信社由于體制、歷史等因素形成的大量不良資產(chǎn)問題，補(bǔ)償其為農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展付出的代價(jià)。建議采取的方式包括：按照“實(shí)事求是”的原則增加對(duì)農(nóng)信社的資金扶持，同時(shí)減少設(shè)臵各種門檻和條件；把不良資產(chǎn)的清理責(zé)任按屬地劃分落實(shí)給各級(jí)政府，清理收回的資金作為當(dāng)?shù)剞r(nóng)業(yè)貸款的擔(dān)?；?；采取市場(chǎng)化的方式，結(jié)合改制農(nóng)村商業(yè)銀行目標(biāo)，通過溢價(jià)募股的方式解決部分不良資產(chǎn)。

針對(duì)農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)的特殊情況，實(shí)行差別的貨幣、監(jiān)管政策。一是實(shí)行差別的存款準(zhǔn)備金政策。對(duì)涉農(nóng)貸款占比高的縣域金融機(jī)構(gòu)，繼續(xù)適度調(diào)低存款準(zhǔn)備金率，鼓勵(lì)其增加涉農(nóng)貸款投放。二是在貸款規(guī)模和再貸款方面給予一定優(yōu)惠。在信貸總量調(diào)控過程中，對(duì)涉農(nóng)貸款規(guī)模給予一定傾斜，特別是對(duì)農(nóng)戶貸款規(guī)模實(shí)行單列。三是實(shí)行差別的信貸監(jiān)管政策。針對(duì)“三農(nóng)”客戶貸款“短、小、頻、急”的特點(diǎn)，允許農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)在信貸管理、產(chǎn)品創(chuàng)新、流程改進(jìn)、風(fēng)險(xiǎn)控制上進(jìn)行探索創(chuàng)新，在新產(chǎn)品審批、推廣等方面給予支持。四是實(shí)行差別的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)問責(zé)、呆賬核銷等監(jiān)管政策，對(duì)涉農(nóng)貸款中的不良貸款單獨(dú)考核。簡(jiǎn)化核銷程序，適當(dāng)擴(kuò)大農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)核銷呆賬優(yōu)惠政策的貸款時(shí)間范圍，并給予農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)呆賬核銷等更大的權(quán)限。五是進(jìn)一步建立完善金融機(jī)構(gòu)支農(nóng)服務(wù)在網(wǎng)點(diǎn)、服務(wù)、貸款等方面覆蓋程度監(jiān)管考核與評(píng)價(jià)體系。出臺(tái)縣域內(nèi)金融機(jī)構(gòu)新吸收存款主要用于當(dāng)?shù)氐目己藱C(jī)制，確保持續(xù)穩(wěn)定增加對(duì)“三農(nóng)”的信貸投放。設(shè)立適應(yīng)“三農(nóng)”業(yè)務(wù)特點(diǎn)的考核監(jiān)管指標(biāo)，充分考慮涉農(nóng)業(yè)務(wù)收益較低的特點(diǎn)，避免在考核上挫傷金融機(jī)構(gòu)支持“三農(nóng)”發(fā)展的積極性。

針對(duì)農(nóng)業(yè)天然弱質(zhì)性特點(diǎn)，建立多層次的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)分擔(dān)機(jī)制。農(nóng)業(yè)具有天然弱質(zhì)性，基礎(chǔ)農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)必須承受自然災(zāi)害所帶來的歉收以至絕收風(fēng)險(xiǎn)?，F(xiàn)階段，由于農(nóng)村金融風(fēng)險(xiǎn)分擔(dān)機(jī)制不健全，“三農(nóng)”客戶一旦遭遇風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，基本上由銀行獨(dú)自承擔(dān)，這是 “三農(nóng)”金融服務(wù)緩慢發(fā)展的重要原因之一。必須通過加快農(nóng)業(yè)保險(xiǎn)、擔(dān)保發(fā)展，建立巨災(zāi)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)分散機(jī)制等。一是加快推進(jìn)農(nóng)業(yè)保險(xiǎn)建設(shè)。積極擴(kuò)大農(nóng)業(yè)保險(xiǎn)保費(fèi)補(bǔ)貼品種和區(qū)域覆蓋范圍；對(duì)開展農(nóng)業(yè)保險(xiǎn)的商業(yè)性保險(xiǎn)公司給予相應(yīng)補(bǔ)貼，健全農(nóng)業(yè)再保險(xiǎn)體系，建立財(cái)政支持的巨災(zāi)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)分散機(jī)制；探索農(nóng)村信貸和農(nóng)業(yè)保險(xiǎn)的合作機(jī)制，完善涉農(nóng)貸款風(fēng)險(xiǎn)轉(zhuǎn)移分?jǐn)倷C(jī)制。二是完善“三農(nóng)”擔(dān)保機(jī)制，切實(shí)解決“三農(nóng)”客戶融資擔(dān)保難的“瓶頸”問題。探索建立政府支持、企業(yè)和銀行多方參與的政策性、商業(yè)性、行業(yè)性、互助性等多元化的農(nóng)村信貸擔(dān)保體系，合理分散和轉(zhuǎn)移農(nóng)村金融業(yè)務(wù)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)；擴(kuò)大農(nóng)村抵押擔(dān)保范圍，包括發(fā)展林權(quán)、大型農(nóng)機(jī)設(shè)備、土地經(jīng)營(yíng)權(quán)等抵押和推動(dòng)動(dòng)產(chǎn)擔(dān)保。

針對(duì)農(nóng)村金融保障機(jī)制不健全的情況，加強(qiáng)農(nóng)村金融市場(chǎng)環(huán)境建設(shè)。一是加強(qiáng)農(nóng)村金融立法、執(zhí)法工作。美國(guó)、日本、印度等國(guó)家都有比較完善的關(guān)于農(nóng)業(yè)金融的法律體系。我國(guó)目前只有?商業(yè)銀行法?，沒有針對(duì)農(nóng)村金融機(jī)構(gòu)的法律，應(yīng)考慮制定專門的農(nóng)村金融促進(jìn)法和監(jiān)管法。二是加快農(nóng)村金融基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)。穩(wěn)步推進(jìn)農(nóng)戶電子信用檔案建立和農(nóng)戶信用評(píng)價(jià)工作，抓緊建立覆蓋全國(guó)農(nóng)村地區(qū)的企業(yè)、個(gè)人征信系統(tǒng)，完善失信懲戒制度，提高違約成本。三是促進(jìn)農(nóng)村產(chǎn)權(quán)市場(chǎng)發(fā)展。加快農(nóng)村各類可流轉(zhuǎn)資產(chǎn)權(quán)益的確權(quán)、頒證進(jìn)度，完善市場(chǎng)化流轉(zhuǎn)的制度安排，培育交易流轉(zhuǎn)平臺(tái)和機(jī)構(gòu)，建立有農(nóng)村特點(diǎn)的物權(quán)、產(chǎn)權(quán)價(jià)格形成機(jī)制，有力促進(jìn)農(nóng)村資產(chǎn)和權(quán)益合法、有序地轉(zhuǎn)化為可交易金融資產(chǎn)。